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Columbia  SEnibersitg 

STUDIES  IN  BOMANCE  PHILOLOGY 
AND  LITERATUBE 


CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 
(1612-1555) 


777^ 
CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE 

(1512-1556) 


BY 

CAROLINE   RUUTZ-REES,   Ph.D. 


1^^^^ 


THE  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
1910 

All  rights  reserved 


COPTBIGUT,    1910, 

By  the  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY   PEE88. 
Set  up  and  electrotyped.     Published  November,  1910^ 


J.  8.  Gushing  Co.  —  Berwick  <fe  Smith  Co. 
Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

This  book  attempts  to  give  some  account  of 
the  life  of  one  of  the  lesser  men  of  letters 
of  the  early  Renaissance,  and  to  describe  and 
estimate  the  value  of  his  work.  Such  a  study 
should  incidentally  throw  light  upon  certain 
aspects  of  an  important  period,  and  it  is  hoped 
that  this  also  may  have  been  here  accomplished. 

The  preparation  of  the  bibliography  of  such 
a  subject  is  beset  with  some  difficulty.  If  com- 
piled to  cover  only  works  treating  of  the  sub- 
ject of  the  biography,  its  extreme  paucity  would 
be  misleading ;  if  designed  to  apply  more  ex- 
tensively to  the  period  involved,  it  should 
include  the  work  of  practically  all  contempo- 
raries, and  all  modern  studies  upon  each  of 
these.  I  have  taken  refuge  in  a  third  alterna- 
tive which  I  hope  will  prove  more  or  less 
satisfactory.  Without  attempting  anything  so 
ambitious  as  a  complete  bibliography  of  the 
period  involved,  1530  —  say  —  to  1550,  I  have 
included  the  work  of  such  contemporaries  and 
such  modern  studies  as  I  have  myself  found 

T 


vi  PREFACE 

useful  in  forming  a  conception  of  the  state  of 
letters,  taste,  and  opinion  during  those  years. 

Another  difficulty  confronting  the  student 
of  a  French  subject  in  the  first  half  of  the 
sixteenth  century  concerns  the  spelling,  accen- 
tuation, and  punctuation  of  his  author.  Here 
I  have  somewhat  sacrificed  exactness  to  con- 
venience. I  have  left  Sainte-Marthe's  French 
and  Latin  spelling  in  the  main  intact,  only 
substituting  v  for  u  and  j  for  i  in  the  French, 
and  resolving  the  abbreviations  in  both  the 
French  and  Latin  quotations.  In  the  matter 
of  diacritical  marks,  I  have  made  no  changes 
except  to  rectify  obvious  error,  or  to  make  my 
author  consistent  within  a  given  work  in  the 
case  of  words  of  extremely  frequent  occurrence, 
as  d,  preposition  or  verb,  or  the  feminine  past 
participle  in  Se.  Inconsistencies  less  conspicu- 
ous I  have  left  untouched.  In  the  case  of  the 
Funeral  Oration  on  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  where 
my  references  are  to  its  reprint  by  Leroux  de 
Lincy  and  Montaiglon,  I  have  naturally  fol- 
lowed those  editors.  In  the  matter  of  punctua- 
tion, which  in  Sainte  Marthe's  work  is  extremely 
erratic,  I  have  been  less  conservative  and  have 
made  changes  when  the  sense  seemed  to  require 
it.  With  every  care,  I  have  doubtless  not 
avoided  all  inexactness  in  quotation  and  refer- 


PREFACE  Tii 

ence.  Where  this  occurs,  I  hope  that  ray 
distance  from  the  documents  and  my  necessary 
dependence  upon  others  for  verification  and 
reference  may  secure  the  indulgence  of  my 
readers. 

Undertaken  as  part  of  the  requirement  for  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  in  Columbia 
University,  my  work  has  been  carried  on  under 
the  helpful  and  stimulating  supervision  of 
Professor  Adolphe  Cohn,  to  whom  I  can  never 
sufficiently  express  my  gratitude,  not  only  for 
patient  and  suggestive  counsel  in  matters  of 
method  and  style,  but  for  that  awakening  of 
the  mind  to  the  true  value  of  scholarship  which 
lays  a  student  under  the  profoundest  obligation 
he  can  acknowledge.  Only  second  is  my  in- 
debtedness to  Professor  Abel  Lefranc  of  the 
College  de  France,  who  suggested  to  me  the 
subject  of  this  study.  Apart  from  the  debt 
which  every  student  who  concerns  himself  with 
the  earlier  French  Renaissance  owes  to  the 
highest  authority  on  his  subject,  I  have  to 
express  my  gratitude  not  only  for  some  valuable 
indications  of  sources,  but  for  a  personal  inter- 
est and  encouragement  which  has  never  ceased 
since  I  first  undertook  the  subject  while  a 
student  in  Professor  Lefranc's  course  on  the 
Literary  History  of  the  Renaissance  at  the  Ecole 


viU  PREFACE 

des  Hautes  Etudes.  I  desire  also  to  express 
my  obligation  to  Professor  H.  A.  Todd  and 
to  Professor  C.  H.  Page  of  Columbia  Uni- 
versity for  much  kind  help  and  criticism ;  to 
my  friend,  Miss  M.  E.  Lowndes,  author  of 
Michel  de  Montaigne,  for  valuable  aid;  to  Dr. 
John  L.  Gerig  of  Columbia  University,  who 
placed  at  my  disposal  an  unpublished  letter 
of  much  importance  to  my  subject  and  has 
aided  me  with  advice ;  to  M.  Arthur  Labb6 
of  Chatellerault,  who  generously  allowed  me 
the  use  of  a  valuable  book  from  his  library ; 
to  Mr.  Rupert  Taylor,  who  helped  me  with 
researches  in  the  library  of  Columbia  Univer- 
sity ;  and  to  my  fellow-students  at  the  Ecole 
des  Hautes  Etudes  in  1906-7  for  helpful  sug- 
gestions. Finally,  I  would  acknowledge  the 
kindness  of  M.  N.  Weiss,  director  of  the  Bi- 
bliotheque  de  la  Societe  du  Protestantisme  fran- 
Qais,  who  gave  me  personal  help  in  my  researches 
in  that  library,  and  the  courtesy  and  helpful- 
ness of  the  officials  of  those  other  libraries 
where  most  of  my  work  has  been  done,  —  the 
Bibliotheque  Nationale,  the  Bibliotheque  Maza- 
rine, the  Bibliotheque  de  I'Arsenal,  the  Bi- 
bliotheque de  r Institute,  and  the  Columbia 
University  Library  in  New  York. 


INTRODUCTORY 

The  name  of  Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe  is 
little  known  to  the  student  of  French  literature, 
even  to  the  student  of  the  French  Renaissance. 
A  modern  writer  on  the  subject,  acknowledging 
Sainte-Marthe  as  "a  scholar  and  religious  re- 
former of  some  note,"  dismisses  him  as  "a  bad 
poet  and  a  tiresome  prose  writer."*  The  first 
half  of  this  condemnation  is  undeniably  justified, 
but  the  second  point  is  more  open  to  question, 
and  it  will  be  in  part  the  object  of  this  study  to 
show  that  Sainte-Marthe's  two  funeral  orations, 
on  the  Queen  of  Navarre  and  on  the  Duchess 
of  Beaumont,  entitle  their  author  to  some  con- 
sideration as  a  graceful  contributor  to  French 
prose  in  its  formative  stages.  Still,  it  remains 
doubtful  whether  either  his  performance  in  this 
regard,  or  his  somewhat  overloaded  Latin  para- 
phrases of  Psalms,  are  of  sufficient  value  to  war- 

^  Tilley,  The  Literature  of  the  French  Renaissance  ,Vol.  I, 
p.  92. 

ix 


X  INTRODUCTORY 

rant  detailed  study  of  Sainte-Marthe's  life  and 
work.  It  is  rather  to  his  place  in  the  history  of 
literary  modes  that  his  biographer  must  look  for 
justification.  A  devoted  follower  of  Marot,  Sainte- 
Marthe  yet  anticipated  the  poets  of  the  Pleiade 
in  several  respects,  notably  in  response  to  the 
Petrarchistic  influence,  of  which  he  was  one  of 
the  earliest  exponents.  And  if  he  anticipated 
the  Pleiade  here,  he  may  be  said  also  to  have 
forestalled  the  Lyonnese  school  in  expression  of 
that  Platonism  which  he  shared  in  common  with 
them  and  which  was  so  essential  a  part  of  Pe- 
trarchism  during  the  first  ten  years  of  its  exist- 
ence in  France.  Since  his  Poesie  Frangoise  was 
published  in  1540,  when  Sceve's  Delie,  usually 
regarded  as  the  first-fruits  of  the  Lyonnese 
school  and  of  Platonism  in  France,  was  still 
circulating  in  manuscript  among  the  author's 
friends,  he  may  be  regarded  as  a  forerunner 
rather  than  as  a  member  of  the  poetic  group 
which  gave  Lyons  its  particular  place  in  the  lit- 
erary history  of  the  French  Renaissance.  Such, 
briefly,  are  the  particulars  upon  which  must  rest 
Sainte-Marthe's  claim  to  a  place  in  the  history 
of  French  literature. 


INTRODUCTORY  jd 

The  chief  sources  of  his  biography,  apart  from 
his  own  works,  are  a  family  genealogy  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  Genealogie  de  la  Maison 
de  Sainte-Marthe,  and  Scevole  de  Sainte-Marthe's 
Gallorum  Dodrina  illustrium  .  .  .  Elogia}  Colle- 
tet's  Ms.  Vies  des  poetes  frangois  contains  a  not 
very  illuminating  "life";  Goujet's  Bibliotheque 
frangoise  devotes  some  pages  to  him,  and  there 
are  slight  notices  of  him  in  the  dictionaries  of 
Du  Verdier  and  La  Croix  du  Maine,  of  Moreri, 
and  of  Lelong.  Niceron,  Odolant  Desnos,  Dreux 
du  Radier  and  Breghot  du  Lut  give  brief  biog- 
raphies of  varying  accuracy;  the  Biographie 
Universelle,  the  Nouvelle  Biographie  Generale, 
and  above  all,  Haag  freres'  La  France  Protes- 
tante,  have  useful  notices.  A  more  extended,  if 
not  wholly  reliable,  biography,  is  to  be  found  in 
a  recent  book  by  P.  de  Longuemare  —  Une  fa- 
mille  d'auteurs  aux  sdzieme,  dix-septieme  et 
dix-huitibne  sihcles.  Les  Sainte-Marthe.  Buis- 
son's  Sebastien  Castellion  contains  valuable 
notes,  E.  Gaullieur's  Histoire  du  Collhge  de  Guy- 
enne  gives  some  information,  and  brief  notices 

1  For  bibliographical  detaUs  of  these  and  the  following 
sources,  cf.  p.  611  et  seq. 


3di  INTRODUCTORY 

are  to  be  found  here  and  there  in  other  works 
treating  of  the  period,  for  instance  in  Viollet- 
le-duc's  Catalogue  de  sa  Bibliotheque  poetique. 
Scattered  data  are  Hkewise  to  be  found  in  the 
municipal  archives  of  Bordeaux,  Grenoble  and 
Lyons ;  in  a  plaidoyer  preserved  at  Le  Mans ;  in 
the  patent  of  Sainte-Marthe's  appointment  as 
Procureur  General  of  the  duchy  of  Beaumont; 
in  the  poems  of  several  contemporaries,  —  of 
Vulteius,  of  Gilbert  Ducher,  of  Habert,  of  Robert 
the  Breton,  and  of  Denis  Faucher,  as  well  as  in 
letters  of  the  two  latter  and  of  Antoine  Arlier 
(unpublished),  and  in  other  letters  included  in 
Herminjard's  Correspondance  des  Reformateurs. 
Finally,  there  are  interesting  indications  in 
Theodore  de  Beze's  Histoire  Ecclesiastique  des 
Eglises  Reform'-'es,  and  in  La  Ferriere-Percy's 
resume  of  the  book  of  accounts  kept  by  Frott^ 
for  the  Queen  of  Navarre  from  1540  to  1548. 


CONTENTS 


PAGB 

Intkoductoky       ix 

PART   I 

CHAPTER   I 
Birth  ;  Early  Years  ;  University  Lifb  ...         1 

CHAPTER  n 
Professorship  ;    Disgrace  ;    Southern  Peregrina- 
tions       37 

CHAPTER  III 
Troubles    at    Grenoble  ;     Life    in    Lyons  ;     The 

POESIB  FsAXfOISS 80 

CHAPTER   IV 
Geneva  ;  Persecution  at  Grenoble         .        .        .     129 

CHAPTER  V 
Sbryice  with  the  Duchess  of  Beaumont  and  the 

Queen  of  Navarre 163 

CHAPTER  VI 

Last  Years 195 

ziii 


xiv  CONTENTS 

PART   II 

CHAPTER  I 

PAOK 

La    Poesie   Fbancoise.      Imitation    of   Marot,   and 

Petkarchism 222 

CHAPTER   II 

La  Poesie  Feaxcoise.     Platonic  Influences     .         .     298 

CHAPTER  in 
The  Funeral  Orations 360 

CHAPTER   IV 
Latin  Works 448 

CHAPTER   V 
Conclusion 507 

Appendix 515 

Bibliography       .         .        .         .         .        .         .         .     611 

Index 646 


ADDENDA  AND  CORRIGENDA 

Page  107,  note  2.  lie  Villiers :  a  list  of  his  compositions 
scattered  among  the  collections  of  the  time  is  to  be  found 
in  Fetis'  Biographic  Universelle  des  musiciens. 

Page  268,  note  2.  Error  re  the  refrain  "  Desbender  Tare 
ne  giierit  pas  la  playe."  The  translation,  made  by  the 
king,  occurs  in  Marot's  Adolescence  Clementine  of  1532  in 
the  Chant  royal  dont  le  Soy  bailla  le  refrain. 


xvi 


CHAKLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE 

(1512-1555) 

A  STUDY  IN  THE  EARLY  FRENCH 
RENAISSANCE 

Part   I 
CHAPTER  I 

birth;   early  years;   university  life 

Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe  belonged  to 
a  family  already  distinguished,  and  destined 
after  him  to  be  still  more  so.  Notable  men 
of  war  made  his  ancestry  illustrious,  among 
them  Charles'  grandfather  Louis,  who  followed 
Charles  VIII  to  Italy ;  ^  and  Charles,  himself 
without  descendants,  was  the  first  of  a  succession 
of  brilliant  men  of  his  name  worthy  of  a  high 
place  in  the  annals  —  above  all  in  the  literary 
and  religious  annals  —  of  France.  Until  the 
extinction  of  the  family  name  with  the  death  of 

^  C/.  p.  De  Longuemare,   Une  famille  d'auteurs  .  .  . : 
Les  Sainte-Marthe,  pp.  10-19. 
B  1 


2  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE  [1512 

the  last  Sainte-Marthe  in  1779/  no  generation 
was  without  a  noteworthy  representative.  Nor 
have  tributes  to  their  eminence  been  lacking : 

"  Si  Samarthanse  quseris  insignia  gentis 
Qualia  sint,  Fusos  ipsa  Minerva  dedit," 

wrote  Ren^  Michel  de  la  Rochemaillet  in  the 
middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  quoting  the 
second  motto  of  the  Sainte-Marthe  arms ;  ^ 
and  in  the  eighteenth  Niceron  ^  suggested  to 
Voltaire  the  form  of  his  appreciation  of  them: 
"Cette  famille  a  6t6  pendant  plus  de  cent 
ann^es  f^conde  en  savants."  * 

Not  the  least  remarkable  of  a  remarkable 
family  was  Charles'  father,  Gaucher  de  Sainte- 
Marthe,  "^cuyer,  seigneur  de  Villedan,  de  la 
Riviere,  de  la  Baste-en-Coursai,  de  Lerne,  de 
Chapeau  et  des  Nandes  en  Aunis."  ^  He  had  been 

1  Cf.  ibid.,  p.  244. 

*  In  Fusos  Samarthance  Symbolum.  Renati  Michcelis 
Rupemellei  Poemata,  p.  60. 

*  Cf.  Mimoires  pour  servir  a  I'histoire  des  hommes  illus- 
tres  dans  la  republique  des  lettres,  Vol.  VII,  p.  11. 

*  Siede  de  Louis  XIV,  ed.  Moland,  Vol.  XIV,  p.  127. 
Voltaire  confused  Charles  with  his  father  Gaucher. 

*  Cf.  Dreux  du  Radier,  Bibliotheque  hist,  et  crit.  de 
Poitou,  Vol.  II,  art.  Sainte-Marthe  (Gaucher). 


1512]'    EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  3 

a  soldier,  but  had  "left  the  service  of  Mars  to 
give  himself  wholly  to  Minerva."  ^  He  studied 
medicine,  that  is,  and  obtained  in  1506  the 
post  of  physician-in-ordinary  to  the  Abbess 
and  convent  of  Fontevrault.^  At  the  time  of 
his  second  son  Charles'  birth,  in  1512,  he  was 
also  counsellor  and  physician-in-ordinary  to  the 
king,  and  was  regarded  by  his  contemporaries 
as  "an  oracle  of  medicine  and  a  tutelary  ^scula- 
pius."^  At  the  abbey  his  situation  was  that  of 
a  trusted  official  and  friend;  and  the  Abbess 
often  employed  him  in  serious  matters  uncon- 
nected with  his  profession.  For  example,  on 
the  appointment  of  Louise  de  Bourbon,  one  of 
the  Fontevrault  nuns,  to  the  abbey  of  Sainte- 
Croix,  in  Poitiers,  he  took  formal  possession,  in 

'  Gen4alogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Marthe,  foL  7  v°. 

'  The  patent  of  his  appointment  —  dated  March  29th  — 
is  contained  in  the  Genealogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte- 
Marthe.  In  the  Cartul.  Monasterii  Fontis  Ebraldi 
Gaucher  is  mentioned  as  "Docteur  en  M6decine  Ord""* 
de  lad.  Dame  Abbesse  de  C6ans  et  de  son  Monastfere." 
(Vol.  II,  p.  359.)  The  family  genealogy  observes  "il 
estoit  premiferement  au  service  de  Charles  Connestable 
de  Bourbon  qui  I'aymait  fort"  (fol.  8  v°);  but  this 
service  must  have  been  later  in  his  life,  since  the  Con- 
netable  was  born  in  1490. 

'  Genealogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Marthe,  fol.  8  r°. 


4  CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1512 

her  name.  He  was  present  as  witness  when  the 
dying  Renee  resigned  her  own  abbey  of  Fonte- 
vrault  into  the  hands  of  the  same  Louise,  and 
he  was  the  messenger  to  cany  the  news  of  her 
death  to  the  king,  who  forthwith  reappointed 
him  physician  to  her  successor/  His  estates  of 
Leme  and  of  La  Mare,  gifts  from  the  Abbess 
and  the  convent,^  testified  to  the  Community's 
appreciation  of  him,  and  he  had  the  distinc- 
tion of  burial  in  the  choir  of  the  abbey  chapel 
—  up  to  that  time  a  prerogative  of  kings, 
princes  and  great  lords  only.^  Although  the 
Abbess  and  her  nuns  may  have  had  ample  reason 
to  appreciate  the  "sense,  learning,  knowledge, 
experience  and  loyalty"  mentioned,  according 
to  the  usual  formula,  in  the  patent  of  their  phy- 
sician's appointment,  Gaucher's  character  had 
other  sides  less  agreeable.  A  particular  interest 
attaches  to  him  as  the  original  of  Rabelais' 
Picrochole.'*    He  seems  to  have  been  a  person  of 

^  Cf.  Cartul.  Fontis  Ebraldi;  A.  Parrot's  ed.,  Memoriale 
des  Abbesses  de  Fontevrault,  pp.  33,  45  and  47. 

'  Cf.  Genealogie,  fol.  9  v°. 

»  Cf.  ibid.,  fol.  19  r°. 

*  Cf.  Abel  Lefranc,  Picrochole  et  Gaucher  de  Sainte- 
Marthe,  Rev.  des  Etudes  Rabelaisiennes,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  241. 


1512]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  5 

disagreeable  and  irascible  temper/  "fort  cho- 
lere"  is  the  expression  used  by  the  rather 
mysterious  "Sieur  Bouchereau,"  ^  who  asserts 
that  Sainte-Marthe  once  struck  Rabelais  when 
in  consultation  with  him;  and  these  faults  of 
disposition  were  to  become  of  painful  importance 
in  the  life  of  his  son  Charles.  Gaucher  had 
married,  two  years  after  the  Fontevrault  ap- 
pointment, Marie  Marquet,  daughter  of  Michel 
Marquet,  regeveur  general  of  Touraine,  —  a  mar- 
riage which  connected  him  with  the  Budes  as 
well  as  with  other  distinguished  families;  and 
he  seems  to  have  brought  his  wife  to  live  actually 
in  the  abbey  grounds,  thenceforth  the  center  of 
his  family  life  in  spite  of  occasional  residence 
at  Lerne  or  Le  Chapeau.  It  was,  in  any  case,  at 
Fontevrault  that  Charles,  the  second  of  his  twelve 
children,  was  born  ;  and  he  had  for  his  godfather 
Foucaud  Monier,  procureur  of  Fontevrault.' 

*  Cf.  ibid.,  p.  244;  and  Henri  Cluzot,  Les  Amities  de 
Rabelais   en  Orleanais ;  ibid.,  p.  169. 

^  H.  C,  "Les  notes  de  Bouchereau  dans  la  collection 
Dwpuy" ;  ibid.,  p.  405. 

'  Sainte-Marthe  has  an  epitaph  on  him,  —  "  Epitaphe 
de  feu  Monsieur  maistre  Foulcaud  Mosnier,  procureur  de 
Fontevrault,  et  son  Parrain,  parlant  en  sa  personne." 
Poesie  Francoise,  p.  53. 


6  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1512- 

It  is  not  difficult  to  trace  in  the  character  of 
Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe  the  influence  during 
his  early  youth  of  surroundings  so  unusual  as 
those  of  the  royal  abbey.  The  simple  beauty 
and  the  antiquity  of  the  great  abbey  buildings, 
set  in  a  fresh  valley  surrounded  by  the  forest, 
were  themselves  sufficiently  impressive.  About 
the  strange  "tour  d'Evraud"  hung  grim  associa- 
tions of  treachery  and  murder,  while  the  tran- 
sept of  the  great  church,  the  "cimetiere  des  rois" 
dedicated  to  statues  and  tombs  of  the  Plantage- 
nets,  kindled  the  imagination  no  less  than  did  the 
traditions  of  Fontevrault.  The  Convent's  singu- 
lar rule,  exacting  submission  of  man  to  woman, ^ 
the  royal  blood  of  its  abbesses,  its  sway  over 
many  dependent  abbeys  and  intercourse  through 
them  with  England,  Spain  and  Flanders,  —  all 
lifted  it  out  of  the  conditions  of  ordinary  monas- 


^  "Nous  avons  desia  dit  que  la  soubmission  des 
hommes  envers  une  fiUe  est  le  sceau,  I'esprit,  la  marque 
et  la  distinction  essentielle  de  Tordre  de  Fontevrauld." 
Honorat  Nicquet,  Histoire  de  I'ordre  de  Fontevrauld, 
p.  318.  In  1534,  at  Rente's  death,  there  were  thirty-four 
"  reformed  convents  "  under  her  sway.  Bosseboeuf ,  Fonte- 
vrault, son  histoire  et  ses  monuments.  Tours,  1890,  pp.  13 
and  21. 


1533]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  7 

tic  life.  To  these  things,  however,  the  convent 
owed  the  least  of  its  charm  during  the  early- 
years  of  Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe's  life;  for, 
through  all  its  routine,  shone  the  spirit  of  a 
great  personality. 

The  boy  must  often,  in  spite  of  her  vow  of 
cloister,  have  seen  Renee  de  Bourbon^  in  her 
black  veil  and  white  habit  —  her  delicate, 
stunted  figure,  no  taller  than  that  of  a  child  of 
ten,  offset  by  a  soft  grace  of  face  and  bearing, 
"all  spiritual,  all  ethereal";  he  must  have  been 
impressed  by  that  vivacious  speech,  revealing  the 
powerful  mind,  already,  as  it  seemed,  almost 
free  of  the  body,  —  speech  expressing  "nothing 
light,  nothing  ill-considered,  nothing  without 
modesty,"  as  its  possessor  did  "nothing  unde- 
liberate, nothing  hasty,  nothing  without  pru- 
dence." 2    His  young  mind  was  no  doubt  filled 


*  Twenty-third  abbess  of  Fontevrault  (1491-1534), 
daughter  of  Jean  II  de  Bourbon,  count  of  Vend6me  and 
direct  descendant  of  Louis  IX.  Her  brother,  Frangois 
de  Bourbon,  count  of  Vend6me,  married  Marie  de  Luxem- 
bourg, and  was  father  of  Charles  de  Bourbon,  first  duke 
of  Vend6me,  who  married  Frangoise  d'AIengon  and  be- 
came the  grandfather  of  Henri  IV. 

*  Cartul.  Fontis  Ebraldi,  Vol.  II,  p.  141. 


8  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1512- 

with  tales  of  Renee's  vigorous  reform  of  her 
monasteries  and  convents,  —  a  reform  carried 
out  in  the  face  of  rebellion  and  discourage- 
ment and  completed  only  after  seventeen  weary 
years,  just  as  Charles  himself  was  entering  upon 
manhood .  Above  all ,  he  must  ha ve  been  touched 
by  the  tale  of  her  vow  of  cloister,  solemnly  taken 
some  years  before  his  birth,  and  of  the  sale  of 
her  treasures  for  the  building  in  progress  all 
through  his  childhood:  "Cum  decor e  multo  ac 
non  vulgata  magnificentia  edificavit,"  declare  the 
convent  records.^  It  is  perhaps  not  too  much 
to  assume  that  the  moral  enthusiasm,  the  strong 
spirituality,  even  the  championship  of  women, 
characteristic  of  Sainte-Marthe's  later  life,  owed 
their  beginnings  to  the  influence  of  Renee  de 
Bourbon. 

Sainte-Marthe  was  well  fitted,  by  native  gifts 
no  less  of  mind  than  of  soul,  to  absorb  the  at- 
mosphere of  his  early  surroundings.  He  himself 
mentions  his  intellectual  endowments  with  a 
certain  naivete:  "Moreover,  God  gifted  me," 
he  writes,  "from  my  earliest  years  with  rare 
aptitude  of  wit,  and  so  enabled  me  to  grasp  all 
*  Carttd.  Fontis  Ebraldi,  Vol.  II,  p.  140. 


1533]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  9 

the  arts  that  there  is  almost  none  in  which  I  do 
not  seem  to  its  professors  to  have  spent  most  of 
my  time.  ...  I  do  not  claim  for  myself  abso- 
lute and  complete  knowledge  of  tongues;  but, 
however  small  mine  is,  it  is  at  least  sufficient  to 
require  me  to  thank  God  the  giver  according  to 
my  might."  * 

It  is  probable  that,  despite  charm  of  surround- 
ings and  activities  of  mind,  Sainte-Marthe's 
boyhood  was  not  wholly  happy ;  for  in  later 
life  he  could  find  occasion  for  thankfulness  in 
mischiefs  and  calamities  with  which  God  had 
tried  his  patience  from  boyhood  up.  Such 
"mischiefs"  may  have  been  connected  with  his 
father's  irritable  temper ;  but  whatever  miseries 
Gaucher  de  Sainte-Marthe's  disposition  inflicted 
upon  his  family,  at  least  they  did  not  include 
the  neglect  of  his  children's  education.  His 
eldest  son  Louis  was  sent  to  Loudun  to  study 
his  "humanities,"  to  Poitiers  for  philosophy 
and  law.2  Charles  studied  law  at  Poitiers,  but 
where  he  obtained  his  preliminary  education 
remains  unknown.     "Apres  avoir  fini  ses  hu- 

^  In  .  .  .  Psalmum  xxxiii.,  Paraphrasis,  p.  146. 
*  Cf.  Longuemare,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 


10  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1512- 

manites,"  says  Dreux  du  Radier,  vaguely 
enough,  "il  etudia  le  droit  a  Poitiers."  * 
Whether  at  that  university  or  elsewhere,  he  had 
obtained  the  degree  of  master  of  arts  before 
1533,^  —  probably  a  year  or  two  earlier,  since  in 
1550  he  speaks  of  himself  as  having  been  "dis- 
traict  presque  Tespace  de  20  ans  de  la  mamelle 
des  bonnes  lettres." '  For  Sainte-Marthe, 
"bonnes  lettres"  included  the  still  very  unusual 
study  of  Greek.  *'Si  est  ce,"  so  Colletet  renders 
his  famous  nephew  Sc^vole's  *  account  of  him 
and  his  brother  Jacques:  ''Si  est  ce  que  tous 
deux  ils  furent  ensemble  sur  ce  point,  qu'ils  se 
rendirent  excellens  dans  la  langue  grecque  et 
que  tous  deux  ils  s'appliqu^rent  profondement 

•  Bibliothbque  .  .  .  de  Poitou,  art.  Sainte-Marthe. 
Sainte-Marthe's  few  biographers  have  followed  Du 
Radier;  and  the  latter's  close  connection  with  the 
"Chevalier  de  Sainte-Marthe,"  to  whom  he  owed  his  data 
about  the  family,  makes  it  probable  that  his  account  is 
reliable. 

"  When  engaged  as  professor  by  Jean  de  Tartas  in  that 
year  (c/.  p.  16)  he  held  this  degree. 

'  Oraison  funbbre  .  .  .  de  .  .  .  Marguerite,  Royne  de 
Navarre,  etc.,  p.  28. 

*  Re  Sc6vole  de  Sainte-Marthe,  cf.  Augusts  Hamon, 
De  Scoevolce  Samarthanoe  vita  et  latine  scriptis  operibus. 
Paris,   1901. 


1533]      EARLY  YEARS ;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE       11 

k  la  philosophie  et  k  la  cognoissance  de  tous  les 
aultres  arts  lib^raux."  ^ 

The  study  of  Greek  was  still  new  in  France,  and 
no  doubt  especially  so  at  a  distance  from  Paris. 
Lascaris  had  but  just  left  the  country  —  that  is, 
in  1528  or  1529,  —  the  circle  formed  by  his  first 
pupils  and  those  of  his  inept  predecessor,  Hermo- 
nymus,^  though  distinguished,  was  small,  and 
Bud6,  its  greatest  ornament,  was  but  now  bring- 
ing about  the  establishment  of  the  royal  profes- 
sorships at  Paris. ^  The  printing  of  Greek  was 
younger  than  the  century,*  the  supply  of  Greek 
type  still  scant ;  and,  if  Bude  had  not  only  made 
but  printed  his  translations  in  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  Hellenistic  movement,^  his  example 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  followed  until  more 
than  twenty  years  had  passed.®    Under  such 

*  Eloges  des  hommes  iXlustres,  p.  372. 

*  For  an  account  of  Hermonymus,  cf.  L.  Delaruelle, 
Guillaume  BudS,  pp.  69-73. 

'  Established  in  1530.  The  professors  entered  upon 
their  duties  in  March.  Cf.  Lefranc,  Histoire  du  College 
de  France,  pp.  101-113,  esp.  p.  109. 

*  The  first  Greek  book  was  printed  in  1507. 

"  I.e.  in  1503,  1505,  etc.  Cf.  bibliography  of  L. 
Delaruelle, 'op.  cit.,  pp.  xviii  and  xix. 

*  Claude  de  Seyssel,  Thucydides,  1527;  Xenophon's 
Anabasis,  1529.     Books  XVIII-XX  of  Diodgrus,  1530, 


12  CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1512- 

conditions,  it  would  be  interesting  to  know  what 
turned  Sainte-Marthe's  attention  towards  a  study 
to  be  pursued  only  with  great  difficulty.  Was  it 
the  influence  of  his  great  kinsman  Bude  him- 
self/ or  was  it  the  example  of  a  man  between 
whom  and  the  Sainte-Marthe  family  there  was, 
or  was  soon  to  be,  a  bitter  feud?^  Rabelais, 
who  had  conquered  the  language  under  far 
greater  disadvantages,  may  have  been  in  attend- 
ance at  Poitiers  but  a  few  years  before  Sainte- 
Marthe  entered  the  law-school  there,  and  it  is 
inconceivable  that  his  unusual  accomplishment, 
coupled  with  his  unusual  genius,  should  not 
have  spurred  others  to  the  pursuit  of  the  same 
study. 

When  Sainte-Marthe,  his  humanities  acquired, 
entered  the  law-school  at  Poitiers,  that  "aultre 

etc.  Cf.  Tilley,  Literature  of  the  French  Renaissance, 
Vol.  I,  p.  35. 

*  Although  the  family  genealogist  asserts  that  Sainte- 
Marthe  was  praised  by  Bude,  I  have  not  been  able  to 
verify  this  assertion.  However,  Bud6  appears  to  have 
been  in  touch  with  Gaucher's  family,  particularly  with 
Charles'  younger  brother  Jacques,  who  wrote  his  funeral 
oration.     Cf.  Longuemare,  op.  cit.,  p.  56. 

^  For  an  account  of  this  family  feud,  cf  Lefranc,  Picro- 
chole  et  Gaucher  de  Sainte-Marthe,  loc.  cit.,  p.  244  et  seq. 


1533]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  13 

ville  d'Ath^nes,"  as  Jacques  de  Hillerin,  a  later 
student,  called  it/  was  the  seat  of  one  of  the 
most  celebrated  universities  of  France,'  and  its 
schools,  especially  its  famous  law-school,  were, 
thronged  to  the  doors.  The  discipline  was  lax 
enough,  and  there  was  a  large  idle  element 
among  the  students,  "fluteurs  et  joueurs  de 
paume  de  Poitiers,"  ^  who  had  plenty  of  time  for 
banquets  "^  force  flaccons,  jambons  et  pastez. "  * 
They  delighted,  for  instance,  at  the  perform- 
ance of  the  mysteries,  in  ill-placed  pleasantries 
and  indecent  shouts,^  as  Sainte-Marthe  no  doubt 
observed  for  himself  when  the  Mystery  of  the 
Passion  was   played   there  in   his  time.®    Yet 

*  1578-1663.  Le  chariot  chrestien  a  quatre  roves  menanl 
h  salut  dans  le  souvenir  de  la  mart,  du  jugement,  de  Venfer, 
et  du  Paradis.  Paris,  1552.  Cit.  (without  loci)  Auber, 
Jacques  de  Hillerin,  Bulletin  de  la  Soc.  des  Antiquaires 
de  I'Ouest,  1850,  p.  72. 

^  Cf.  Theodore  de  Bfeze,  Hist.  EccL,  pp.  1-63.     Cf.  re 
the   university  generally,    Auber  op.  cit.;  E.    Pilotelle, 
Essai  historique  sur  I'ancienne    Universite  de   Poitiers 
Mems.   de   la  Soc.   des  Antiquaires  de    I'Ouest,    1862 
Dartige,  Notes  sur  I'universitc  de  Poitiers,  Poitiers,  1883 
Thibaudeau,  Histoire  de  Poitiers,  Niort,  1840. 

'  Chassanee  cit.  Pilotelle,  op.  cit.,  p.  302. 

*  Rabelais,  (Euvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  237. 
»  Cf.  Pilotelle,  op.  cit.,  p.  303. 

'  On  the  5th  of  July,  1533.  Cf.  Bouchet,  Annalea 
d'Aquitaine,  p.  474. 


14  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1612- 

such  high  spirits  must  have  been  often  dashed 
by  the  spectacle  of  sudden  death,  since,  during 
Sainte-Marthe's  residence,  the  plague  devas- 
tated town  and  university  and  found  many 
victims   among  the  young. ^ 

Sainte-Marthe  was  himself  one  of  the  more 
serious  students,  like  Hillerin,  who,  "en  sortant 
des  grandes  ecoles  pour  retourner  a  son  logis, 
prit  son  chemin  par  le  palais  pour  se  divertir  a 
entendre  plaider  les  causes."  ^  He  even  found 
time  to  combine  with  the  study  of  law  that  of 
theology,  no  doubt  completing,  either  at  the 
theological  school  of  the  university  itself  or  at 
the  convent  of  the  Dominicans,^  whose  courses 
were  of  older  establishment  and  greater  pres- 
tige, the  theological  quinquennium  whose  first 
two  years  led  to  the  degree  of  Master  of  Arts.* 

'  1531-1532.  "Ces  fievres  estoient  mortelles  mSme- 
ment  en  jeunes  gens  de  I'age  de  vingt  k  trente  ans  dont 
moururent  plus  de  riches  que  de  pauvres."  Bouchet, 
Annales  d'Aquitaine,  p.  469. 

'  Auber,  op.  cit.,  p.  75. 

'  This  convent  was  closely  affiliated  with  the  university, 
and  its  courses  led  to  the  university  exanainations  and 
degrees. 

*  The  first  of  these  was  devoted  to  logic,  metaphysics 
and  ethics,  the  second  to  mathematics  and  physics.     The 


1533]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  15 

He  has  left  us  his  reasons  for  uniting  these  two 
disciplines:  "And  what,  it  may  be  asked,"  he 
writes,  "has  the  jurist  to  do  with  theology? 
The  reply  is  that  I  wish  to  be  no  less  a  theo- 
logian than  a  jurist;  as  well  because  at  one 
time  I  devoted  myself  wholly  to  this  discipline, 
as  because  it  is  itself  like  an  opal  wherein  pre- 
vail the  qualities  of  many  jewels-,  namely,  the 
very  delicate  fire  of  the  carbuncle,  the  purple  of 
the  amethyst,  the  green  of  the  emerald,  all,  as 
it  were,  incredibly  intermingled.  And  so,  what- 
ever succeeds  in  pleasing,  in  whatsoever  '  ethnic ' 
writers,  is  at  the  same  moment  found  in  it. 
Moreover,  although  jurisprudence  is  greatly  to 
be  approved,  yet  if  we  give  ourselves  wholly  to 
that  study,  it  carries  away  our  health  of  mind 
and  immediately  blinds  us  with  a  certain  mad- 
ness of  empty  glory  and  an  unmeasured  lust  of 
possession."  ^ 

Sainte-Marthe's  studies  must  have  been  as  yet 
incomplete,  for  he  had  not  obtained  the  doctorate 

completion  of  the  quinquennium  bestowed  the  right  to 
enter  the  priesthood  or  to  obtain  benefices  without  the 
cure  of  souls.  Cf.  E.  Pilotelle,  op.  cit.,  pp.  310  and  311. 
^  Dedication  to  Jean  Galbert,  In  Psalmum  septimum  et 
Psalmum  xxxiii.,  Paraphrasis,  p.  15;  cf.  p.  573  et  seq. 


16  CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE  [1533 

of  law  when,  in  1533,  he  was  invited  by  Jean 
de  Tartas  to  the  newly  established  College  de 
Guyenne  at  Bordeaux,  "pour  faire  classe  et 
regie  a  composer  et  prononcer  oraisons,  dialogues, 
comedies,  et  lire  publiquement. "  ^  Although  his 
agreement  with  Tartas^  is  dated  December  the 
4th,  it  is  probable  that  he  actually  entered  upon 
his  duties  some  time  earlier ;  for  in  this  document 
he  is  described  as  "^  present  demeurant  k  Bor- 
deaux," and  he  may  have  been  one  of  the  twenty 
teachers  who  accompanied  the  new  principal  to 
Bordeaux  and  were  present  at  the  opening  of  the 
college  on  May  the  24th  of  that  year.^  Sainte- 
Marthe  began  his  work  under  the  most  favorable 
auspices.  Bordeaux,  eager  for  its  share  of  the 
new  learning,  was  filled  with  enthusiastic  ex- 
pectations about  the  staff  of  the  college  it  had  so 
vigorously  reorganized ;  *  and  indeed  the  reputa- 
tion of  Tartas, "  omnium  Parisinorum  gymnasiar- 

'  Cf.  p.  589. 

*  Re  Tartas,  cf.  Ernest  Gaullieur,  Hist,  du  Col.  de 
Guyenne,  Chaps.  II-IV,  pp.  25-76  et  passim. 

'  Cf.  Nic.  Clenardi,  Epist.  libri  duo,  etc.,  Lib.  II,  p.  130. 
Cit.  Gaullieur,  pp.  41  and  51. 

*  For  an  account  of  the  early  conditions  of  the  College 
de  Guyenne,  cf.  Gaullieur,  op.  cit.,  and  M.  E.  Lowndes, 
Michel  de  Montaigne.    Cambridge,  1898,  pp.  16-20. 


1533]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  17 

chamm  facile  princeps,"  *  warranted  the  brightest 
hopes.  The  instructors  whom  he  brought  with 
him  were  for  the  most  part  young  men  of  parts 
and  ambition  lately  out  of  college.^  Several, 
like  Matthias  Itterius,'  were  genuinely  erudite; 
and  one,  Gentian  Hervet,  —  afterwards  a  pro- 
lific controversialist  on  the  orthodox  side,*  — 
shared  Sainte-Marthe's  acquaintance  with  Greek. 
So  perhaps  did  Jean  Visagier,^  better  known  as 
Vulteius,  who  later  on  acquired  no  mean  reputa- 
tion as  a  Latin  poet. 

^  Hervetus,  De  amore  in  patriam  oratiuncula.  Orationes, 
p.  88. 

*  Re  the  other  instructors  engaged  by  Tartas,  c/. 
Gaullieur,  op.  cit.,  pp.  52-58  and  86. 

*  Witness  Scaliger  and  Breton,  cit.  Gaullieur,  ibid., 
p.  56. 

*  "Perhumanus  erat  et  Uteris  grsecis  juxta  ac  latinis 
eruditus."  Roberti  Britanni  Epist.  libri  tres,  fol.  39  v°,  dt. 
Gaullieur,  p.  53.  Re  Hervet  (1509-1594),  cf.  GaulU- 
eur,  op.  cit.,  p.  118  n. ;  and  the  Nouveau  Diet.  Hist., 
Vol.  IV,  p.  423.  The  latter,  however,  places  his  appear- 
ance "  avec  eclat "  at  the  Council  of  Trent  before  his  tutor- 
ship at  Bordeaux,  which  is  obviously  impossible.  For 
a  list  of  his  numerous  works,  chiefly  controversy  and 
translations,  cf.  Niceron,  op.  cit.,  pp.  190-200. 

*  So  Copley  Christie  conjectures  upon  what  seem, 
however,  slight  grounds.  Etienne  Dolet,  p.  299.  For 
the  identification  of  Vulteius  with  Visagier,  generally 
referred  to  as  Voulte,  sometimes  as  Faciot,  cf.  Gaullieur, 


18  CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1533 

Besides  the  pleasure  of  finding  himself  among 
such  colleagues  under  a  man  of  great  reputation, 
Sainte-Marthe  had  the  satisfaction  of  feeling 
himself  much  considered.  The  circumstance 
that  his  whole  salary  of  thirty-five  livres  tournois 
was  paid  to  him  in  advance,  before  his  agreement 
was  signed,  and  that  it  was  given  to  him  "tant 
en  robbes  et  habOlements  que  en  or  "  ^  seems  to 
indicate  that  the  young  scholar  was  in  immedi- 
ate need.  His  salary,  however,  was  higher  than 
that  of  any  one  else  except  Visagier.^  That  ill- 
fated  poet  ^  and  Sainte-Marthe  formed  a  friend- 
ship which  included  also  Nicholas  Roillet,  and 
the  more  distinguished  Robert  Breton,*  well 
known  in  later  life  as  a  Ciceronian  and  a  prolific 
author  and  letter-writer.      Breton  and  Saint- 


op.  cit.,  p.  57  ;  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  p.  298,  and  M.B., 
Reponse,  Quel  est  le  viritahle  nom  du  poete  Remois  Joannes 
Vulteius?    Rev.  d'Hist.  Litt.  (1894),  p.  530. 

'  Cf.  p.  590. 

'  Cf.  Gaullieur,  op.  cit.,  pp.  53-57. 

'  He  was  assassinated  on  December  30th,  1542,  by  an 
opponent  in  a  lawsuit. 

*■  I  have  found  no  satisfactory  account  of  Breton. 
That  of  Gaullieur  {op.  cit.,  pp.  84—86)  gives  no  informa- 
tion. For  a  long  list  of  his  works  cf.  the  catalogue  of  the 
Bibliothkiue  Nationale. 


1533]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  19 

Marthe  had  a  common  interest  in  learning. 
Breton,  if  he  knew  no  Greek  at  this  time,  soon 
became  interested  in  it,  perhaps  through  the 
example  of  Sainte-Marthe  and  Hervet,  and 
shortly  set  himself  to  master  it  thoroughly.^  His 
affection  for  Sainte-Marthe  was  evidently  lasting. 
The  busy  correspondent  of  Bembo,  Scaliger, 
Guillaume  du  Bellay,  Sadolet,  Arnold  le  Ferron, 
Matthieu  Pac,  Dolet,  Guillaume  Postel,  and  others 
equally  distinguished,^  he  found  time  to  write 
affectionate  letters  to  Sainte-Marthe,  and  long 
cherished  the  memory  of  their  intercourse  at  Bor- 
deaux. "  My  recollection  of  Fabrice,  Duchene, 
de  Borsale,  Bolonne  and  Sainte-Marthe  is  still 
alive  and  strong,"  he  writes  years  afterward'  to 
his  friend  Pierre  Cocaud;  "Sainte-Marthe  was 
my  colleague  and  friend  at  Bordeaux. "  Breton 
came  to  the  college  later  than  Sainte-Marthe, 
possibly  to  supply  a  vacancy,  as  did  one  or  two 
other  professors,  among  them  Andr6  Zebed^e,  a 

*  Cf.  infra,  p.  50. 

'  Cf.  his  two  volumes  of  letters :  Epist.  libri  tres,  1536; 
and  Epist.  libriduo,  1540. 

'  I.e.  between  1536  and  1540,  the  dates  of  the  publica- 
tion of  Breton's  two  volumes  of  letters.  Epist.  libri  duo, 
fol.  14  v°. 


20  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1534 

quarrelsome  character,  rash,  vain,  unmanage- 
able, wholly  without  tact,  who,  later  on,  became 
at  once  a  Protestant  and  a  thorn  in  the  side  of 
Calvin.*  He  also  in  all  likelihood  entered  into 
personal  relations  with  Sainte-Marthe,^  whose  in- 
tercourse with  his  Bordeaux  acquaintance  was, 
however,  to  be  but  short. 

The  work  of  the  new  staff  at  Guyenne  was 
soon  interrupted  by  quarrels  with  the  principal ; 
for  Tartas,  whatever  his  experience  and  reputa- 
tion, lacked  the  gifts  necessary  to  make  his 
direction  successful.^  Something  unreasonable 
and  captious  in  his  temper  led  to  constant  mis- 
understandings with  his  subordinates,  and,  in 
the  end,  to  his  own  dismissal  on  April  the  11th, 
1534.     This  abrupt  conclusion  of  his  functions 

*  Re  Z6h6d6e,  cf.  Herminjard,  Correspondance  des 
Reformateurs,  Vol.  V,  p.  98,  and  Vols.  V-IX,  passim, 
and  F.  Buisson,  Sebastien  Castellion,  Vol.  I,  p.  235.  In 
1542,  when  pastor  of  Orbe,  he  was  capable  of  preaching 
from  seven  to  eleven  o'clock  for  the  purpose  of  annoy- 
ing the  Catholic  priest  of  that  place  —  "et  toujours  eust 
sermonn6  si  ne  fust  que  le  gouverneur  de  la  ville  le  fist  k 
descendre  de  la  chaize." 

*  Cf.  Breton's  letter,  p.  52,  not,  however,  conclusive 
proof. 

'  Re  these  and  following  details,  cf.  GauUieur,  op.  cit., 
Chaps.  V  and  VI. 


1534]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  21 

involved  at  least  a  partial  dispersal  of  the 
teachers  Tartas  had  engaged.  Visagier  went  to 
study  law  and  to  lecture  at  Toulouse,  Hervet 
to  hold  a  chair  at  Orleans,  while  Sainte-Marthe 
in  all  probability  spent  a  year  in  various  places 
in  Guyenne.  Neither  principal  nor  teachers, 
however,  appear  to  have  left  Bordeaux  at  once. 
Tartas,  indeed,  lingered  on  for  months,  and 
even  took  part,  as  a  member  of  the  college,  in 
college  functions  after  the  arrival  and  appoint- 
ment of  his  successor  in  July.^  Sainte-Marthe's 
departure,  of  which  the  exact  date  is  unknown, 
was  also  deliberate.  He  was  still  at  Bordeaux  at 
least  as  late  as  May  16,  1534;  for  on  that  day 
he  officially  received  the  officers  come  to  deliver 
notice  of  a  municipal  ordinance  forbidding  col- 
legians to  bear  arms  in  the  town,  an  injunc- 
tion suggestive  of  the  disorder  prevailing  at  the 
college.^    Although  he  was  not,  like  his  friends 

^  Roberti  Britanni  epist.  libri  tres,  fol.  70  r°,  cit. 
Gaullieur,  p.  118. 

^  "Est  faicte  inhibition  aux  escholiers  parlant  k 
maistre  Charles  de  Saincte-Marthe,  de  ne  aller  par  ville 
avec  armes  sous  poyne  d'amende."  Archives  de  Bor- 
deaux, B.  B.  Registres  de  la  jurade  (1534),  Vol.  VI, 
p.  312;  cit.  Gaullieur.  p.  76. 


22  CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE  [1534 

Breton  and  Z^bedee,  among  the  eight  teachers 
officially  retained  under  the  new  administration, 
his  agreement  with  Tartas  held  him  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  college  until  December  the  4th,  1534 ; 
and  it  is  therefore  probable  that  he  did  not  leave 
Bordeaux  until  late  in  1534,  having  seen  the 
inception  of  a  better  regime  and  made  some 
acquaintance  with  the  new  principal,  Andre  de 
Gouvea,^  the  object  of  Montaigne's  admiration. 
He  appears  to  have  known  also  the  devoted 
humanist  and  teacher,  Maturin  Cordier,^  the 
purity  and  modesty  of  whose  life  was  equaled 
only  by  his  learning.  The  latter  was  a  friend 
of  Vulteius,  who  celebrated  in  Latin  verse  the 
sweetness  of  his  character: 

"Te  docuit  Christus  verumque  fidemque  docere, 
Te  docuit  Christus  spernere  divitias, 

*  Re  Gouvea,  cf.  GauUieur,  p.  72,  and  Chaps.  V  and 
XIV;  Quicherat,  Histoire  de  Sainte  Barbe,  Paris,  1860, 
pp.  130-218,  222,  228  et  seq.;  and  Braga,  Historia  da 
Universidade  de  Coimbra,  etc.,  Lisbon,  1892,  Vol.  I, 
p.  484  et  seq. 

*  Re  Cordier,  cf.  Lefranc,  Hist,  du  College  de  France, 
pp.  140  and  141.  Buisson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  125-129  et 
passim;  Herminjard,  op.  cit.,  passim;  Massebieau,  Les 
Collogues  Scolaires  du  seizicme  siecle,  pp.  204  e<  seg.,  cit. 
Lowndes,  op.  cit.,  p.  236  n. ;  Weiss,  Le  College  de  Nevers  et 
Maturin  Cordier,  Revue  Pedagogique,  1891,  pp.  400-411. 


1534]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  23 

Te  docuit  Christus  teneram  formare  Juventam, 
Te  docuit  Christus  moribus  esse  bonis. 

Te  docuit  Christus,  nulla  mercede  parata, 
Viva  literulas  voce  docere  bonas, 

Te  docuit  Christus  ccelum  vitamque  beatam 
A  se  immortali,  non  aliunde,  dari,"  etc. 

—  Git.  Buisson,  Vol.  I,  p.  126,  n.  4. 

Cordier,  far  older  than  his  colleagues,  came  to 
Bordeaux  in  flight  from  Paris  for  religion's 
sake,^  making  the  journey  as  one  of  the  five 
regents  to  procure  whom  Gouvea  went  to  Paris 
at  the  very  end  of  the  year.  If  Sainte-Marthe 
remained  until  his  arrival,  he  must  have  known 
also  Jacques  de  Teyve,^  Grouchy  and  Fabrice,' 

*  Cf.  Preface  to  his  CoUoques,  dt.  Weiss,  op.  cit.,  p.  401, 
and  La  France  Prot.,  2ded.,  Vol.  V,  col.  881. 

^  So  Theophile  Braga  also  concludes,  but  upon  grounds 
quite  incorrect.  He  identifies  the  San  Martinho  men- 
tioned by  Diogo  de  Teive  in  his  trial  in  1550  with  Charles 
de  Sainte-Marthe,  from  whose  name  (Samarthanus)  he 
supposes  that  of  San  Martinho  derived.  Op.  cit.  Vol.  I, 
p.  545,  n.  1.  But  apart  from  other  considerations,  the 
San  Martinho  of  De  Teive's  account  was  a  doctor  of  medi- 
cine, married  and  settled  in  Paris,  and  was  at  one  time 
tutor  to  the  sons  of  two  Gascon  noblemen.  Ibid.,  pp.  538, 
542,  545. 

'  fie  Nicolas  de  Grouchy,  cf.  Sainte-Marthe,  Elogia;  La 
Croix  du  Maine,  Bib.  Franc. ;  De  Thou,  Historia  sui  tem- 
poris,  Book  LIV,  pp.  715-716;  Hallam,  Literature  of 
Europe,  Vol.  II.,  p.  44,  dt.  Lowndes,  op.  cit.,  p.  236.     As 


24  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE         [1535 

and  might  have  become  acquainted  also  with 
Antoine  de  Gouvea,  the  brilliant  younger 
brother  of  the  principal,  of  immense  distinction 
in  the  eyes  of  his  contemporaries/  Antoine 
appears,  however,  to  have  been  unknown  to  him 
until  several  years  later,  ^  and  it  may  there- 
fore be  that  he  arrived  later  than  is  usually 
represented. 

In  any  case,  upon  leaving  Bordeaux,  Sainte- 
Marthe  must  have  spent  a  year  in  the  province. 
He  was  for  some  time  at  Bazas,  and  went  thence 
to  Marmande,  where,  for  a  short  period,  — 
"ahquot  dies"  is  Breton's  expression/ — he  per- 

for  Fabrice,  the  title  of  the  extant  volume  of  his  letters  is 
evidence  of  his  distinction:  Arnoldi  Fabricii  Vasatensis 
Pelluhetani,  viri  Latinatis  purioris  in  primis  studiosi 
doctique,  E pistoles  aliquot. 

•  Cf.  De  Thou's  account  of  him,  op.  cit.,  Book 
XXXVIII,  dt.  Lowndes,  op.  dt.,  p.  236,  and  Quicherat, 
op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  131-133. 

'  Cf.  infra,  p.  52,  Breton's  letter.  The  reference  might 
indeed  have  been  to  another  brother,  Martial  de  Gouvea, 
at  one  time  professor  at  Poitiers ;  but  Sainte-Marthe's  use 
of  the  singular  —  "nostri  Gouveani"  —  would  then  re- 
main to  be  accounted  for.  Gaullieur  gives  no  authori- 
ties as  to  the  time  of  Antoine's  arrival. 

^  "  Reliquit  Basacum  Samartanus,  Marmandae  aliquot 
dies  egit,  et  prsefuit  academiae,  nunc  vero  se  ad  suos 
recepit."     Letter   to   Antoine    Gerot,    dated    Toulouse, 


1535]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE       '  25 

formed  the  duties  of  municipal  schoolmaster. 
Such  unsettled  wanderings  were  to  Sainte- 
Marthe  pure  hardship,  sweetened  only  by  his 
muse;  "et  oultre  plus,"  he  exclaims,  though 
perhaps  not  on  this  occasion : 

'*  Et  oultre  plus  qu'est  ce  qui  me  soublieve 
L'adversite  que  je  porte  si  griefve, 
Allant  ainsi  par  pays  tant  divers, 
Que  le  plaisir  que  me  donnent  mes  vers? 
Si  le  dur  sort  au  penser  me  desole 
Soubdainement  ma  muse  me  console, 
A  mon  esprit  donnant  tant  de  plaisir, 
Qu'elle  met  hors  soubdain  tout  desplaisir." 

—  Poesie  Francoise,  p.  150. 

He  had  another  consolation  in  friendship,  for  he 
kept  in  touch  with  his  friend  Breton.  Breton 
spent  the  summer  of  1535  in  journeying  in  search 
of  health  to  the  waters  of  the  Pyrenees.  Ill  and 
out  of  spirits,  he  at  least  found  no  solace  in 
poetry,  the  proper  occupation  of  the  joyful; 
and  he  addressed  to  Sainte-Marthe  a  bitter 
quatrain  on  the  subject: 

December  the  18th,  Epist.  libri  tres,  fol.  96  v°.  Gaullieur 
(op.  cit.,  p.  76)  says — and  he  is  followed  by  Buisson  (op.  cit., 
p  180)  —  that  Sainte-Marthe  remained  at  Bazas  more  than 
a  year.  He  gives  no  authority  for  this  assertion,  beyond 
Breton's  letter,  which  does  not  appear  to  warrant  it. 


26  CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1535 

Ad  Carolum  Samartanum 

"Carole  cur  laudas  mea  carmina,  cur  tua  damnas? 
Hie  vester  fundus,  podia  vestra  jacent; 
lampriden  ista  gravis  solatia  moeror  ademit. 
Vis  apte  carmen  scribere  ?  scribe  hilaris." 

—  Carm.  liber  unus,  fol.  15  v°. 

By  September,  Breton  had  arrived,  with  health 
somewhat  improved,  at  Toulouse,  where  he 
made  a  prolonged  stay,  and  where  Visagier 
joined  him;  and  it  was  from  that  town  that  he 
wrote  his  congratulations  when  Sainte-Marthe 
at  last  decided  to  return  to  his  own  family  and 
traveled  northward,  in  the  winter  of  1535/  "  You 

*  M.  Gaullieur  (op.  cit.,  p.  77)  places  Sainte-Marthe's 
arrival  at  home  toward  the  end  of  the  year  1536,  as  he 
does  that  of  Breton  at  Toulouse  in  September  of  the  same 
year,  differing  in  this  latter  instance  from  Copley  Christie, 
who  dates  Breton's  arrival  1535.  (Op.  cit.,  p.  299.)  As 
Breton's  letters  to  Sainte-Marthe  and  to  Gerot  (c/.  supra) 
are  from  Toulouse,  the  date  of  his  arrival  there  settles 
that  of  Sainte-Marthe's  movements.  Unfortunately,  Bre- 
ton, like  a  true  Ciceronian,  omits  the  date  of  the  year,  and 
it  is,  therefore,  within  certain  limits,  left  open  to  conjec- 
ture. Copley  Christie  is  borne  out  by  the  acheved'imprimer 
of  the  volume,  Epistolarum  libri  tres,  1536,  from  which 
the  two  letters  in  question  are  taken :  "  Impressum  Tolos^ 
per  Nicolaum  Vieillardum  X.  Calend.  lanuarij,  Anno  a 
Nativitate  Dei  Millesimo  Quingentesimo  Trigesimo 
Sexto."  Since  the  letter  to  Gerot  is  dated  December 
18,  its  insertion  in  a  book  completed  by  December  22  of 


1635]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  27 

have  betaken  yourself  to  your  own  people,"  he 
says,  in  his  letter  dated  December  7;  "I  ap- 
prove and  heartily  wish  the  same  for  myself. 
You,  however,  are  certain  to  enjoy  leisure  before 
I  do,^  and  I  should  attempt  the  same  thing  if  I 
were  seeking  a  settled  establishment  in  prefer- 
ence to  other  honors.  Write  to  me,  and  care 
for  your  health." 

On  his  return,  Sainte-Marthe  found  various 
changes  in  the  convent  and  in  his  home.  One 
of  his  sisters  had  taken  the  veil  at  Fontevrault, 
another  at  Tusson.^  Two  of  his  brothers,  Louis 
and  Rene,  had  married,  and  the  former  had  left 
Fontevrault  to  settle  at  Loudun.'  Louis'  mar- 
riage with  Nicole  Lefdvre,  especially,  allied  the 
Sainte-Marthes  with  the  most  distinguished 
families  in  France  —  among  others,  the  Brigon- 
nets  and  the  De  Thous ;  but  the  year  which  thus 

the  same  year  seems  highly  improbable.  I  suppose,  then, 
that  these  letters  were  written  in  1535. 

*  Or :  "I  have  decided  to  try  everything  else  (omnia) 
first."  The  meaning  is  not  clear  owing  to  the  abbrevi- 
ations.    For  the  text,  c/.  p.  601. 

*  C/.  Longuemare,  op.  cit.,  p.  27. 

*  Sainte-Marthe  has  an  epigram  to  this  brother :  A 
Louys  de  Saincte  Marthe,  son  frere,  que  Vertu  n'est  con- 
taminie  par  detraction  des  meschants.     P.  F .,  p.  11. 


28  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1536 

added  to  the  prestige  of  their  family  left  them 
mourning  the  loss  of  an  invaluable  friend.  Renee 
de  Bourbon  died  in  the  very  month  of  the  bril- 
liant marriage/  "et  a  rendu  son  Men  heureux 
esprit  entre  les  paroles  de  oraison."  ^  Her  niece 
and  successor,  however,  Louise  de  Bourbon,  was 
no  less  well-disposed  to  Gaucher,  who  retained 
his  post  as  the  abbey  physician. 

It  is  not  clear  after  how  long  a  stay  at  home 
Sainte-Marthe  returned  to  Poitiers,  no  doubt 
to  fulfil  the  remaining  requirements  for  the 
doctorate  of  law.  On  his  arrival  he  assuredly 
found  the  interest  of  the  university  aroused  by  a 
recent  visit  of  Calvin.^  Whatever  Calvin  lacked 
in  ordinary  persuasive  eloquence,  his  vigorous 
genius  could  not  fail  to  produce  its  effect  upon 
a  town  Uke  Poitiers,  long  the  home  of  thought 
and  discussion ;  for,  in  the  words  of  a  far  from 
friendly  historian,  "la  science  tout  ainsi  que  la 

1 1.e.  on  October  the  9th,  1534. 

*  Letter  of  announcement  sent  by  the  convent  of 
Fontevrault  to  the  other  convents.  Bouchet,  Epistres, 
Elegies,  Epigrammes,  etc.,  fol.  Hiij. 

'  The  exact  date  of  Calvin's  stay  in  Poitiers  is  undeter- 
mined. It  was  between  November,  1533,  and  May,  1534, 
—  a  period  during  which  his  movements  are  obscure. 
Cf.  A.  Lefranc,  La  Jeunesse  de  Calvin,  p.  116. 


1536]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  29 

vertu  fait  bientost  aimer  et  cherir,  et  les  excel- 
lens  esprits,  soit  au  mal  soit  au  bien,  disoit 
Philon,  paroissent  incontinent,  et  n'ont  besoin 
du  temps  pom*  estre  cogneus.  C'est  un  com- 
merce qui  miit  et  ralie  les  personnes  les  plus  es- 
trangeres.  Elle  fut  cause  que  Calvin,  ayant 
donne  quelques  mois  a  avancer  ses  cognoissances, 
eust  en  peu  de  temps  fait  provision  d'amis."^ 
The  young  apostle's  friends  and  converts  had 
been  chiefly  men  of  the  university,  "hommes 
de  lettres,"  "gens  d'eschole,"  but  there  had  been 
also  certain  persons  of  higher  quality,  notably 
Regnier,  the  lieutenant-general  in  whose  garden 
Calvin  had  ceased  to  talk,  as  at  first,  "a  demi- 
mot,"  and  had  openly  exp)Ounded  his  doctrine. 
There,  "commes  nos  premiers  peres  furent  pre- 
mierement  enchantez  et  deceus  dans  un  jardin, 
aussi  dans  ce  jardin  du  lieutenant  a  la  rue  des 
Bassestreilles,  cette  poign^e  d'hommes  fut  en- 
jollee  et  coiffee  par  Calvin.  "^  It  is  easy 
to  imagine  the  effect  of  the  talk  about  Calvin 
upon  a  student  of  Sainte-Marthe's  caliber.     We 

*  Florimond  de   Raemond,  Histoire  de  Uheresie  de  ce 
siecle,  Book  VII,  pp.  890-891. 
2  Ihid.,  p.  892. 


30  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1536 

have  seen  among  what  earnest  and  spiritual  in- 
fluences his  early  life  was  passed.  Reform,  if 
in  a  moral  sense  merely,  was  a  word  familiar  to 
him  from  his  childhood  up,  —  it  had  been  the 
preoccupation  of  the  people  who  surrounded  him 
from  his  earliest  years,  —  and  indications  are  not 
lacking  that  the  College  de  Guyenne,  if  not  yet 
that  "foyer  de  la  propagande"  it  has  been  called,^ 
shared,  even  so  early  as  the  time  of  his  residence 
there,  in  that  religious  unrest  ^  which  marked  the 
beginning  of  the  century  when  "tout  se  desunit 
et  devisa  en  schismes  et  heresies. " '  Sainte- 
Marthe's  mind  was  by  circumstance,  then, 
predisposed  to  the  consideration  of  religious 
matters,*  and  his  natural  instincts  heightened 

*  Buisson,  Sebastien  Castellion,  Vol.  I,  p.  127. 

*  Some  of  the  early  regulations  of  Gouvea  seem  to 
imply  that  such  uneasiness  of  feeling  had  existed  in 
the  college  even  before  his  arrival :  "  Premierement  les 
escholiers  seront  religieux  et  craignant  Dieu.  lis  ne 
sentiront  ou  ne  parleront  mal  de  la  religion  Catholique  ou 
orthodoxe."  Rules  placarded  by  Gouvea  in  the  chief 
hall  of  the  college.     Gaullieur,  op.  cit.,  p.  106. 

^  Florimond  de  Raemond,  op.  cit.,  Book  VII,  p.  6. 

*  Gaullieur  {op.  cit.,  p.  77)  says  that  Sainte-Marthe 
entered  into  relations  with  Vernou,  whom  Calvin  had 
left  "pour  gaigner  le  plus  qu'il  pouvait  d'escholiers  dans 
sa  ville  de  Poitiers,"  but  I  find  no  data  for  this. 


1536]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  31 

the  predisposition.  "  Homme  de  gaillard  esprit " 
as  Theodore  de  Beze  calls  him,  ^  he  added  to 
impulsiveness  an  actual  thirst  for  a  pure  spirit- 
ual life,  a  longing  likely  to  incline  him  towards 
the  reforms  that  Calvin  had  lately  preached  in 
Poitiers. 

The  particular  circle  in  which  the  young  poet 
found  himself  must  have  been  singularly  at 
variance  on  the  subject  of  the  new  doctrine.  An 
obscure  dixain  addressed  by  Sainte-Marthe  to 
Gabriel  de  Pontoise,  who  married  his  sister 
Louise,  perhaps  refers  to  this  division  of  opinion.^ 
To  the  indefatigable  rhymester,  Jean  Bouchet, 
procureur  of  the  town,  a  common  interest  in 
Fontevrault  must  have  made  Sainte-Marthe 
known ;  and  Bouchet,  however  his  relations  with 
Rabelais  may  have  enlarged  his  views,  was  un- 
compromisingly orthodox.  So,  probably,  were 
Ren6  Lefevre,^  dean  of  the  cathedral  and  teacher 
in  the  imiversity,  and  another  regent,  Charles  de 


1  Hist.  Eccl,  p.  63. 

^P.  F.,  p.  15;  c/.  p.  532. 

3  ^eLef^vre  (1502-1569), cf.  Dreux  du  Radier,  Bib.  .  . . 
de  Poitou,  and  Gallia  Christiana,  Vol.  II,  col.  1218  D. 
For  Sainte-Marthe's  epigram  to  him,  cf.  p.   531. 


32  CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1536 

la  Ruelle/  doctor  of  law  and  father  of  the  better- 
known  Louis  de  la  Ruelle  —  both  connected  with 
Sainte-Marthe  by  marriage.  On  the  other 
hand,  Sainte-Marthe  seems  to  have  counted 
on  the  sympathy  of  his  cousin  Jean  de  Sainte- 
Marthe  ;  ^  Roillet  (or  Roullet)  ^  and  the  un- 
tiring bookworm  Fabrice  *  —  both,  it  seems 
likely,  now  at  Poitiers  —  must  have  been  at 
least  open-minded  ;  while  Calvin's  friend  Lau- 
rent of  Normandy®  and  that  member  of  the 
Etienne    family — possibly   Robert    himself^  — 

*  Re  De  la  Ruelle,  cf.  Du  Radier,  op.  cit. ;  Bouchet,  A  n- 
nales  d'Aquitaine,p.Q8;  and  A ctes  de  Frangois  I.  He  was 
tutor  in  the  Unversity  of  Poitiers,  had  been  appointed  in 
1531  "  conseiller  en  la  Sen6chauss6  de  Poitou,"  and  was  at 
one  time  mayor  of  Poitiers.  He  married  Isabelle  Lefevre, 
a  sister  of  Rene  Lefevre.  Sainte-Marthe  addressed  a 
poem  to  him  —  A  Charles  de  la  Rxielle,  Que  toute  Amytie 
doibt  estre  fondee  sur  Vertu.    P.  F.,  p.  12. 

"  For  Sainte-Marthe's  verses  to  him,  cf.  p.  532. 

^  Re  Roillet,  cf.  Breton's  letter,  infra,  p.  36.  I  suppose 
Roulletus  and  Roillet  identical.  Possibly  it  was  he  Marot 
attacked  in  an  epigram  "A  Roullet."  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  93. 

*  "Fabritius  (ut  audio)  agit  Pictavi :  et  totos  dies  cum 
libris,  necdum  ab  illo  inexhausto,  nee  iniucundo  sibi 
legendi,  et  scribendi  labore  discessit."  Rob.  Brit.  Epist. 
libri  dtw,  fol.  14  v°. 

*  Re  Laurent  of  Normandy  —  Normandius  —  cf.  Le- 
franc,  La  jeunesse  de  Calvin,  pp.  106,  127  seq.,  et  passim. 

*  Cf.  infra,  p.  43. 


1536]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  33 

whom  Sainte-Marthe  counted  among  his  friends 
were  doubtless  already  leaning  as  strongly  to- 
wards "reform"  as  the  unsavory  Jean  Fer- 
ron.^  Only  undisceming  ardor  in  friendship 
can  account  for  Sainte-Marthe's  intimacy  with 
a  man  of  Ferron's  stamp.  He  was  a  plaus- 
ible rascal,  of  a  character  to  precipitate  any 
trouble  which  was  brewing  —  and  trouble  was  at 
least  in  the  air.  The  prominence  of  his  family 
in  the  province  made  Sainte-Marthe  a  conspicu- 
ous figure  in  the  Uttle  university  town,  and,  in 
view  of  his  obvious  sympathies,  he  could  not 
escape  the  attacks  of  envious  detractors.^  He 
refused,  from  Christian  motives  mingled  with 
pride,  to  reply  to  them,  he  tells  Ferron : 

•  Sainte-Marthe  wrote  him  a  rhymed  epistle  in  the 
form  of  a  coq  a  I'dne  —  "A  Jean  Ferron.  Coq  a  Lasne. " 
P.  F.,  p.  141.  I  suppose  him  identical  with  the  Jean 
Ferron  of  Poitiers  called  to  Geneva  in  1548  and  deposed 
the  following  year  on  account  of  his  scandalous  life. 
He  was  one  of  the  informers  who  reported  conversa- 
tions of  La  Mare,  convicting  him  of  animosity  toward 
Calvin,  in  consequence  of  which  the  latter  insisted  upon 
La  Mare's  deposition  from  the  ministry.  Cf.  La  France 
ProL,  2d  ed.,  Vol.  VII,  p.  238;  Buisson  speaks  of  Ferron 
as  in  Geneva  in  1544,  and  mentions  also  his  deposition. 
Op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  212  and  218. 

»  Cf.  Breton's  "  I  too,"  infra,  p.  35, 

D 


34  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1537 

"On  s'ebahist  que  ie  n'ay  respondu 
Par  mes  escripts  k  tous  mes  Envieux : 
Et  je  responds  que  Dieu  a  defendu 
Pour  se  venger,  diets  contumelieux, 
Quand  I'eust  permis,  encore  j'ayme  mieux 
Ne  faire  d'eulx  aulcune  mention, 
Et,  en  cel^,  c'est  mon  intention, 
Les  mesprisant,  maintenir  ma  coustume. 
Je  sens  aussi,  que  telle  nation 
Est  en  tout  cas  indigne  de  ma  plume." 
—  "A  Jean  Ferron,  pourquoy  n'a  respondu  a  ses  ad- 
versaires,"  P.  F.,  p.  15. 

Unfriendly  rumors  did  not  prevent  Sainte- 
Marthe  from  obtaining  his  theological  degree, 
probably  early  in  1537/  and  he  was  also  received 
doctor  of  law,  having  first  distinguished  himself 
brilliantly  in  those  public  arguments  which  were 
the  necessary  preliminary  to  that  step.^  Con- 
gratulations on  this  honor  were  offered  him  by 
Robert  Breton,  with  whom  he  at  this  time  renewed 

^  Had  the  letter  in  which  Breton  refers  to  it  been 
written  during  1536,  unless  at  the  very  end,  it  would 
probably  have  been  included  in  the  volume  published  in 
that  year.  Moreover,  his  phrase,  "  multis  annis, "  referring 
to  the  period  during  which  he  had  lost  sight  of  Sainte- 
Marthe,  seems  to  imply  at  least  more  than  a  fraction  of 
one.    They  had  been  in  touch  in  December,  1535. 

'  Dreux  du  Radier,  loc.  cit. 


1537]      EARLY  YEARS;  UNIVERSITY  LIFE  35 

relations.  Sainte-Marthe  seems  to  have  written 
a  warning  or  remonstrance  to  his  friend  on 
courses  which  were  being  harshly  condemned. 
"It  is  little  to  be  wondered  at,"  Breton  writes 
in  his  reply,  ''that  I  have  not  been  able  to  get 
you  out  of  my  memory,  since  I  ever  lived  most 
pleasantly  and  desirably  with  you  at  Bordeaux. 
The  thing  at  which  I  cannot  sufficiently  marvel 
is  this,  that  you  could  have  come  to  fear  that 
this  could  ever  happen ;  but  the  defense  of  this 
whole  doubt  is  easy  and  obvious,  since  for  many 
yea^  past"  —  this  appears  to  be  an  affection- 
ate exaggeration  on  Breton's  part  —  "for  many 
years  past  you  did  not  know  where  I  was; 
nor  was  I  myself  certain  where  you  were  living. 
What  you  write,  that  my  doings  are  blamed  by 
many,  I  bear  with  ease,  and  so  far  endure  with- 
out annoyance.  For  it  is  difficult  to  'disarm 
Momus.'  I  too  have  had  my  ears  beset  with  the 
insolence  of  detractors  who,  from  day  to  day, 
try  to  inspire  fear  not  only  by  their  will  to  harm, 
but  by  their  weight  and  number  and  the  very 
amplitude  of  their  resources.  I  have  decided, 
however,  to  bear  all  that  can  be  borne ;  but  if  I 
find  myself  invaded  and  overwhelmed  by  them 


36  CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE  [1537 

with  greater  outrage,  I  shall  take  courage,  and, 
so  far  as  modesty  permits,  make  answer  to  them 
in  such  measure  as  may  suffice.  It  is  naturally  a 
joy  to  me  that  you  have  been  elected  into  the 
body  of  theologians.  It  were  pleasanter  stiU 
should  your  work,  in  explaining  that  divine  and 
excellent  art,  gain  abundant  fruits,  not  only  of 
other  things  praiseworthy  and  greatly  worth 
seeking,  but  also  of  honor  and  glory. 

"  What  shall  I  say  of  myself  ?  You  inspired  me 
with  no  slight  desire  of  imitating  you  when  you 
set  off  to  your  own  country.  I  think,  I  know 
not  why,  only  of  that  one  thing,  abandoning  my 
other  chosen  interests,  which  are  very  consider- 
able. And,  in  a  manner,  I  rejoice  to  think 
that  '  nothing  is  sweeter  than  a  man's  country 
and  father  and  mother.'  Soon,  however,  I  hope 
to  see  you.  If  Roullet  happens  to  be  at  Poitiers, 
greet  him  for  me ;  I  should  have  written  to  him, 
were  I  certainly  assured  that  he  were  there. 
Farewell." ' 

*  For  the  text,  cf.  p.  602  et  seq. 


CHAPTER  II 

professorship;    disgrace;    southern    pere- 
grinations 

The  wish  expressed  by  Breton  was  to  be 
almost  immediately  fulfilled.  Sainte-Marthe 
shortly  obtained  the  post  of  Regius  Professor 
of  theology  at  the  university,  after  a  flattering 
interview  with  Francis  I  and  his  sister.  He  had 
seen  the  King  and  Marguerite  as  a  child,  on  the 
occasion  of  a  royal  visit  to  Fontevrault  in  1517,^ 
when  Francis,  accompanied  by  the  Queen  of 
Navarre  and  her  husband,  Louise  de  Savoie  and 
the  Queen,  brought  his  illegitimate  sister,  Magde- 
leine  d'Orleans,  Abbess  of  Jouarre,to  Fontevrault 
*  to  profit  by  the  reforms  there  accomplished ;  and 
now,  at  the  opening  of  his  career,  he  was  again 
brought  to  the  notice  of  the  Queen,  who  exercised 
so  potent  an  influence  on  his  life  and  of  whom 
he  has  left  so  vivid  a  picture.  About  this  time 
Sainte-Marthe  also  engaged  the  interest  of  the 

^  Cart.  Fontis  Ebraldi,  cit.  supra,  fol.  355  r". 
37 


38  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1537 

King's  daughter,  Marguerite  de  France;  for  in 
1540  he  writes  to  remind  her  of  her  promise  to 
him  four  years  earher: 

"  Je  ne  scay  point,  Madame,  si  depuis 
Qu'en  ceste  croix  (quatre  ans  a)  tumb^  suis 
Si  grand  malheur  m'est  bien  peu  advenir 
De  n'estre  plus  en  vostre  soubvenir. 
II  est  possible  (ainsi  qu'un  long  espace 
Communement  nostre  memoire  efface) 
.Possible  est  (dy  je)  aussi,  que  ne  scavez 
Le  serviteur  que  retenu  avez." 
— A  Madame  Marguerite,  fille  unique  du  Roy,  P.  F., 
p.  123. 

Whatever  hopes  Sainte-Marthe  may  have 
founded  upon  her  interest  were  unfulfilled,  — 

" .  .  .  ce  grand  heur  ne  m'est  onq'  advenu 
Que  j'ays  este  des  vostres  retenu," 

—  Ibid.,  p.  124. 

but  at  least  he  had  cause  to  realize  Marguerite's 
kindness  of  heart, 

"Qu'il  n'y  a  rien  dans  vostre  noble  coeur 
Qu'humanite  et  toute  grand  douceur ;  " 

—  Ibid.,  p.  123. 

and  it  may  well  be  that  her  interest  had  its 
weight  in  inclining  her  father  to  look  favor- 
ably upon  the  young  scholar.     The  actual  date 


1537]   PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  39 

of  the  appointment  is  uncertain,  as  is  the  place  of 
the  interview,  which  possibly  took  place  at  or 
near  Amiens  in  March,  1537,  for  the  King  was  in 
that  vicinity,  and  his  sister,  in  all  probability, 
joined  him  there  in  the  course  of  the  month/ 

Established  in  his  chair  and  "girded  for  the 
performance  of  his  calling,"  Sainte-Marthe  gave 
himself  up  to  the  composition  of  a  theological 
work  and  also  began  his  lectures.  And  now, 
encouraged  by  the  liberal  trend  of  thought  in 
the  university  and  the  religious  leanings  of  some 
of  its  professors,  relying  also,  no  doubt,  upon  the 
security  of  his  own  position  as  direct  appointee 

*  C/.  Catalogue  des  Actes  de  Francois  I;  G6nin,  Nou- 
velles  Lettres  de  la  Reine  de  Navarre,  nos.  80  and  81;  and 
Lettres  de  Marguerite  d'Angouieme,  nos.  132  and  133. 
The  dates  of  the  letters,  however,  are  the  editor's,  and  not 
wholly  reliable.  It  is  possible  that  Sainte-Marthe  re- 
ceived his  appointment  in  1536 ;  but,  among  other  things, 
the  omission  of  all  three  of  Breton's  letters  of  congratula- 
tion (c/.  pp.  36,  48,  and  49)  from  his  volume  of  1536  and 
their  insertion  in  that  of  1540  make  against  this.  In  this 
case  the  interview  would  have  been  in  the  south,  where 
the  king  spent  the  year  campaigning  and  where  his  sister 
joined  him  more  than  once,  as  for  instance  in  July  at 
Lyons.  Archives  de  la  ville  de  Lyon.  BB.  Reg.  55,  cit. 
La  Ferrifere- Percy,  Marguerite  d'Angouleme,  etc.,  p.  5, 
and  G^nin,  Lettres  de  Marguerite  d'Angouleme,  nos.  115, 
116,  121,  127. 


40  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1537 

of  the  king,  he  threw  discretion  to  the  winds  and 
gave  just  cause  of  complaint  to  minds  already- 
exasperated  against  him.  So  we  learn  from  a 
letter/  inspired  by  news  of  the  publication  of  the 
Religionis  ChristiancB  Institutio,^  which  he  de- 
spatched to  Calvin  in  April.  Nothing  could 
better  illustrate  his  entire  absence  of  caution. 
"  There  are  many  considerations,  most  learned 
Calvin,"  he  writes,  "which  might,  with  the  best 
reason,  check  me  as  I  prepare  to  write  to  you, 
and  dissuade  me  altogether.  These,  should 
I  name  them,  you  will  perchance  hold  to  be 
vulgar  and  customarily  offered  in  this  sort 
of  self-accusation;  still,  they  are  of  weight  to 
me  who,  profoundly  conscious  of  them,  per- 
ceive well  enough  how  he  makes  traffic  of 
his  repute  who  dares  in  letters  to  chatter 
to  men  of  your  sort,  so  intelligent,  so  keen  of 
perception,  so  accomplished  in  all  work,  and  to 
interrupt  serious  studies  and  importune  in  this 

*  Carolus  Sammarthanus  sacrarum  literarum  in  Picta- 
viensi  Achademia  regius  professor,  D.  Joanni  Calvino 
Lausanensi  Ecclesiastce ,  viro  pio  juxta  et  erudito.  Her- 
minjard,  Correspondence  des  Reformateurs,  Vol.  IV,  No. 
625. 

^  The  first  (Latin)  edition  had  appeared  at  Basle  in 
March,  1536. 


1537]   PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE   41 

manner  ears  so  delicate.  For,  besides  being 
known  to  you  neither  by  sight  nor  by  name, 
I  feel  that  I  lack  everything  most  needful  to 
writing  and  speaking.  And  yet,  I  am  at  such 
a  point  of  daring  that  I  doubt  nothing  less  than 
the  satisfaction  of  my  wishes,  since  our  com- 
mon friend  Normand,  who  is  responsible  for  the 
daring,  assures  me  of  satisfaction  on  the  ground 
of  your  singular  humanity.  This  I  hope  will  be 
propitious  to  me  in  the  common  name  of  letters, 
and  because  of  the  closer  bond  of  the  same 
studies,  —  to  which  add  the  burning  desire  of 
piety.  Nor  is  it  Ukely  that  any  man  who  is  in 
himself  gracious  and  very  humane  will  refuse 
what  does  not  violate  the  law  of  Christian 
friendship.  Besides,  what  I  seek  from  you  by 
letter  looks  only  to  Christ  and  to  the  majesty  of 
his  word,  namely,  that,  since  in  the  same  pro- 
fession there  is  the  same  will  and  conjunction  of 
spirits,  you  will  certainly  write  down  Sainte- 
Marthe  in  the  number  of  your  friends  and  with 
that  medicine  will  refresh  him  in  his  sickness. 

"  It  shall  not  be  my  care  now,  in  the  manner 
of  the  carnal,  to  make  straight  for  myself  the 
way  to  your  love  with  praise  of  your  divine 


42  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1537 

virtue  and  piety,  whereby  move^  you  held  as 
nought  kinsfolk  and  country  and  wealth,  and 
made  yourself  naked,  that  you  might  make  others 
rich,  in  great  peril  of  your  life  the  while.  And, 
although  I  cannot  doubt  that  it  must  turn  out 
for  those  Hke  you  as  for  you  —  that  is,  happily, 
—  still,  for  my  part,  I  should  wish  that  there 
were  many  Calvins,  many  with  Calvin's  talents, 
many  even  who  would  thus  kindly  receive  the 
imitators  of  Calvin.  I  envy  you  nothing,  but  I 
am  afflicted  for  this  only,  that  you  were  snatched 
away  from  us,^  and  that  that  other  speaking 
Calvin,  namely  the  Institutio  Christiana,  has  not 
reached  us.  I  envy  Germany  because  we  cannot 
obtain  what  she  can.  There  is  perhaps  this 
comfort  here,  that  our  academy  is  free  and  full 
of  pious  and  learned  men;  but  meanwhile, 
here  and  there,  the  hydra  is  born  again  and  rises 
by  night  to  sow  tares,  although  I  gird  myself 
by  the  gift  of  the  grace  of  Christ  for  the  office 
of  my  calling.     This,  partly  by  reason  of  my 

*  Herminjard  regards  Sainte-Marthe's  silence  on  the 
subject  as  evidence  that  Florimond  de  Rsemond,  Merle 
d'Aubign6  and  Bonnet  exaggerated  Calvin's  previous 
relations  with  Poitiers  evangelicals.  Op.  cit..  Vol.  IV, 
p.  223. 


1537]   PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE   43 

new  dignity  and  my  youth,  and  also  of  my  zeal 
for  doctrine,  has  brought  forth  informers  against 
me,  cowled  and  aghast  at  phantoms,  most 
desperate  portents  of  fate,  to  whom  I  shall 
so  little  yield  that  I  will  set  even  life  itself 
against  the  compunction  of  the  spirit  whenever 
the  Lord  allows.  We  pray  the  Lord  that  your 
most  happy  fortune  may  progress  in  the  right 
way.  For  your  part,  intercede  for  us  that  the 
spirit  of  Christ  may  be  given  to  us  to  preach 
worthily  and  courageously,  amid  flames  and 
enemies,  that  gospel  of  whose  progress  here  you 
shall  learn  from  Estienne,^  bearer  of  this  letter, 
—  a  man  learned  in  Greek  and  Latin,  modest  • 
and  eloquent,  a  lover  of  truth,  on  his  way  to  you 
that  he  may  have  leave  to  speak  and  learn 
freely.  Him,  in  the  name  of  country  and  the 
piety  of  the  gospel,  I  piously  commend  to  you. 
Conciliate  for  us  where  you  are  the  same  friends, 

*  Were  it  not  that  so  reliable  an  authority  as  Hermin- 
jard  notes  this  Stephanus  as  unidentified,  one  would  be 
tempted  to  suppose  that  Robert  Estienne  took  steps 
towards  retiring  to  Geneva  at  this  early  date,  thirteen 
years  before  actually  doing  so.  '  The  combination  of  the 
name  with  classical  erudition  and  evangelical  leanings 
is,  at  least,  singular. 


44  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1537 

and  approve  our  daring.  Jesus  our  Lord  God 
support  your  deeds  and  long  preserve  you, 
filled  with  his  grace,  safe  to  preach  his  gospel. 
Poitiers.  In  haste.  April  the  10th,  1537.  Your 
brother  in  Christ,  C.  Sam." 

This  letter  leaves  no  doubt  as  to  the  state  of 
Sainte-Marthe's  sympathies,  and  its  concluding 
words  imply  that  the  writer  had  foreseen  the 
consequences  of  his  own  course  and  was  prepared 
to  meet  them.  Yet  such  —  as  his  later  life 
shows  —  was  hardly  the  case.  Enthusiastic 
and  impulsive,  one  of  Calvin's  despised  ''Nicode- 
mites"  moreover,  who  ''convertissent  k  demy  la 
chrestient^  en  philosophie,"  and  "  imaginent  des 
idees  platoniques  en  leur  tetes,"^  Sainte-Marthe 
was  chiefly  preoccupied  with  the  spiritual  life 
and  no  doubt,  like  others,  failed  to  apprehend 
the  full  import  or  even  the  general  tendency  of 
Calvin's  teaching.  The  Religionis  Christiance 
Institutio  was  not  yet,  we  see  from  Sainte- 
Marthe's  letter,  in  general  circulation.  Its  edi- 
tions had  been  almost  immediately  exhausted  ^ 

*  Excuse  .  .  .  h  Messieurs  les  Nicodemites,  col.  600. 

^  For  the  rapid  exhaustion  of  the  editions  of  the 
Chris.  Rel.  Inst.,  cf.  Herminjard,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  IV,  p.  223, 
note  5. 


1537]   PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE   45 

and  it  was  not  readily  accessible.  A  certain 
vagueness,  which  the  "  Lycurgus  of  Christian- 
ity "  ^  had  in  that  work  swept  away  forever,  was 
at  this  date  still  possible;  and  even  when  its 
content  was  apprehended,  the  question  was  still 
to  many  minds  one  of  a  return  to  the  true 
sources  in  reHgion  as  in  literature.  To  those 
engaged  in  it,  the  religious  struggle  must  have 
appeared  a  battle  less  between  reformers  and 
constituted  authority  than  between  two  parties 
within  the  Catholic  church.  Indeed  the  "evan- 
gelicals" counted  among  them  many  of  authority 
in  church  and  state.  From  time  to  time,  it  is 
true,  men  who  favored  reform  fell  victims  to 
the  vacillating  policy  of  persecution,  not  defined 
nor  consistent  until  the  decade  which  ended 
with  Francois'  death ;  ^  but  this  seemed  to  the 
innovators  the  fruit  of  misunderstanding,  the 
work  of  "enemies,"  not  the  active  arm  of  au- 
thority deahng  with  rebels.  In  1535  Calvin 
could  still  appeal  to  the  king  against  the  fury 

'  "Le  Christianisme  eut  son  Lycurgue."  Lerminier, 
Rev.  des  deux  Mondes,  1842,  p.  515. 

"  I.e.  after  the  interview  at  Aigues  Mortes  in  July, 
1538.  For  the  king's  general  policy  in  regard  to  the 
religious  situation,  cf.  Buisson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  66-77. 


46  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1537 

of  ''aucuns  iniques,"  could  still  feel  that 
Frangois  would  not  proceed  severely,  once  he 
understood  it,  against  "la  doctrine  laquelle 
lis  estiment  devoir  estre  punie  par  prison, 
banissement,  proscription  et  feu" ;  ^  and  this  in 
the  dedication  of  the  very  book  which  was  to 
define  the  new  doctrine  with  a  clearness  leaving 
a  man  in  no  possible  doubt  as  to  whether  or  not 
his  opinions  coincided  with  those  of  the  new 
"reform."  At  the  time  Sainte-Marthe  lectured 
in  Poitiers,  recollections  of  the  "affair  of  the 
placards"^  was  still  fresh  in  men's  minds; 
but,  though  the  innocent  had  suffered,  the 
provocation  was  great  even  in  the  eyes  of  the 

^  Au  Roy  de  France  treschrestien,  etc. ;  Institution  de  la 
Religion  ChrHienne,  cols.  9  and  10.  The  first  Latin 
edition  was  published  in  1536.  The  dedicatory  letter, 
when  prefixed  to  the  French  version  of  1541  (based  on  a 
Latin  edition  of  1539),  retained  the  date  1535.  In  fact 
its  date,  "  le  premier  jour  d'Aoust,"  is  three  weeks  earlier 
than  the  original,  "x  Calendas  Septembres." 

^  Of  the  29th  of  January,  1535,  Cf.  on  this  subject, 
Journal  d'un  Bourgeois  de  Paris,  pp.  441-447.  On  the 
same  day  the  king  issued  an  edict  against  heretics,  con- 
demning those  who  harbored  them  to  the  same  punish- 
ment as  they,  and  promising  informers  a  quarter  of 
their  confiscated  possessions.  Actes  de  Francois  I,  no. 
7486. 


1537]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS ;  EXILE  47 

"evangelicals,"  ^  and  since  then  the  cruel  edict  of 
January,  1535,  had  been  annulled^  and  a  period 
of  leniency  had  followed,  —  the  period  of  the 
letter  to  Melancthon,^  of  Marot's  recall  from 
exile  and  of  conciliatory  edicts  concerning  here- 
tics.* Caution,  then,  was  lulled,  and  it  is  prob- 
able, besides,  that  Sainte-Marthe  was  hurried 
farther  than  he  had  foreseen  by  enthusiasm  for 
his  subject  and  by  the  excitement  of  the  ap- 
plause aroused  by  his  rhetorical  gifts;  for  he 
was  "aurse  popularis  avidior"  ^  according  to 
his  nephew  Scevole. 

In  any  event,  the  young  lecturer  was  un- 
disturbed for  some  months.  In  October  he  re- 
ceived another  letter  from  Breton,  written  from 
Bordeaux.  Breton  had,  it  appears,  written 
meanwhile  asking  advice  or  help.  He  had  now 
heard  the  bare  news  of  his  friend's  appointment 

*  Sturm  spoke  of  the  authors  of  the  outrage  as  "  fu- 
riosi" and  " stultissimi  homines,"  cit.  Chastel,  Histoire 
du  Christianisme,  Vol.  IV,  p.  107. 

'  By  the  edict  of  Coucy,  July  16,  1535.  Actes  de 
Frangois  I,  no.  7990. 

'  Of  June  the  23rd,  1535.  Cf.  Herminjard,  op.  cit., 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  301. 

*  Of  May  the  31st  and  June  the  30th,  1536.  Actes  de 
Frangois  I,  nos.  8476  and  21,077. 

'  Gallorum  .  .  .  Ulustrium,  .  .  .  Elogia.    Cf.  p.  515.    . 


48  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1537 

and  offered  congratulations:  "Although,  while 
awaiting  your  opinion  on  those  matters  concern- 
ing which  I  begged  it  in  my  previous  letter, 
I  ought  not  to  trouble  you  with  a  new  one,  yet, 
since  a  man  most  devoted  to  both  of  us,  though 
principally  filled  with  love  of  you,  is  setting  off 
in  your  direction,  I  cannot  bring  myself  not  to 
send  you  anything  of  a  letter.  You  will  decide 
about  my  affairs,  as  I  wrote  to  you  lately.  What- 
ever you  do  will  be  as  grateful  as  if  it  were  the 
most  agreeable.  I  congratulate  you  on  your 
professorship.  That  brilliant  honour  of  yours 
refreshes  me  daily  more  and  more.  Farewell. 
Bordeaux.     Oct.  12th."  ' 

Who  was  the  friend  who  brought  this  letter  ? 
Conjecture  at  least  suggests  Visagier,  who  pub- 
lished a  volume  of  epigrams  in  Paris  in  1538, 
and  may  have  been  on  his  way  there  to  attend 
to  this.^  That  volume  contains  an  epigram 
addressed  to  Sainte-Marthe.  It  speaks  of  the 
advantages  of  Sainte-Marthe' s  situation  and  of 

1  For  the  text,  cf.  p.  603. 

2  All  that  is  known  of  Visagier's  movements  at  this 
time  is  his  presence  at  the  banquet  to  Dolet  in  Paris  in 
March,  1537,  his  probable  presence  in  Lyons  about  the 
middle  of  the  year,  when  he  published  his  second  book 


1537]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  49 

the  writer's  affection  for  him.  It  would  be 
carrying  logs  to  the  forest,  Visagier  assures  him, 
to  give  Sainte-Marthe  money, —  gems,  too,  weigh 
down  the  latter' s  fingers,  whereas  no  single  one 
gleams  upon  his  own  hand.  As  for  books,  his 
library  holds  few  books  and  he  has  none  which 
his  friend  has  not.  Garments?  He  has  only 
one,  and  that  not  fitted  to  Sainte-Marthe' s 
shoulders.  Even  his  heart,  he  concludes,  is 
already  his  friend's.  He  can  give  nothing  but 
this  assurance  that  he  is  unable  to  give.^ 

Meanwhile  Sainte-Marthe  had  answered 
Breton's  earlier  letter,  giving  him,  it  would 
appear,  the  advice  asked,  adding  an  account  of 
the  details  of  his  own  appointment  and  mention- 
ing his  theological  work.  Breton  replied  in  an 
undated  letter  ^  delivered  to  Sainte-Marthe  by 
no  less  a  person  than  the  younger  Gouv6a. 
"You write  to  me,"  he  says,  "that  you  were  re- 
ceived with  incredible  honor  and  warmth  by  the 
king  and  his  sister  that  most  admired  and  elect 

of  epigrams  there  (Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  p.  314),  and  his 
equally  conjectural  presence,  for  the  same  reason,  in 
Paris  in  1538. 

»  For  the  text,  cf.  p.  610. 

'  For  the  text,  cf.  p.  G03  et  seq. 

£ 


so  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1537 

woman,  Marguerite.  This  was  extremely  grate- 
ful to  me,  not  only  because  I  have  always  con- 
sidered you  most  worthy  of  honor  on  account 
of  the  scope  of  your  intelligence,  but  because, 
considering  your  habit  and  life  and  very  accom- 
plished style,  I  am,  as  it  were,  refreshed  and 
revived  when  I  hear  that  those  things  have  be- 
fallen you  which  are  due  by  common  consent  to 
the  virtue  and  constancy  of  the  excellent  and 
modest.  That,  in  truth,  delighted  me  much,  as 
indeed  was  natural,  but  still  more,  that  the  same 
king  honorably,  and  no  less  kindly,  invited  you 
to  the  profession  of  sacred  letters,  adding  a  very 
sufficient  and  honorable  wage  for  the  reward  of 
your  glorious  labors.  It  is  a  profession  full  of 
consideration,  dignity  and  credit,  and  by  it  we 
are  reconciled  not  only  to  men,  which  in  itself 
however,  is  a  great  thing,  but,  what  is  far  greater, 
to  divine  providence.  The  thing  you  urge  upon 
me,  to  devote  myself  to  this  study,  I  am  in  fact 
sedulously  engaged  upon ;  but  I  shall  do  so  more 
exactly  and  zealously  after  I  seem  to  have  made 
sufficient  progress  in  Greek  literature.  '  Fool, ' 
say  you,  'who  neglect  this  most  easy  study  for 
the  sake  of  one  so  weighty  and  prolific. '     Not  in 


1537]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  51 

the  least.  I  am  neither  doing  this  with  the 
thought  of  abandoning  the  one  for  the  sake  of 
the  other,  nor  do  I  consider  such  a  course  in 
any  wise  tolerable.  But,  since  I  seem  likely 
more  easily  to  excel  in  the  first  if  I  know  the 
other  study,  I  have  decided  to  give  a  little  more 
time  to  it.  When  I  have  done  this,  I  shall 
return  to  theology  as  to  the  safest  and  best 
port  for  all  cares  and  anxieties.  I  approve 
what  you  say  of  my  business,  for  I  greatly 
wished  that  it  might  so  turn  out,  and  it 
seemed  likely  to  be  of  the  utmost  importance 
in  my  affair.  Still  I  beg  you  again  and  again 
not  to  neglect  it.  Possibly,  if  it  is  convenient,  I 
shall  shortly  hasten  to  you  on  my  way  straight 
to  Paris,  and  then  all  can  be  freely  discussed 
between  us.  As  to  the  theological  book  which 
you  mention  at  the  same  time,  I  earnestly  desire 
you  to  give  it  to  me  as  soon  as  it  is  reproduced 
and  published.  Of  myself  I  can  write  nothing 
further  than  what  I  have  mentioned  above ;  that 
I  am  thinking  daily  of  Paris,  but  various  ru- 
mors of  war  have  alarmed  me,  lest  I  can  hardly 
effect  what  I  have  set  myself  to  do.  Every- 
thing in  good  time  however. 


52  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1537 

"The  last  thing  is  one  you  wish  to  know, 
whether  the  report  of  the  death  of  Durasius  be 
true.  Know  that  he  is  at  Bordeaux  and  was 
never  in  better  health;  but  I  believe  that  men 
not  without  wit,  nor  altogether  lacking  litera- 
ture, continually  spread  this  report  because  he 
lately  failed  in  a  lawsuit.  The  controversy  was 
about  his  wife.  Now,  because  he  is  cast  down 
from  that  hope  which  he  set  before  himself  and 
so  greatly  embraced,  they  feign  that  he  is  dead. 
That  saying  of  Cato's  is  known  to  us  and  not,  I 
think,  unheard  of  by  you,  that  the  soul  of  a  lover 
lives  in  the  body  of  another.  I  would  commend 
to  you  my  messenger,  were  not  his  learning  and 
talent,  and  even,  by  Hercules,  that  elegance, 
which  is  at  its  greatest  in  him,  enough  to  com- 
mend him.  He  is  the  brother  of  our  Gouvea.  I 
have  given  your  letter  to  Cordier  and  Zebe- 
d^e.  I  hope  that  you  will  write  to  me  as  often 
as  possible.  If  I  remain  —  and  so  far,  as  I  said, 
I  have  no  certainty  about  this  —  I  shall  over- 
whelm you  with  the  frequency  and  prolixity  of 
my  letters.    Farewell." 

It  is  probable  that  the  friends  did  not  meet; 
for  it  must  have  been  shortly  after  this  that 


15371  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  53 

Sainte-Marthe's  behavior  provoked  the  authori- 
ties beyond  endurance.  Perhaps,  when  he  saw 
the  storm  he  had  aroused,  he  made  some  effort 
at  retraction,  or  at  least  hedged.  Beze's  words 
suggest  it:  "Et  par  ces  moiens  I'ardeur  de  quel- 
ques  uns  creut  tellement  que  I'an  1537  un  jeune 
homme  nomme  Saincte  Martre,  Fun  des  fils  du 
premier  medicin  du  Roy,  homme  de  gaillard 
esprit,  commenga  a  faire  des  lectures  en  theologie, 
mais  pource  qu'il  n'avoit  point  de  fond,  et  qu'^ 
la  verite  y  avoit  en  luy  plus  de  legerete  que  de 
vray  zele,  ily  eut  en  son  faict  plus  de  fumee 
que  de  feu."  ^  In  any  case  he  suffered  no  worse 
punishment  than  the  obligation  "de  quitter  sa 
patrie  et  se  retirer  au  pays  stranger,"  ^  an  event 
which  one  of  his  friends,  A.  de  Villeneuve,^ 
lanaented  in  verse : 

"  Si  tu  scavois,  6  Ville  de  Poictiers 
Ce  que  tu  as  en  un  moment  perdu ; 
Tu  te  mettrois  en  effort  voluntiers 
A  celle  fin  que  te  fust  tost  rendu. 
Ton  Honneur  as,  &  ton  salut  vendu, 
Changeant  le  tien,  a  un  sot  estranger : 

1  Hist.  Ecc,  Vol.  I,  p.  63.         ^  GenMogie,  fol.  21  v". 

*  Unidentified.  A .  de  Villeneufve,  h  la  Ville  de  Poictiers, 
s^ir  le  departement  de  S.  Martke.  Livre  de  ses  Amys, 
Poesie  Francoise,  p.  236. 


64  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE      (1538- 

Si  tu  avois  ton  vray  bien  entendu 
Helas,  qu'amair  te  seroit  le  changer." 

Driven  from  Poitiers,  Sainte-Marthe  wandered 
for  a  year  or  two  in  ''maintes  lieux,"  where 
he  suffered,  according  to  his  friend  the  due 
de  Montausier,  "plusieurs  ad  verses  fortunes."* 
These  places  must  have  been  the  Dauphin^, 
Provence  and  Languedoc,  for  in  1540,  when 
he  published  his  volume  of  verse,  Sainte- 
Marthe  evidently  had  a  wide  acquaintance  in 
those  regions.  He  may  have  been  at  Lyons  in 
1538  with  Marot ;  ^  and  it  must  have  been  at 
Vienne  that  he  entered  into  intimate  relations 
with  the  three  brothers  Grolee-Mevouillon,  of  a 
distinguished  and  ancient  family'  whose  grand- 
father had  been  lieutenant-general  of  the  Dau- 

1  Cf.  p.  600. 

*  That  Sainte-Marthe  was  in  Lyons  before  his,  later, 
brief  stay  in  1540  is  indicated  by  his  large  and  intimate 
acquaintance  there,  and  especially  by  the  familiarity  of 
his  poems  of  1540  to  Dolet,  to  Dalechamps,  to  the  Selves, 
above  all  to  Maurice,  his  "trescher  amy  Scfeve,"  to  Tolet, 
his  "singulier  amy,"  etc. 

»  Cf.  Diet,  de  la  Noblesse,  Vol.  IX,  p.  893.  Bull,  de  la 
Soc.  d'Archeologie  de  la  Dr6me,  Vol.  XXIV,  p.  284. 
Guy  Allard,  Bibliothhque  du  Dauphine,  I,  p.  199.  Gallia 
Christiana,  Vol.  XVI,  col.  160  D.  Bull,  de  la  Soc.  de 
Statistique  de  I'lsfere,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  7.      Guy  Allard, 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE    55 

phine,  and  their  father,  Aimar-Antoine,  bailiff  of 
its  mountains,  distinguished  in  the  early  wars  of 
Francis  I.  To  Antoine,  the  eldest,  Baron  of  Bres- 
sieux  and  Argilliers,  Sainte-Marthe  addressed 
several  poems,  one  in  praise  of  friendship  in 
general,  desiring  his  in  particular: 

"...  amytie  telle  que  veoyons  estre 
Entre  un  Valet  &  son  Seigneur  &  Maistre."  ^ 

He  expressed  his  feelings  for  the  second  brother 
FranQois,^  in  a  poem,  A  noble  Seigneur,  Mon- 
sieur Francois  de  Muillion,  seigneur  de  Ribbiers, 

Hist,  genealogique  de  la  M aison  de  GroUe,  Grenoble,  1688, 
pp.  12  and  29.  Mermet,  Hist,  de  Vienne,  Vienne,  1853, 
passim. 

>  P.  F.,  pp.  170-172.  The  others  addressed  to  him  are 
DeqiMxy  nous  sommes  au  Monde  debiteurs,  P.  F.,  p.  72, 
D'un  qui  mesdisoit  de  luy  en  son  absence,  P.  F.,  p.  59, 
De  la  misere  de  proces,  P.  F.,  p.  29.  Seigneur  also  of 
Serres,  Neyrieu,  Juis,  Cornillon,  Antoine  de  Grol^e  died 
without  offspring,  bequeathing  his  possessions  —  by  a  will 
dated  September  the  4th,  1544  —  to  his  brother  Aimar- 
Fran9ois. 

^  Seigneur  also  of  Lauris,  Puget,  Baume,  Falevaux, 
Cordon,  Ruinat,  Sainte-Colombe,  Pinet  and  Barret, 
Chevalier  de  I'ordre  du  Roy,  and  gentleman  of  the  king's 
chamber.  He  married  Catherine  d'Oraison,  and  left  five 
children.  A  letter  of  his,  signed  "Bressieux, "  is  still  ex- 
tant, written  in  1553,  addressed  to  the  duke  of  Guise,  as- 
suring him  that  Grol6e  had  notified  the  court  of  Grenoble 
of  the  duke's  wish  for  the  severe  punishment  of  heretics. 


56  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE      [1538- 

en  le  remerdant  des  hiens  qu'il  luy  h  faictz,  and 
in  a  long  epistle  full  of  genuine  affection,  A 
Monsieur  de  Ribhiers}  The  third  brother/ 
Anne  or  Annet,  aftenv'ards  abbot  of  the  monas- 
tery of  S.  Pierre  de  Vienne,^ 

"  Abb  6  tres venerable, 
Sur  tous  Prelats  la  floeur  incomparable," 

was  the  third  Grolee  since  1511  to  hold  that  office. 
He,  like  his  brothers,  showed  Sainte-Marthe  in- 
numerable kindnesses,  enough  indeed  to  cause 
envious  comment  in  the  countryside,  as  his 
protege  reminds  him: 

"J 'ay  tant  receu,  que  la  main  liberale 
En  a  esmeu  la  nation  ruralle, 
Car  quelques  Sots,  ne  cognoissants  pourquoy 
II  vous  plaisoit  faire  estime  de  moy, 
Et  me  jugeants,  par  leur  trop  grosse  teste, 
Qu'estre  debuois  (comme  un  chascun  d'eulx)  beste, 
Ont  contre  moy,  k  la  fin  machine,"  etc. 
—  A.  R.  Pere  en  Dieu,  Monseigneur  Anne  de  Grolee, 
abbe  de  S.  Pierre  de  Vienne.    P.  F.,  pp.  167  and  168. 

*  P.  F .,  pp.  34  and  188.     He  addressed  to  him  also  a 
huitain,  Qu'il  fault  esprouver  I'amy,  P.  F.,  p.  73. 

'  The  Grol6es  had  one  other  brother,  Laurent,  and 
three  sisters. 

*  Abbot  until  1560.    In  1547,  when  Henri  II,  to  reward 
the  loyalty  of  the  town,  ordered  the  heart  of  the  Dauphin 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE    57 

Sainte-Marthe  formed  friendships,  also,  with 
other  kinsmen  of  the  Grol^es,  with  their  great 
aunt,  Antoinette  de  Bressieux,  a  nun,  later 
on  abbess  of  Vernaison ;  ^  with  Exupere  ^  and 
Louis  de  Claveyson,  respectively  Seigneur  and 

to  be  buried  at  Vienne,  Anne  de  Grolee  was  commis- 
sioned to  go  to  Tournon  to  fetch  it. 

^  Sainte-Marthe  wrote  her  a  rondeau,  A  Madame 
I'Abesse de  Vernaison,  P.  F.,  p.  100.  Cf.  Gallia  Christiana, 
Vol.  XVI,  p.  354;  Dictionnaire  de  la  Noblesse,  Vol.  IX, 
p.  892,  art.  GroUe. 

''Sainte-Marthe  wrote  him  four  poems:  Au  Seigneur 
de  Parnans.  De  quelcun  qui  disoit  qu'il  aymoit  trop 
s'Amye,  P.  F.,  p.  31;  Au  Seigneur  de  Parnans.  Qu^au- 
jourdhuy  on  est  plus  obeissant  a  Vice  qu'a  Vertu,  P.  F.,  p. 
87;  Au  Seigneur  de  Parnans.  Quoy  que  deux  Amys  se 
separent  I'un  de  Vaultre,  que  toutefoy,  sont  tousjours  pres- 
ents, P.  i^.,  p.  35  ;  A  noble  Exupere  de  Claveyson, 
Seigneur  de  Parnans,  responce  a  son  Dixain,  P.  F.,  p.  24. 
The  dixain  in  question  was  contributed  by  Claveyson  to 
the  Livre  de  ses  Amys,  P.  F.,  p.  223.  For  a  curious  con- 
troversy about  the  existence  of  this  person,  cf.  La  Croix 
du  Maine,  Bib.  Franc,  with  La  Monnoye's  note;  Rochas, 
Biog.  du  Dauphine;  Allard,  Bib.  du  Dauphine;  J.  Vossier, 
Bull,  de  la  Soc.  d'Arch.  de  la  Drdme,  Vol.  XV,  p.  63;  and 
A.  Lacroix,  Exupere  de  Claveisonet  Blaise  Volet,  ibid.,  Vol. 
XXVII,  p.  166.  Exupfere  de  Claveyson  was,  in  fact,  the 
son  of  Guillaume  de  Claveyson.  His  mother,  Phillipine 
de  Bressieux,  dame  de  Parnans,  bore  her  father's  name 
and  arms  and  bequeathed  them  by  will  to  her  son, 
Exupere,  who  took  the  name  of  Bressieux.  He  was  twice 
married,  and  his  will  is  dated  the  12th  of  February,  1561. 


68  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE      [1538- 

Prieur^  of  Parnans;  with  the  abbess  of  Laval,  a 
Cistercian  convent  of  the  Bressieux  foundation. ^ 
To  her  Sainte-Marthe  addressed  a  poem,  A 
Madame  I'Abesse  de  la  val  en  Daulphine,  estant 
Malade,^  curiously  insisting  on  the  power  of  the 
will  in  sickness.  Among  other  friends  were 
Anne  d'Arbigny,  lady  of  the  same  Laval/  and 
her  maitre  d^hotel,  Seigneur  de  la  Riviere.^  At 
Vienne,  too,  Sainte-Marthe  formed  ties  with 
Pierre  de  Marillac,  abbot  of  Pontigny,*  brother 

'  Sainte-Marthe  thus  addressed  him :  A  Frere  L.  de 
Claveyson,  prieur  de  Parnans.  Que  V habit  ne  fait  pas  le 
Moyne.     P.  F.,  p.  60. 

2  Cf.  Gallia  Christiana,  Vol.  XV,  p.  212,  and  Guy  AUard, 
Diet,  du  Dauphine. 

'  P.  F.,  p.  28. 

*  Sainte-Marthe's  rondeau  to  her  on  the  subject  of  her 
name,  A  Madame  Anne  d'arbigny  Dame  de  la  Val  en  Daul- 
phine, P.  F.,  p.  89,  leaves  room  for  the  conjecture  that 
she  and  the  abbess  of  Laval  were  one  and  the  same.  The 
tone  of  Marot's  epigram  to  this  lady,  however,  hardly 
suggests  it.  Cf.  (Euvres,  Vol.  IV,  p.  58.  Longuemare,  op. 
cit.,  gives  the  name  as  d'Albigny,  but  assigns  no  reason 
for  the  change. 

^  An  Seigneur  de  la  Riviere  Maistre  d' hotel  de  Madame 
de  la  Val.  Comment  on  doibt  estre  cault  a  faire  un  Amy. 
P.  F.,  p.  96. 

*  A  P.  de  Marillac,  Comment  on  doibt  prendre  ce  terme 
Fortune-  P.  F.,  p.  10.  He  was  converted  to  Protestant- 
ism at  the  age  of  forty  and  retired  to  Geneva. 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXlLE  50 

of  the  famous  Charles  de  Marillac,  later  on  Arch- 
bishop of  Vienne;*  and  it  was  probably  here 
that  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  the  Chevalier 
Grenet,  his  "frere  et  Amy  perfaict."^ 

He  endeared  himself  also  to  other  Dauphinois, 
to  Paule  de  Fay  d'Estable  and  his  sister;^  to 
Frere  I.  Marron,  "Amy  Marron ;" *  to  Madame  de 
Molans ;  and  to  Mdlle.  Beconne,^  —  obviously 
a  great  lady,  —  who  admired  his  talents  and  to 

*  I.e.  after  1557.  Re  the  brothers  Marillac,  cf.  La 
France  Protestante ;  Aigueperse,  Biog.  d'Auvergne;  Diet, 
de  la  Noblesse.  The  G  en  ealogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte- 
Marthe,  cit.  supra,  names  the  Marillacs  in  a  Table  des 
Maisons  alliSes  a  celle  de  Sainte-Marthe. 

^Unidentified.  I  have  supposed  the  name  identical 
with  Granet,  that  of  a  family  near  Vienne.  Cf.  Bull,  de 
la  Soc.  d'Arch.  de  la  Dr6me,  Vol.  XXVII,  p.  250. 

^  A  noble  Paule  de  Fay  Seigneur  d'Estables.  P.  F.,  p.  79. 
A  Madamoiselle  d'Estable,  sa  seur  d' alienee.  P.  F.,  p.  159. 
Cf.  Guy  Allard,  Nobiliaire  du  Dauphine,  art.  Fay,  and  Bib. 
du  Dauphine,  Vol.  II,  p.  455. 

*  A  F.  I.  Marron,  pourquoy  le  vray  bien  est  interdit. 
P.  F.,  p.  56.  Re  Marron,  cf.  La  France  Prot.,  2d  ed., 
Vol.  VII,  p.  316  a. 

'  A  Madamoiselle  de  Beconne.  P.  F.,  p.  193.  A  cer- 
tain de  Beconne,  presumably  the  father  or  grandfather  of 
the  lady  in  question,  was  captain  of  500  men,  governor 
of  Dun-le-roi  and  Crest  in  1485,  and  in  1503  maitre  des 
eaux  et  forets  of  Dauphin^.  Bull,  de  la  Soc.  d'Arch.  de 
la  Dr6me,  Vol.  VII,  p.  13,  and  Vol.  VIII,  p.  36. 


60  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE      [1538- 

whom  he  offered  poetical  homage  of  a  platonic 
sort.  He  visited  Vaucluse/  and  at  Avignon  he 
frequented  Pierre  Paschal.^  It  is  less  certain 
where  he  encountered  Guillaume  Bigot/  a  man 
whom,  at  that  time,  all  the  learned  world  de- 
lighted to  honor.  Bigot  published  his  Somnium 
in  Paris  in  1537,  and  between  that  date  and  the 
end  of  1540,  when  he  settled  at  Nimes,  his  restless 
travels  carried  him  into  the  Lyonnais,  Dauphine, 
Piedmont  and  Italy.  His  friendship  for  Sainte- 
Marthe  was  of  a  somewhat  captious  order.  He 
had  no  sympathy  with  a  desire  to  compose 
verse  on  the  part  of  a  man  who  should  properly 
devote  himself 

*  The  poem  Sur  la  fontaine  de  Vaucluse  pres  laquelle 
jadis  habita  Petrarche.  P.  F.,'p.  21,  leads  to  this  conclusion. 
Cf.  p.  535. 

'"Audii  Petrum  Paschalium  virum  eruditissimum  & 
mihi  aliquando  Avenione  cognitum,  statuisse  Rcginae 
vitam  litteris  mandare."  Sainte-Marthe  in  obitum  .  .  . 
Margaritce  .  .  .  oralio  funebris.  Candida  lectori,  p.  4. 
Cf.  infra,  p.  587. 

'  Cf.,  re  Bigot,  M.  J.  Gaufrfes,  Claude  Baduel  et  la 
Reforme  des  Etudes  au  XVI'  siecle.  Bayle,  Diet.  Hist.  & 
Critique,  remarks,  "  On  imprima  quelques  uns  de  ses  vers 
franQois  avec  les  Poesies  de  Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe  oncle 
de  Scevole."  The  "quelques  uns"  resolve  themselves 
into  one  long  poem ;  Epistre  de  Bigotius  a  Saincte-Marthe, 
in  the  Livre  de  ses  Amys.  P.  F.,  p.  229.  It  is  re- 
printed by  Gaufrfes,  p.  313. 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  61 

"...  aux  Sciences, 
Desquelles  as  du  Seigneur  les  semences." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  229. 

Sainte-Marthe,  however,  had  for  Bigot  the  utmost 
admiration,  considered  him  "tres  consomme  en 
Philosophic"  and  addressed  him  as  "Vray 
Philosophe  et  de  tiltre  et  de  faict."  ^  Yet 
another  friend  was  Leon  de  Saint-Maur,  the 
old  duke  of  Montausier;^  and  the  fact  may  indi- 
cate that  Sainte-Marthe  traveled  as  far  south 
as  Hyeres,  whence  Saint-Maur  later  dated  a 
friendly  letter  to  him.^ 

It  was  at  Aries,  however,  that  he  formed  the 
most  lasting  ties,  probably  in  the  course  of  the 
year  1538.  Besides  forming  an  intimate  friend- 
ship with  Antoine  Arlier,*  lieutenant  at  Aries  of 

'  In  a  rondeau,  A  Guillaume  Bigot  homme  trescon- 
sommi  en  Philosophie  with  the  refrain,  "  Vray  Philosophe." 
P.  F.,  p.  93. 

^  Second  duke  of  his  name.  He  had  done  homage  for 
his  lands  in  1479.  Cf.  Diet,  de  la  Noblesse,  Vol.  XVIII, 
p.  201,  and  Moreri,  Le  grand  Diet,  historique.  In  his  let- 
ter to  Sainte-Marthe  he  is  called  L6on  de  Saint  More 
dit  de  Monthozier,  doubtless  a  printer's  error,  as  there 
is  no  doubt  of  his  identity. 

s  Cf.  infra,  pp.  93  and  600. 

*  Re  Arlier,  cf.  Picot,  Rabelais  a  Aigues  Mortes,  Rev. 
des  Et.  Rab.,  1905,  pp.  333-335  and  J.  L.  Gerig,  Notes 


62  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE      [1538- 

the  Seneschal  of  Provence,  and  entering  into 
friendly  relations  with  Michel  de  Saint-Jean, 
"  jeune  homme  de  grand  jugement  sans  lettres,"  * 
and  with  at  least  one  member  of  the  family  de 
la  Tour,^  Sainte-Marthe  made  acquaintance, 
epistolatory  if  nothing  more,  with  "noble  Loys 
de  Sainct  Martin."'  The  latter  had  laid  him 
under  profound  obligations  by  the  tender  of  a 
lively  and  welcome  sympathy  in  his  misfortunes, 
and  Sainte-Marthe  expressed  his  sense  of  obli- 
gation in  verse : 

"A  vous  je  suis  debiteur  d'une  debte 
De  tant  hault  pris,  qui  si  c'estoit  recepte 
D'or  ou  d'argent,  voire  &  encores  plus, 
Je  le  confesse,  or  il  reste  au  surplus. 
*  *  *  *  * 

Vu  avez  sceu  ce,  qui  m'est  survenu, 
Et  par  piti6  de  mon  grand  infortune. 
Ma  passion  vous  a  este  conunune." 
—  A  noble  Loys   de  sainct  Martin  d' Aries,  luy  estant 
malade.     P.  F.,  p.  139. 

8ur  Ravlin  Siguier  .  .  .  et  sur  Antoine  Arlier,  Annales  du 
Midi,  October,  1909,  p.  483. 

*  A  Michel  de  sainct  Jhean  d^ Aries,  jeune  homme  de 
grand  jugement  sans  lettres.     P.  F.,  p.  27. 

*  A  Madame  Magdaleine  de  la  Tour  sa  Soeur  d' Alliance. 
P.  F.,  p.  70.     There  was  a  family  of  this  name  at  Aries. 

*  Possibly  the  Sanctus  Martinus  who  was    a    corre- 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  63 

He  made  at  Aries  also  acquaintance  with  two 
men  of  more  importance  in  his  life :  with  Jacques 
de  Raynaud  Sieur  d'Alein  ^  and  with  the 
learned  monk  Denis  Faucher.^  Alein,  a  citizen 
of  distinction  "bien  instruit  aux  Sainctes  Ecri- 
tures  &  docte  en  droit  civil  "  according  to  Theo- 

spondent  of  Breton's.  Cf.  Rob.  Britanni  Epist.  lii)ri  tres, 
fol.  83  r°. 

'  Spelled  variously  Alein,  Allein,  Alen,  Alenc.  For  his 
share  in  Chassanee's  unwillingness  to  execute  the  decree 
of  1540  against  the  Vaudois  cf.  Crespin's  Histoire  des 
martyrs  persecutez  &  mis  d,  mort  pour  la  veriU  de  I'  Evangile, 
etc.;  Theodore  de  Bhze,  Hist.  Ecc,  Vol.  I,  p.  38;  La 
France  Prot.  arts.  Raynaud  (Guillaume)  and  Masson 
(Pierre) ;  cf.  also  Gaufres,  op.  cit.,  pp.  197  et  seq.  and  222- 
225. 

^  Of  an  honorable  family  of  Aries,  Faucher  was  "pro- 
fessed" monk  at  St.  Benedict  de  Padolinore  at  Mantua 
in  1508.  Transferred  to  the  island  of  Lerina,  when  the 
monastery  there  was  reformed  and  united  to  the  sacred 
college  of  St.  Justin  of  Padua,  he  devoted  himself  to  the 
study  of  the  works  of  St.  Paul.  Said  to  be  as  erudite  in 
the  "humanities"  as  in  theology,  he  was,  besides,  skilled 
in  painting.  At  the  command  of  Cardinal  du  Bellay  he 
undertook  the  reform  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Nicholas  of 
Tarascon,  which  belonged  to  the  Lerina  congregation. 
He  was  author  of  religious  treatises,  poems,  hymns,  ser- 
mons and  works  on  the  reform  of  monasteries  and  died 
in  1562  at  the  age  of  70.  Cf.  Chronologia  Sanctorum  .  .  . 
Sacrce  Insulce  Lerinensis,  p.  222.  Compendium  vitce  Rever- 
endi  Patris  Domini  Dionisii  Faucherii,  auctoris  proesentis 
operis  &  monachi  Lerinensis. 


64  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE      [1538- 

dore  de  Beze,  the  friend  of  men  in  public  life  if 
not  himself  of  national  ^^eputation,  had  at  least 
liberal  religious  inclinations  and  also  evidently 
sympathized  with  Sainte-Marthe  on  the  famous 
question  of  woman,  which  preoccupied  various 
literary  men  of  the  time.^  Allein's  influence,  in 
so  far  as  it  leaned  towards  the  new  reform,  was 
assuredly  offset  by  that  of  Denis  Faucher,  a 
humanist,'  whose  loyalty  to  the  church  was  of  a 
stem  and  determined  sort.  Occupied  in  carry- 
ing out  his  monastic  reforms  at  the  neighboring 
Tarascon,  Faucher  must  from  time  to  time  have 
visited  his  native  Aries,  and  it  was  probably  at 
this  time  that  Sainte-Marthe  entered  upon  an 
admiring  affection  ^  which  almost  embarrassed 
the  older  man. 

Love  as  well  as  friendship  glorified  Aries  for 
Sainte-Marthe.  Of  the  object  of  his  passion. 
Mademoiselle  Beringue  or  BeringuedeLoytaulde, 
we  know  only  what  her  lover  has  told  us.     She 

*  A  Monsieur  d'Alein  d' Aries.  Que  I'homme  medisant 
de  la  Femme  medict  de  soy  mesme.     P.  F.,  p.  14. 

^  Among  his  correspondents  were  the  Cardinals  du 
Bellay,  Charles  de  Lorraine,  and  Sadolet,  Bigot,  Vulteius, 
Macrin,  Dampierre. 

»  Cf.  pp.  90  and  608. 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  65 

was  poor  and,  in  Sainte-Marthe's  eyes,  beautiful 
in  her  "tendre  et  premiere  jeunesse,"  and  she 
took  him  with  a  smile : 

"  Par  un  soubris  qui  rien  ne  me  sembloit 
Et  seulement  entour  la  bouche  aloit 
Qui  m'eust  predit  que  j'eusse  ceste  peine? 
Un  Ris  a  il  puissance  si  haultaine 
De  captiver  celuy  1^  qui  le  veoit  ? 

—  A   Madamoiselle  Gacinette  Loytaulde,  Mere  de  Be- 

ringue  s'Amye.     P.  F.,  p.  88. 

He  has  left  a  lively  description  of  her  charms : 

"Vostre  Beaulte,  en  ce  n'y  a  rien  fait, 
Quoy  qu'CEuvre  soit  de  Nature  perfaict, 
ffiuvre  divin,  &  splendeur  Angelique. 
Encores  moins  Desir,  qui  fust  lubrique. 
Vostre  vertu  seule  m'y  a  induit, 
Et  par  Amour  tres  honneste  conduit, 
Une  doulceur  en  vous  tresgenuine, 
Une  Bonte  traicte  en  Face  benigne, 
Et  (qui  a  fait  plus  ferme  le  lyen) 
Un  sentiment,  du  tout  semblable  au  mien. 

—  A  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  De  leur  honneste  &  irrep- 

rehensible  Amour.     P.  F.,  p.  147. 

There  were  rivals  and  mischief  makers,  but  the 
lovers'  mutual  affection  remained  firm : , 

"  Puisque  m'aymez,  &  aymer  je  vous  veulx, 
Nos  deux  vouloirs  (au  plaisir  des  haults  Dieux) 
Ensemble  joincts,  auront  toute  puissance. 


66  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE      [1538- 

Or  poursuivons  d'une  grande  Constance. 
Quoy  que  sur  nous  machinent  Envieux 

C'est  pour  neant." 
—  A   MadamoiseUe  Beringue,  Que  leur   Amour  ne  se 
pourra  minuer  pour  les  mesdisanis.     P.  F.,  p.  86. 

Nor  did  the  gossips  spare  Sainte-Marthe  on  the 

subject  of  the  small  portion  Mdlle.  Beringue  was 

likely  to  bring  her  lover : 

"Les  mesdisans  m'ont  souvent  fait  reproche 
Qu'elle  ne  peut  me  donner  le  grand  bien." 

He  kept  to  his  determination,  however :  "  Jasent 

leur  saoul,"  he  exclaims, 

"leur  parler  ne  me  touche, 
EUe  me  plaist,  je  m'en  contente  bien. 
II  ne  fault  done  qu'ilz  estiment,  combien 
Qu'elle  n'ait  pas  grand  rente  &  grand  avoir, 
Que  je  delaisse  en  faire  mon  debvoir 
De  mettre  fin  k  ma  premiere  attente." 
— D'aulcuns  mesdisans,  luy  faisans  reproche  de  la 
paouvrete  de  s'Amye.     P.  F.,  p.  33. 

Sainte-Marthe's  latest  biographer,  M.  de  Longue- 
mare,  supposes  that  Mdlle.  Beringue  had  but 
slight  hold  upon  the  poet's  affections,  and  that 
he  was  simply  following  the  fashion  of  celebrat- 
ing a  poetic  mistress;  but,  though  it  is  true  that 
Sainte-Marthe  practised  his  poetical  theories 
upon  his  mistress,  it  is  impossible  to  read  the 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE    67 

poems  through  without  perceiving  the  presence 
of  real  passion  —  above  all  in  the  prayer  for 
Beringue's  recovery  from  "les  fiebvres."  A 
passage  like  the  following  could  hardly  be  the 
outcome  merely  of  poetic  sensibility  deliberately 
invoked : 

"O  doulx  Seigneur  .  .  . 


Ta  grand  doulceur  icy  venir  m'appreste, 
Pour  humblement  te  faire  une  requeste. 
C'est  de  donner  par  ta  grace  secours 
A  celle  1^  qui  prend  vers  toy  recours, 
Qui  maintenant  est  au  lict  en  malaise 
Pour  une  Fiebvre  aspre,  longue  et  maulvaise 
De  laquelle  est  son  corps  fort  tourment6, 
Si  des  siens  est  le  dur  mal  lament  e, 
Si  ses  Amys  en  ont  grande  tristesse, 
J 'en  ay  (sur  tous)  la  mortelle  destresse, 
Je  suis  celuy,  qui,  avec  le  tourment, 
Ne  puis  avoir  aultre  contentement 
Que  par  sa  Mort,  une  Mort  qui  m'est  seure, 
Prenant  sante  de  la  mesme  morsure." 
—  A  Jesu  Christ,  Supplication  pour  obtenir  guarison  h 
Madamoiselle  Beringue,  estcmt  malade  des  Fiebvres. 
P.  F.,  p.  184. 

Passion    and    friendship    did    not    exhaust 
Sainte-Marthe's  experience  at  Aries.    He  suffered 


68  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE      [1538- 

there  not  only  bodily  harm  but  petty  persecu- 
tion in  some  form,  to  which  his  poem  to 
Saint-Martin  doubtless  made  reference.  He  is 
strangely  vague  about  these  misfortunes  when 
he  exclaims,  addressing  the  city  of  Aries  : 

"Tu  a  voulu  me  priver  de  la  vie 
Du  coup  mortel  de  ma  senestre  Main. 
Persecute  fus  apres  par  Enuie 
D'aulcuns  des  tiens," 
—  A  la  ViUe  d' Aries  en  Provence,  d'ou  est  naiijve  Mada- 

moiselle  Beringue,  s'Amie.    En  forme  de  complainte. 

P.  F.,  p.  25. 

and  sheds  no  further  light  upon  the  cause  of  the 
persecution  than  upon  the  nature  of  the  bodily 
injury.  As  there  is  no  reference  to  the  loss  of 
a  hand  either  in  Sainte-Marthe's  later  works 
or  in  his  nephew's  account  of  him,^  it  may  be 
concluded  that  the  accident,  if  accident  it  was, 
left  no  more  effect  than  the  persecution,  which 
indeed  ended  in  the  confusion  of  its  authors : 

"  Mais  I'effort  inhumain 
A  (Dieu  mercy)  4  la  fin  este  vain. 
Done  chascun  d'eulx  I'aultre  en  honte  regarde." 

—  Ibid. 

'  It  is  barely  possible  that  the  poet  intended  some  al- 
lusion to  his  father,  who  perhaps  set  an  example  followed 
by  his  more  famous  nephew  and  Latinized  his  name 
Gattcher  into  Scivole. 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE    69 

Sainte-Marthe's  other  peregrinations  in  the 
south  possibly  included  Chambery,  since  he 
addressed  lines  to  Boysonne/  appointed  in  the 
course  of  1538  ^  judge  in  the  Royal  Court  and 
Parlement  there,  and  also  Grenoble,  where  he 
certainly  had  friends,  among  them  St.  Romans, 
Jean  Galbert  and  Jean  d'Avanson,^  all  officials 
in  town  or  Parlement,  besides  a  certain  Maurice 
Chausson,  of  a  family  prominent  in  the  munici- 
pal affairs  of  the  place,  whose  ardent  friendship 
he  returned  with  warmth/  He  was  in  straits  for 
money  during  this  period  and,  it  may  be,  applied 
in  vain  for  help  to  the  rich  Boissonne.  The 
possibility  suggests  itself  from  the  tone  of  the 
verses  he  addressed  to  the  latter,  verses  which, 

*  Cf .  infra. 

'  Re  Boissonn6,  cf.  Georges  Guibal,  De  Johannis  Bois- 
sonei  vita;  F.  Meugnier,  La  vie  et  les  poesies  de  Jean  Boy- 
sonn6;   Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  passim. 

'  Cf.  infra,  pp.  89,  92,  et  passim. 

*  Sainte-Marthe  has  a  dixain  to  him,  A  Maurice  Chaus- 
son, vers  Alexandrins.  P.  F.,  p.  66.  He  contributed  a 
complimentary  huitain  to  Sainte-Marthe's  Livre  de  ses 
Amys:  —  Maurice  Chausson  A  S.  Marthe.  P.  F .,  p.  234. 
One  of  the  family,  an  apothecary,  Louis  by  name,  was 
conseiller  in  the  municipal  council  in  1554  and  consul  in 
1555.  Another,  Jean,  is  also  named  in  the  records  as 
present  at  municipal  meetings. 


70  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1539 

considering   his  many  friends,  read   somewhat 
ungraciously : 

A  Monsieur  Boissoni,  Conseiller  h  Chambery.      Qu'on 
se  doiht  fier  au  seul  Seigneur,  non  aux  Hommes. 

"  J'ay  veu  beaucoup,  &  i'ay  beaucoup  souffert, 
Et  au  besoing  j'ay  trouv^  peu  d'Amys, 
Tel  s'est  k  moy  de  paroUes  offert 
Qui  k  I'effect  ne  m 'a volt  rien  promis, 
Mais  le  Seigneur  a  tout  cecy  permis, 
Voulant  qu'en  luy,  non  aultre  me  confye. 
Malheureux  est  qui  en  rHomme  se  fye. 

—  P.  F.,  p.  57. 

Whether  he  begged  of  Boissonne  or  not,  it  is 
certain  that  he  did  of  others.  To  Louis  de 
Saint-Remy,  of  Grenoble^  or  Lyons,  he  wrote 
from  Vincentz,  one  of  the  purlieus  of  the 
town,^  where  he  was  "in  necessity,"  facetiously 

*  A  Monsieur  de  S.  Remy  luy  estant  en  necessite  a  Vin- 
cence,  P.  F.,  p.  92,  lines  later  attributed  to  Marot ;  cf.  infra, 
p.  241,  n.  4.  Probably  identical  with  Louis  de  St.  Remy, 
conseiller  at  Grenoble  and  afterwards,  in  1555,  citizen  of 
Geneva  (cf.  La  France  Protestante) ;  the  same  perhaps  as 
the  M.  de  St.  Remy,  "qu'on  dit  estre  fort  expert  quant  aux 
reparations  et  fortifications  des  villes,"  who  was  at  Lyons 
between  1542  and  1544  and  was  consulted  by  the  authori- 
ties there  as  to  the  defences  of  that  city.  Archives  de 
la  ville  de  Lyons.     Actes  consulaires,  BB.  61  Registre. 

'  The  only  explanation  of  Vincence  that  suggests 
itself. 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE    71 

begging  a  hundred  6cus;  and  Frangois  de  Oro- 
ide's kindnesses  certainly  included  pecuniary 
help.  A  letter  received  in  the  preceding 
January  (1539)  from  Antoine  Arlier  indicates 
the  same  thing/  "I  learn  from  your  letter," 
writes  the  latter,  "by  what  winds  of  fortune  you 
are  being  buffeted,  although  you  practice  charity 
in  speech  and  with  your  patrimony.  If  this 
virtue  is  proper  and  peculiar  to  those,  of  all 
others,  who  busy  themselves  with  philosophy, 
be  sure  that  it  will  guide  you  safe  to  port.  I 
myself,  my  Sainte-Marthe,  would  offer  to  help 
you,  were  I  not  compelled  shortly  to  set  out  for 
Court,  to  offer  thanks  to  the  most  Christian 
King,  because  —  in  case  you  are  ignorant  of  it  — 
he  has  bestowed  upon  me  the  office  of  Senator  at 
Turin.  He  wishes  me  still  to  remain  in  perpetu- 
ity lieutenant  for  the  Seneschal  at  Aries.  For 
this  journey  I  am  obliged  to  borrow  money  for 
horses,  garments  and  service,  since  I  have  not 

*  Arlerius  Carolo  Samarthano.  For  text  c/.  p.  607.  I 
owe  this  letter  to  the  kindness  of  Dr.  John  L.  Gerig  of 
Columbia  University,  who  is  to  publish  Arlier's  letters  in 
collaboration  with  M.  Emile  Picot.  Its  date  is  fixed  by 
the  mention  of  Arlier's  recent  appointment  (Dec.  the 
14th,  1538).     Cf.  E.  Picot,  loc.  cit.,  p.  335. 


72  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE       [1539 

sufficient.  See  in  what  unhappy  need  I  am 
forced  to  set  out  for  the  court  in  pretended 
prosperity,  —  to  importune  my  friends  and  to 
refuse  you,  the  dearest  of  all,  what,  on  the 
contrary,  I  must  repay  elsewhere.  Farewell, 
and  look  for  a  letter  from  me  from  Valence  on 
the  first  opportunity.  Aries.  January  the  1st 
(1539).  That  you  have  added  distinction  to  my 
name  in  your  learned  writings  certainly  pleases 
me,  who  will,  in  the  future  take  care  that  you 
do  not  repent  of  having  thus  labored." 

Whatever  the  dates  and  order  of  his  itiner- 
ary in  the  south  of  France,  Sainte-Marthe  had 
arrived  at  Romans  by  the  end  of  October,  1539. 
There,  also,  he  made  powerful  friends,  among 
them  Andre  Tardivon,  Courrier  of  the  place, 
to  whom  he  addressed  a  rondeau :  A  AndrS 
Tardivon,  Courrier  de  Romans.  Aulcunefoys  Mai 
sur  Mai  estre    sante}     Others   were   the   Ro- 


*  P.  F.,  p.  98.  Of  a  family  well  known  about  Valence 
and  Romans  since  1426,  this  Andr6  was  the  son  of 
Guillaume  de  Tardivon,  also  Courrier  of  the  town  of 
Romans.  He  married  Fran^oise  de  Galbert  de  Rocoules 
and  left  a  son,  Exupfere,  who  embraced  the  reformed  reli- 
gion and  went  to  live  in  Vivarais.  Cf.  Bull,  de  la  Soc. 
d'Arch.  de  la  Dr6me,  Vol.  XXVI,  p.  352. 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE    73 

coules  *  connected  with  Tardivon  by  marriage; 
the  learned  Jean  Meriin,^  whom  Sainte-Marthe 
complimented  with  a  dixain,  A  Jehan  Merlin, 
Que  nous  sommes  Aveugles  en  nos  faicts;^  and 
perhaps  Edmond  Odde  de  Triors/  an  important 
figure  in  the  countryside.  Sainte-Marthe's  lines 
to  the  latter  might  be  intended  as  an  unfriendly 
personal  epigram.  If  not,  the  dedication  would 
be  in  itself  a  compliment : 

"  De  quoy  sert  il  avoir  maison  sans  porte  ? 
De  quoy  sert  il  quand  belle  Bource  on  porte 
Plaine  d'Argent,  si  n'a  point  de  lien  ? 
Cel^  bien  peu  proffite,  ou  du  tout  rien. 

*  Sainte-Marthe  addressed  two  poems  to  Jeanne  de 
Rocoules,  A  Madamoiselle  Jeanne  de  Raucoulles.  Que  la 
cognoissance  de  Dieu  oultrepasse  tons  autres  dons.  P.  F., 
p.  36,  and  A  Madamoiselle  Jean  de  RaoucotUles.  P.  F., 
p.  153. 

*  Re  Jean- Raymond  Merlin,  his  protestantism  and  his 
"mission"  in  France,  cf.  La  France  Prat,  and  Rochas, 
Biog.  du  Dauphin  e.  Native  of  Romans,  he  left  France 
"in  his  youth  "  to  settle  at  Lausanne,  where  he  was  ap- 
pointed professor  of  Hebrew  in  1531  or  1548.  His  ac- 
quaintance with  Sainte-Marthe  makes  the  latter  date 
more  probable. 

'  P.  F.,  p.  68. 

*  Re  Edmond  Odde,  Seigneur  de  Triors  (d.  1572)  "voisin 
&  singulier  amy  de  la  communaut^,"  cf.  Bull,  de  la  Soc. 
d'Arch.  de  la  Dr6me,  Vol.  XXIV,  135-145. 


74  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1539 

Et  moins  la  langue,  encor  que  soit  diserte, 
S'^  tous  propos  sans  closture  est  ouverte." 

—  A  noble   Edmond   Odde,   Seigneur    de    Triors.    Du 

doistre  de  la  Langue.     P.  F.,  p.  72. 

He  made  enemies  also,  possibly  Edmond 
Bourel,  Canon  of  Romans/  certainly  the  munici- 
pal schoolmaster  Hondremar.^  This  man  was 
guilty  of  "wrongs"  upon  which  Sainte-Marthe 
dwelt  in  lines  addressed  to  him : 

"Tu  le  scais  bien,  que  tu  m'as  irrite, 
Et  fait  des  tourts  lesquels  je  ne  racompte. 
Tu  le  scais  bien  que  je  dy  Verite, 
Tu  le  scais  bien,  ce  qu'en  as  merit e. 
Ton  propre  faict,  Hondremare,  te  fait  honte. 
De  me  venger  par  escript  ne  tiens  compte, 
.    Laisser  debrons  k  Dieu  toute  vengeance, 
Combien  que  j'ay  de  ce  faire  puissance." 

—  A  Antoine  Hondremare  Maistre  d'Escholle  k  Romans. 

P.  F.,  p.  69. 

^  His  ballade  to  Bourel  leaves  the  reader  in  the  same 
doubt  as  do  his  lines  to  Odde  de  Triors.  A  Edmond 
Bourel  Chanoine  de  Romans  en  Daulphini.  Que  (suivant 
V ordonnance  de  Dieu)  mieulx  vault  se  marier  que  d'en- 
tretenir  Palliardes.  P.  F.,  p.  57.  In  1556  Bourel,  as 
member  of  the  chapter  of  St.  Bernard  of  Romans,  was 
chosen  to  keep  the  seals  until  the  nomination  and  in- 
stallation of  the  new  bishop  Charles  de  Marillac.  Cf.  Bull, 
de  la  Soc.  d'Arch.  de  la  Dr6me,  Vol.  XVIII,  pp.  22  and  24. 

^  Thus  spelt  in  the  municipal  archives  of  Romans.  In 
those  of  Grenoble  it  is  spelt  Oudremare. 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  75 

Hondremar  —  according  to  Sainte-Marthe  Hon- 
dremarc  —  was  a  learned  man  and  an  ,  ex- 
perienced teacher.*  No  doubt,  any  rumor  of 
Sainte-Marthe 's  unsound  opinions  would  alone 
be  sufficient  to  arouse  his  prejudices,  for  he  had 
himself  replaced  in  office  a  notorious  heretic;^ 
and  it  is  easy  to  conceive  that  Sainte-Marthe 
added  fuel  to  the  fire  when,  towards  the  end  of 
October,  he  applied  from  Romans  for  the  post  of 
municipal  schoolmaster  at  Grenoble,'  a  position 

*  He  had  formerly  been  schoolmaster  at  Avignon.  Cf. 
Archives  Municipales  de  Grenoble,  July  15th,  1532.  Hon- 
dremar appears  in  the  archives  of  Romans  as  replacing 
the  previous  incumbent,  Josias,  in  1538.  On  the  9th  of 
April,  1541,  there  is  an  entry  in  the  same  archives  con- 
cerning the  maintenance  of  an  unmarried  schoolmaster. 
The  widow  of  the  deceased  schoolmaster,  doubtless  Hon- 
dremar, is  charged  "d'entretenir  ses  commensaux." 
Archives  de  Romans,  Registre  BB.  5  and  BB.  6. 

*  I.e.,  Josias,  one  of  the  earliest  Protestant  preachers 
of  the  Dauphin6.  Information  due  to  the  kindness  of 
Monsieur  Jules  Chevalier  of  Romans. 

'  Ann6e  1539,  Archives  Municipales  de  Grenoble,  BB. 
12,  f°.,268.  "  Mardi  28  d'Octobre  dans  la  Tour  de  I'lsle  a 
est6  appell6  le  Conseil  auquel  se  sont  trouv6s :  Noble 
Guigs  Coct  et  Jeham  de  Fabro,  Consulz,  despuis  maistre 
Jeham  Maneni,  venerable  home  messire  Anthoyne  Guif- 
frey,  chanoyne  de  l'6glise  Nostre-Dame  de  Grenoble, 
6gr6gie  personne  George  Fiquel,  Advocat,  maistre  Jacques 
Pillosii,    Jeham    Sernandi,    Pierre     Audeyard,    Claude 


76  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1539 

which  Hondremar  had,  some  years  earlier, 
coveted  for  himself.^ 

Whether  Sainte-Marthe's  appHcation  to  Gre- 
noble indicates  or  not  that  he  was  —  in  some 
capacity — teaching  at  Romans/  perhaps  as  one 

Reynaud,  Jeham  du  Port  et  maistre  Jeham  Jouvencel, 
noble  Pierre  Chappellani,  Cappitaine  de  Porte-Freyne, 
et  sire  Jeham  Verdonay,  despuis  Aymo  Repellin  et  mon- 
sieur Pou  Actuher,  Advocat. 

Pour  les  escoUes  1  Propos6 :  Quant  aux  affaires  des 
et  maistre  Charles  [  escoUes  de  la  pr6sente  cit6  et  de  ce 
Saincte-Marthe.  J  que  maistre  Adam,  moderne  precep- 
teur  desdites  escoUes,  n'a  tenu  ni  observe  le  contenu  de 
I'instrument  sur  ce  faict  et  que  de  noveau  avons  heu 
nouvelles  d'ung  nomm6  maistre  Charles  de  Saincte- 
Marthe,  lequel  c'est  offert  vouloir  venir  servir  ausdites 
escolles,  parquoy  demande  que  sera  deffere.  Conclu  que 
Ton  envoie  audit  Charles  de  Saincte-Marthe,  k  Romans, 
une  lettre  au  nom  de  la  Ville  pour  scavoir  de  luy  le  partir 
qui  veult  avoir  pour  servir  aux  escolles  de  la  pr^sente 
cit6;  et  quant  I'augment  que  demande  ledit  maistre 
Adam;  que  entresi  et  la  Tousainctz  prochein  Ton  appellera 
le  Conseil  G6n6ral  pour  le  mettre  en  d^lib^racion."  The 
inventory  of  the  Archives  is  misleading.  Vol.  I.  p.  34. 
"On  6crira  a  M^  Charles  Sainte-Marthe  maitre  de  I' ecolek 
Romans  pour  savoir  s'il  veut  venir  remplacer  le  pre- 
cepteur  de  I'^cole  de  Grenoble  qui  ne  s'acquitte  par  con- 
venablement  de  ses  fonctions."  It  will  be  observed  that 
the  document  itself  makes  no  mention  of  Sainte-Marthe 
as  "maitre  de  I'ecole"  at  Romans. 

»  Cf.  Archives  de  Grenoble,  July  15th,  1532. 

"  He  was  assuredly  not  the  official  schoolmaster.     No 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE  77 

of  the  "magistri"  or  "pedagogues"  complained 
of  from  time  to  time  by  the  official  incumbent  on 
the  ground  that  they  "luy  tondent  I'herbe  sous 
les  pieds, "  ^  he  had  at  least  some  experience  of  a 
calling  which  must  have  had  much  to  attract  a 
man  of  his  nature.  Thanks  to  the  ardent  pre- 
occupation of  the  time  with  learning  and  educa- 
tion, the  profession  was  filled  with  youthful 
scholars  of  distinguished  erudition  and  more 
than  ordinary  reputation,  many  of  whom  held 
liberal  views  and  regarded  their  position  as  a 
vantage  ground  from  which  to  disseminate  the 
new  ideas;  for,  by  the  far-seeing  recommenda- 
tion of  Calvin,^   schoolmasters   were  the   pre- 

mention  of  him  is  made  in  the  archives  of  Romans  and 
the  entries  cit.  supra  leave  no  room  for  the  supposition. 

^  In  1530,  April  15th  Archives  of  Romans,  Registre 
BB.  5,  "Plainte  d'Adam  contre  certains  magisters  qui 
tiennent  des  commensaulx  et  lui  6tent  son  profit."  In 
1527,  April  23rd  (ibid.),  "Josias  se  plaint  de  certains 
pedagogues  en  la  ville  qui  tiennent  commensaIit6  et  luy 
tondent  I'herbe  sous  les  pieds." 

'  "Leur  addresse  premiere  estoit  tousiours  chez  les 
regents  maistres  d'escholes  selon  I'instruction  de  Cal- 
vin. .  .  .  Calvin  et  ses  apostres,  lesquels  par  I'entre- 
mise  de  ses  regents  fierent  couler  leur  dangereuse  doctrine 
dans  les  escholes  principalement  de  Guienne."  Florimond 
de  Raempnd,  op,  qU.,  Book  VII,  p.  864. 


78  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1539 

f erred  proselytes  of  the  new  movement.  The 
prevalent  taste  for  a  wandering  life,  especially 
that  of  a  scholar,  heightened  by  the  opportunities 
for  advancement  which  the  patronage  of  learn- 
ing offered,  had  brought  about  as  a  fashion  a 
constant  change  of  incumbents,  which  robbed 
the  schoolmaster's  life  of  monotony  and  offered 
occasion  for  travel,  adventure  and  intercourse 
with  men  of  kindred  tastes.  Indeed,  a  perusal 
of  the  municipal  records  of  this  period  raises  a 
natural  question  as  to  the  probable  effect  such 
constant  change  must  have  had  upon  that  edu- 
cation which  the  century  so  eagerly  cherished. 
Unfortunately,  love  of  change  was  not  the  only 
cause  which  rendered  the  tenure  of  office  so 
unstable,  and  the  municipal  archives  record 
dismissals  of  schoolmasters  for  the  neglect  of 
their  duties,  for  inattention,  for  drunkenness, 
brawling  and  profligacy,^  as  also  for  heresy.  The 
latter  accusation  was  so  easy  to  advance,  and  so 
convenient  a  cloak  for  personal  rancor,  that 
schoolmasters  by  their  very  distinction  easily 
became  its  victims;  and  Sainte-Marthe  himself 

'  C/.,  for  example,  infra,  pp.  110  et  seq.  for  the  dismissal 
of  a  well-known  pedagogue. 


1539]  PROFESSORSHIP  AT  POITIERS  ;  EXILE    79 

had  reason  to  complain  that  whom  the  impious 
hated  they  accused  of  heresy,  faiHng  other 
points  of  attack.^ 

As  yet,  however,  his  reputation  for  orthodoxy 
was  not  sufficiently  clouded  to  prevent  Sainte- 
Marthe's  being  considered  a  suitable  candidate 
for  the  advantageous  position  of  official  school- 
master at  Grenoble.  In  their  deliberations  of 
the  28th  of  October,  1539,  the  consuls  of  Grenoble, 
acting  upon  his  application,  decided  at  least  to 
make  him  tentative  advances,  while  at  the  same 
time  considering  the  increase  of  stipend  de- 
manded by  the  unsatisfactory  incumbent,  Adam. 

'  Ea  est  hodie  impiorum  tanta  perversitas  ut  quern 
perditum  ac  extinctum  esse  velent,  cum  aliter  non  possunt 
perdere,  haereseos  accersant,  ac  eo  nomine  non  principi- 
bus  solum  ac  potentibus  viris,  verumetiam  vulgo  ipsi 
ac  rudibus  idiotis  invisum  et  odiosum  reddant.  —  In 
Psalmum  Septem.  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  26. 


CHAPTER  III 

TROUBLES  AT  GRENOBLE.   LIFE  IN  LYONS.   THE 
POESIE  FRANCOISE 

The  deliberations  of  the  Grenoble  consuls 
bore  no  immediate  fruit,  for  it  is  evident  from 
the  archives  at  Grenoble  that  Sainte-Marthe  was 
at  no  time  official  municipal  schoolmaster  there. ^ 
At  this  point,  indeed,  conjecture  must  take  the 
place  of  even  moderate  assurance  in  regard  to 
dates.  It  is  probable  that  Sainte-Marthe 
traveled  north  to  Paris  and  was  taken,  tempo- 
rarily at  least,  into  the  service  of  Marguerite  of 
Navarre.  He  was  assuredly  in  her  retinue  when, 
in  December  of  this  or  some  later  year,  she 
left  Paris  and  hurried  towards  Plessis-les-Tours 
at  the  news  of  the  illness  of  Jeanne  d'Albret.  In 
his  funeral  oration  on  the  Queen,  Sainte-Marthe 
has  left  a  vivid  account  of  this  journey,  which, 
with  every  allowance  for  rhetorical  qualities, 
is  convincingly  the  work  of  an  eyewitness.^    The 

»  Cf.  Registre  BB.  12  and  BB.  13,  fols.  22-23. 
'  Or.  fun.  de  Marguerite  de  Navarre,  etc  ,  pp.  52-55.    Cf. 
infra,  pp.  431-437. 

80 


1539]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  81 

particularity  of  his  whole  description  is  en- 
hanced by  its  striking  contrast  with  an  immedi- 
ately preceding  account  of  Marguerite's  son's 
death,  far  more  general  in  its  record  of  circum- 
stances and  in  its  evidence  of  emotion.*  Had 
he  not  been  drawing  upon  personal  reminiscence, 
Sainte-Marthe  would  have  laid  himself  open  to 
severe  criticism  from  an  audience  such  as  that  for 
whom  the  oration  was  composed,  —  an  audience 
perfectly  familiar  with  the  facts ;  for  the  assump- 
tion of  his  presence  is  clearly  conveyed  by  many 
phrases,  such,  for  example,  as  "Mais  O  Seigneur 
Dieu,  de  quelle  affection  d'esprit  et  do  quelle 
ardente  foy  elle  parloit  a  toy!"^  The  date 
of  the  journey  in  question  is,  as  has  been  inti- 
mated, open  to  conjecture.  Genin  places  it 
in  1537,  and  he  assigns  this  date  to  Marguer- 
ite's letter  on  the  subject,^  as  also  to  another 

>  Or.  fun.,  pp.  50-51.  »  Ibid.,  pp.  54-55. 

^  Lettres  de  Marguerite  d'Angouleme,  no.  146.  The 
mention  in  this  letter  of  the  fact  that  the  news  of  her 
daughter's  improvement  reached  Marguerite  after  mid- 
night and  that  the  child  "a  perdu  sa  fiesvre  &  fort 
diminue  son  flutz  du  ventre,"  and  the  reference  to  the 
writer's  fatigues  due  to  the  "vie  que  j'ay  men6  despuis 
que  je  partis,"  fall  in  well  with  Sainte-Marthe's  descrip- 
tion of  the  hurried  journey  and  of  the  arrival  of  the 


82  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE       [1539 

less  certainly  concerned  with  it/  dating  both 
letters  in  the  month  of  December,  on  the  strength 
of  Sainte-Marthe's  assertion,  "ce  fut  an  plus 
courts  jours."  The  date  of  1537,  however, 
cannot  stand;  for  the  bishop  who  brought  to 
Marguerite,  on  her  journey,  the  news  of  her 
daughter's  improvement,  Nicholas  d'Angou, 
named  by  Sainte-Marthe  "Nicolas  d'Anguye 
lors  Evesque  de  Saix,  maintenant  de  Mande," 
was  not  created  bishop  of  Seez  until  June  1539. 
The  journey  might  well,  then,  have  been  taken 
in  December  of  this  year,  and,  judging  by 
Sainte-Marthe's  later  biography,  occurred  more 
probably  at  this  period  than  later  .^ 

bishop  bringing  news  of  the  child,  "que  la  fiebre  I'avoit 
laiss^e,  que  son  flux  de  sang  estoit  arrests, "  only  after  the 
queen  had  supped  and  spent  some  time  in  prayer  and 
reading.     C/.  also  Genin,  Notice  biographique,  ibid.,  p.  65. 

*  Nouvelles  Lettres  de  la  Reine  de  Navarre,  no.  102. 
This  letter  probably  refers  to  a  different  illness,  for  Mar- 
guerite appears  on  this  occasion  to  have  been  herself 
with  the  child.  "A  ce  matin  elle  a  pris  de  la  reubarbe, 
dont  je  la  trouve  amend  6e." 

'  In  September,  1540,  Sainte-Marthe  was  at  Lyons,  in 
February,  1541,  at  Geneva,  and  he  might  of  course  have 
made  the  journey  with  Marguerite  in  the  interval.  How- 
ever, weight  should  be  given  to  the  fact  that  he  is  not 
mentioned  that  year  in  Frott^'s  book  of  expenses  of  1540- 


1639]  GRENOBLE  ;  LYONS  83 

To  his  attendance  upon  Marguerite,  Sainte- 
Marthe  probably  owed  his  acquaintance  with  one 
of  the  Benacs,  the  chief  of  whose  house  was  first 
baron  of  Beam,  to  whom  he  addressed  a  poem, 
A  Jean  Benac,  de  soy,^  and  who  in  his  turn  con- 
tributed a  complimentary  huitain  to  Sainte- 
Marthe's  volume  of  1540.^  The  Benac  in  ques- 
tion may  have  been  Jean-Marc,  baron  of  Mont- 
ault  and  Benac,  or,  more  probably,  in  view  of 
the  style  of  address,  one  of  his  sons  or  some 
other  relative.^  Very  likely  it  was  at  this  time 
also  that  Sainte-Marthe  formed  a  friendship  with 
Guillaume  de  Balzac  d'  Entraigues,*  whose  father 

1548,  nor  indeed  until  1548  (c/.  infra,  p.  173).  For  other 
years,  cf.  infra.  It  is  fair  to  note,  however,  that  the 
useful  publication  of  MM.  Lefranc  and  Boulanger,  Comptes 
de  Louise  de  Savoie  et  de  Marguerite  d' Angouleme  makes 
no  mention  of  Sainte-Marthe  in  the  year  1539. 

'  P.  F.,  p.  93. 

'  Jean  Benac,  A  Sainte-Marthe.     P.  F .,  p.  235. 

^  Cf.  Mor^ri,  Diet,  and  La  France  Prot.,  art.  Montault. 

*  Sur  la  naissance  de  la  fille  de  Monsieur  le  Baron 
d'Entraigues.  P.  F.,  p.  30.  (1517-1555.)  The  queen 
obtained  royal  letters  of  release  from  her  guardianship 
in  1531.  Later  d'Entraigues  followed  the  due  de  Guise, 
was  wounded  in  battle  in  1555  and  died  a  few  days 
later.  He  was  father  of  "le  bel  Entraigues."  It  was 
probably  his  sister  who  is  named  among  the  "filles 
demoiselles"  of  the  queen  of  Navarre  in   1529-1530. 


84  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

was  so  closely  connected  with  the  Queen  of 
Navarre  as  to  have  wished  him  to  be  her  ward, 
and  also  made  acquaintance  with  Madame  de 
I'Estrange,  perhaps  that  lady  of  the  court  who 
was  the  subject  of  Marot's  two  poems,  A  Ma- 
dame de  I'Estrange}  It  is  impossible  to  tell  how 
long  Sainte-Marthe  remained  with  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  if  indeed  it  was  at  this  time  that  he 
was  in  her  train;  but  it  is  certain  that  he  went 
to  Grenoble  or  to  some  place  within  the  juris- 
diction of  its  Parlement  in  the  early  months  of 
1540,  and  was  there  imprisoned  on  account  of 
his  opinions.  He  appears  to  have  given  lectures 
or  public  lessons  of  some  sort  attempting  to 
reconcile  religious  differences.  "Thou  art  my 
witness,"  he  declares  in  his  Meditation  on  the 
Seventh  Psalm,  "that  I  never  had  less  thought 
of  anything  than  of  the  disturbance  of  the 
public  peace;  but  left  no  stone  unturned  that 
Thy  truth  might  be  proclaimed  to  the  people 
without  scandal,  and  that  so  far  as  possible  the 


Cf.  Aigueperse,  Biog.  d'Auverne,  and  Lefranc  and  Bou- 
langer,  op.  cit.,  pp.  69-81.     Cf.  infra,  p.  293,  n.  3. 

'  Sainte-Marthe  ;  A  Madame  de  L' Estrange.     P.  F.,  p. 
129.     Marot ;   (Euvres,  Vols.  II,  p.  230,  and  III,  p.  67. 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  86 

harmony  between  Christians  which  had  been  so 
rent  might  be  restored."  * 

Sainte-Marthe  assuredly  showed  small  discre- 
tion in  choosing  Grenoble  or  its  neighborhood 
to  air  his  views  in.  The  Parlement,  thinking  to 
have  stamped  out  the  Lutheran  heresy  fourteen 
years  before,^  was  in  no  mood  to  be  lenient  to 
reformers,  especially  at  a  time  when  the  torch  of 
persecution  had  been  hghted  anew/  and  special 
instructions  had  just  been  received  as  to  the 
prosecution  of  heretics.*  As  a  consequence, 
Sainte-Marthe  spent  some  time  in  prison  and 
even  stood  in  danger  of  his  life.  Probably 
on  that,  as  on  a  later,  occasion,  the  attack  upon 
him  was  instigated  by  Frangois  Faysan  and 
Theodore  Mulet,  justices  in  the  Parlement.  Fay- 
san and  Edmond  Mulet,  a  brother  of  the  Mulet  in 
question,  also  a  justice,  were  prime  movers  in  a 

'  In  Psalmum  Septimum.  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  57. 

*  "  En  1526  les  Lutheriens  commenceront  d'y  paroitre 
et  d'y  enseigner  leurs  dogmes.  Le  Parlement  les  en 
chassa."  Guy  Allard,  (Euvres  Divers,  Grenoble,  1869, 
Vol.  I,  p.  328. 

'  By  the  edicts  of  December  10th,  1538  (c/.  Hermin- 
jard,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  VI,  p.  60),  of  June  1st,  1540,  and  of 
June  24th,  1540,  Actes  de  Frangois  I,  nos.  11509  and  11072. 

*  Cf.  Actes  de  Frangois  I,  no.  11125. 


86  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

quarrel  which  had  divided  Parlement  and  Town- 
Council  since  the  preceding  January ;  ^  and  the 
fact  that  the  town-counsellors  were  considering 
the  young  man  as  a  candidate  for  the  position 
in  their  gift  was  enough  to  attract  to  him  the  un- 
favorable attention  of  the  Parlement.  Theodore 
Mulct  was  a  man  of  loose  life,  ignorant  as  well 
as  vindictive,  if  we  are  to  believe  Sainte-Marthe  ; 
and  Faysan,^  on  the  same  authority,  although 
holding  the  office  of  advocate-general,  was  not 
only  uneducated  but  totally  senile.  Both,  in 
their  victim's  opinion,  were  wholly  ignorant  of 
the  law  and  as  fit  to  deal  with  it  as  asses  to 
handle  the  lyre.^  The  disfike  of  these  men,  at 
first,  no  doubt,  hardly  personal,  was,  in  Sainte- 
Marthe's  eyes  at  least,  exasperated  by  the  natu- 


*  Cf.  Archives  Municipales  de  Grenoble  BB.  12  Regis- 
tre,  1539,  January  19th,  22nd,  29th,  February  1st. 

*  Re  Mulet  and  Faysan  cf.  Fleury  Vindry,  Les  parle- 
mentaires  frangais au  XF/f  siecle,  Vol.  I.  pp.  61,  67,  68,  74, 
97.  Mulet's  name  appears  in  the  dedication  of  a  volume 
by  Etienne  Forcault,  Stephani  Forcatuli  epigrammata 
Veris  adventus,  ad  Augerium  Latanum  Sanctoe  cruets  Abbat. 
&  Theodorum  Muletum  in  mag  no  consil.,  &  Fr.  de  nuptiis 
ac  P.  Pappum  Tholos.,  senatores.  The  volume  contains 
also  (p.  131)  a  quatrain  Ad  Theodorum. 

'  Ded.  to  Avanson.  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Para- 
phrasis,  p.  140. 


16401  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  87 

ral  antipathy  of  ignorance  to  learning.  "How 
should  they  treat  clemently  and  according  to 
their  duty,"  he  exclaims,  "one,  by  the  grace  of 
good  arts,  even  slightly  accomplished  in  learn- 
ing, who  are  wholly  divorced  from  the  Muses 
and  shut  out  from  all  good  disciplines?"  ^ 

Whatever  part  private  rancor  may  have 
played  in  this  first  imprisonment  of  Sainte- 
Marthe  at  Grenoble,  it  is  certain  that  the  cold- 
ness of  his  family  and  of  some  of  his  friends 
added  much  to  his  distress.  He  was  destitute 
of  money,  "in  our  century  the  armor  of  the 
accused,"  ^  and  applied  in  vain  to  his  relations. 
The  poems,  which  he  published  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  contain  several  biting  epigrams  to 
his  kinsfolk  on  the  subject  of  their  neglect,^ 
and  one  of  the  rondeaux  seems  to  imply  that, 
to  unwillingness  to  help  him,  his  parents  added 
actual  cruelty : 

Grand  cruault^  estre  aux  bestes  trouvons, 
Quand  leurs  petits  devorer  les  scavons, 
Ou  (qui  moins  est)  leur  nier  nourriture, 
Car  par  I'instinct  de  la  seule  Nature, 
Un  incredible  Amour  y  concepuons. 
^  Ded.  to  Avanson.     In  Psalmum    .  .  .   xxxiii  Para- 
phrasis,  p.  141.  *  Ibid. 

'A  aulcuns  de  ses  parents.  P.  F.,  p.  16.  D'aulcuns 
siens  Parents,  mais  maulvais  Amys.     P.  F.,  p.  53. 


88  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

Que  dirons  nous  si  nous  appercevons 
Ceulx  vers  lesquels  retirer  nous  debvons 
Encontre  nous  monstrer  en  toute  injure 
Grand  cruaulte? 

O  pauvre  temps,  Monsieur,  que  nous  avons, 
O  le  forfaict,  qu'ainsi  nous  poursuivons 
Sans  piet^  nostre  propre  facture. 
C'est  un  grand  cas,  c'est  une  chose  dure. 
Que,  contre  droict,  d'iceulx  nous  recevons 
Grand  cruaulte ! 
—  A  Monsieur  le  chevalier  de  Moydhozier.    P.  F.,p.  102. 

Some  years  later,  Sainte-Marthe,  referring  no 
doubt  to  their  behavior  on  this,  as  well  as  on  a 
later,  occasion,  wrote  of  himself  as  a  poor  man 
whose  extreme  need  parents  and  friends,  al- 
though rich  and  abounding  in  wealth  and 
esteemed  and  honored  by  the  world,  relieved 
by  not  even  a  penny. ^  He  complains  of  them 
further  in  an  epistle  to  the  queen  of  Navarre, 
probably  composed  during  this  captivity:  "Ma- 
dame, n'est  ce  asses,"  he  cries, 

"Ne  veoir  aulcun  qui  vex6  me  souUage, 
Que  (d'ou  mon  mal  s'augmente  da  vantage) 
Infest^ment  ma  Nature  me  fuit  ? 
Me  destitue,  &  (qui  plus  est)  poursuit?" 

—  "  A  la  Royne  de  Navarre."     P.  F.,  p.  120. 

^  In  Ps.  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraph.,  p.  162.  His  brother 
Louis  had  lately  been  made  Procureur  du  roi  at  Loudun 
(April,  1538). 


154Q]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  89 

However,  Sainte-Marthe  had  at  least  some 
friends  who  stood  him  in  better  than  his  kin,  and 
he  heartily  expressed  his  sense  that 

"un  seul  Amy  perfaict 
Vault  cent  fois  mieulx  que  mille  telz  Parents." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  53. 

When  prison  loomed  up  before  him,  he  felt  that 

he  could  apply  for  help  to  St.  Romans,*  even 

though  with  an  apology : 

"  Pardonnez  moi,  Monseigneur,  si  je  faulx 
Faulte  d'argent  fait  perdre  toute  honte." 

And,  although  we  do  not  know  the  result  of  this 
appeal,  we  do  know  that  Jean  Galbert,  whose 
acquaintance  he  probably  owed  to  his  friends 
the  Tardivons  and  Rocoules,^  supplied  Sainte- 
Marthe  with  the  necessaries  of  life  when  he  was 
in  prison  and  nearly  exhausted  by  hunger  and 
sickness.  A  letter  from  Denis  Faucher  makes 
mention  of  the  fact.  Faucher  appears  to  have 
been  sufficiently  disturbed  by  reports  of  Sainte- 
Marthe's  misfortunes,  and  sufficiently  concerned 
at  his  rumored  heresies,  eagerly  to  seek  news  of 

'  A  monsieur  de  Sainct  Romans,  Conseiller  de  Grenoble. 
P.  F.,  p,  30.     Unidentified  further. 

^  Andre  Tardivon  married  Frangoise  de  Galbert  de 
Rocoules.  Re  Galbert  cf.  Fleury  Vindry,  op.  cit.,  pp.  62, 
and  78. 


90  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

him  through  a  nephew  of  his  own.  We  learn, 
from  what  he  says  of  this  nephew's  report,  that 
Sainte-Marthe  took  a  leaf  out  of  Calvin's  book 
and  appealed  for  countenance  to  patristic 
authority:  "Although  I  am  little  able  to  give 
you  any  solace  by  my  letter,"  writes  Faucher, 
"both  because  my  letters  are  not  of  the  sort  to 
do  so,  and  because  I  am  personally  so  touched  by 
your  distress  that  I  seem  rather  to  require  conso- 
lation than  able  to  give  it;  still,  since  a  mind 
shaken  by  the  force  of  trials  and  the  onslaught  of 
calamities  less  easily  perceives  and  judges  of  its 
own  than  of  what  is  strange  to  it,  I  wished  to 
write  these  few  words  to  you,  and  also  that  my 
most  faithful  and  most  loving  counsel  might  not 
fail  you  a  man  who  so  loves  me.  I  grieved,  dear- 
est Sainte-Marthe,  when  I  heard  that  you  were 
fallen  into  such  serious  peril,  whereby  your  life 
was  endangered ;  but  I  was  consumed  with  dis- 
tress when  they  said  that  you  thought  wrongly  of 
our  religion  and  obstinately  upheld  the  errone- 
ous opinions  of  heretics.  But  when  my  nephew 
brought  me  your  letter  I  rejoiced  to  learn  not 
only  from  it,  but  from  his  own  words,  that  you 
are  better  and  freer  than  you  were  and  that  it 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  91 

is  certain  that,  calumny  stilled,  you  will  shortly 
be  dismissed  quite  free.  For,  when  the  Parlement 
learns  that  you  are  cleaving  to  the  footsteps  of 
the  holy  fathers  and  that  there  are  those  of  its 
own  order  who  have  supplied  to  you,  still 
struggling  with  the  effects  of  illness,  the  neces- 
sary expenses  of  living,  then  truly,  your  inno- 
cence will  shortly  be  the  more  openly  approved. 
Hence,  my  Sainte-Marthe,  I  exhort  you,  and 
beg  you  for  our  mutual  kindness,  to  show  your- 
self such  an  one  as  no  ill  opinion  can  ever  remove 
from  the  firmness  and  sincerity  of  the  Catholic 
faith,  nor  any  tribulation  from  the  stabihty 
of  mind  and  the  dignity  of  a  wise  man.  I  write 
this,  not  so  much  doubting  your  constancy  as 
trusting  you,  because  of  the  kindness  and  affec- 
tion between  us,  to  approve  as  just  what  I  have 
written.  God,  who  is  the  consoler  of  the  sorrow- 
ing, grant  that  you  may  very  soon  return  to  us 
free.  Meanwhile  do  your  best  to  recover  and 
remember  your  Denis.  Tarascon.  June  the  21st, 
1540."  ^ 

•  Dionysus  Carolo  Sammartano.  Chronologia  Sanc- 
torum Sacrce  Insulae  Lerinensia,  p.  276.  For  the  text,  cf. 
p.  605  et  seq. 


92  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

Before  Faucher's  letter  could  reach  Sainte- 
Marthe  his  hope  had  been  fulfilled  and  his 
friend  set  at  liberty.  If  it  was  about  this 
time  that  Sainte-Marthe  despatched  two  long 
rhymed  epistles  to  Marguerite  of  Navarre  and 
Marguerite  of  France,  reminding  them  of  their 
former  kindness,  complaining  of  imprisonment 
and  referring  rather  mysteriously  to  sufferings 
of  four  years'  duration,*  it  may  be  that  Queen 
and  Princess  exerted  themselves  on  his  behalf; 
but  a  more  certain  factor  in  his  release  was  un- 
doubtedly the  influence  of  a  powerful  member 
of  the  Parlement,  Jean  Marcel  d'Avanson,^  Ron- 
sard's  Phoebus  d' Avanson ;  ^  "celuy  lequel  au 
besoing  (ou  rAm)^ie  s'explique),"  says  Sainte- 

*  Published  in  1540.  A  la  Royne  de  Navarre  and  A 
Madame  Marguerite,  fille  unique  du  Roy.  P.  F .,  p.  119 
and  122.  Cf.  supra,  pp.  38  and  88.  In  view  of  chrono- 
logical difficulties  evident  on  examination  of  these  poems, 
I  have  thrown  out  conjectures  based  exclusively  upon 
them. 

*  Re  Avanson,  cf.  Rochas,  Biographic  du  Dauphin^ ; 
Bull,  de  la  Soc.  Statistique  de  V I  sere,  Vol.  II,  p.  72  et 
passim,  Vol.  XXVI  et  passim;  Fleury  Vindry,  op.  cit.,  pp. 
63  and  81,  and  Ambassadeurs  frang.  au  XVI".  siede,  p.  38. 

^A.J.  d' Avanson,  QSuvres,  Vol.  V,  p.  335.  Cf.  edso  ibid., 
Vols.  I,  pp.  423,  425;  IV,  p.  87,  and  V,  pp.  245,  271;  Du 
Bellay's  dedication  of  his  Regrets,  CEuvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  163, 
and  Regrets,  p.  157;  Utenhove,  Xenia,  in  Georgii  Bucha- 
nani  Scoti  poetae  .  .  .  Poemata,  p.  64. 


1540J  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  98 

Marthe  in  a  letter  of  dedication^  published  within 
the  year,  "s'est  monstre  par  effect  mon  Amy." 
And  there  could  not  have  been  a  better  advocate 
for  a  man  accused  of  heresy  than  Avanson,  who, 
apart  from  his  distinction,  was  of  a  family  known 
to  be  orthodox  in  the  extreme.^ 

However  his  release  was  brought  about, 
Sainte-Marthe  almost  at  once  received  an  ap- 
pointment to  a  chair  in  the  liberal  Collbge  de  la 
Trinite  at  Lyons.  Indeed,  a  letter  from  Saint- 
Maur  congratulating  him  upon  this  appointment 
is  dated  one  day  earlier  than  Faucher's.  "Et 
nonobstant  qu'as  soubtenu  plusieurs  adverses 
fortunes,"  writes  the  former  on  the  20th  of  June, 
1540,  ''es  pays  loingtains,  a  toy  toutefoy  pros- 
peres ;  as  este  dernierement  bien  venu  et  mieulx 
receu  en  ce  tant  honorable  College  de  Lyon: 
estant  des  scavants  trouve  capable  k  la  profes- 
sion publique  des  quatre  tant  estimees  &  utiles 
Langues,  Hebraicque,  Greque,  Latine  &  Gal- 
licque."  ^ 

*  Of  the  Livre  de  ses  Amys.  P.  F.,  p.  226.  Cf.  p.  564 
et  seg. 

'  Both  his  brother  Francois  and  his  son  Guillaume 
distinguished  themselves  by  their  belligerent  Catholicism. 

^  Leon  de  Saincte  More,  dit  de  Monthozier,  Chevalier  de 
I'ordre  de  sainct  Jean  de  Hierusalem,  A  Charles  de  Saincte 
Marthe.     Cf.  p.  600. 


94  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

Saint-Maur's  reference  to  Hebrew  is  interest- 
ing, for  its  possession  was  at  that  time  unusual, 
and  indications  are  altogether  lacking  as  to 
where  and  when  Sainte-Marthe  acquired  his 
knowledge  of  it.  The  tradition  of  the  teaching 
of  Hebrew  had  not  been  actually  lost  in  France 
since  the  existence  of  the  Coll'ge  de  Constanti- 
nople in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century; 
the  Church  had  practical  reasons  for  maintaining 
the  study  of  Oriental  languages.^  It  was,  how- 
ever, an  interrupted  tradition,  which  had  suf- 
fered a  decided  check  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century ;  but,  since  Aleandro's  rectorship  of  the 
University  of  Paris  and  Agostino  Guistiniano's 
five  years  of  teaching,  it  had  flowed  on  in  a  con- 
tinuous if  narrow  stream,  despite  the  opposition 
of  the  Sorbonne.  Two  chairs  in  Hebrew,  among 
the  royal  professorships  of  1530,  were  ably  filled 
by  Vatable  and  Guidacerius.  It  was,  neverthe- 
less, not  Paris,  but  Lyons,  which  boasted  the 
greatest  Hebraist  of  the  century.  Sanctes  Pag- 
nini  had  been  dead  but  a  year  or  two  ^  at  the 

^  For  these  and  the  following  details  cf.  A.  Lefranc, 
Histoire  du  College  de  France,  pp.  3-5;  6-15  et  passim. 
*  He  died  in  1536. 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  85 

time  when  we  have  supposed  Sainte-Marthe  trav- 
eling in  the  Dauphine  and  Lyonnais;  and  his 
name  must  have  been  especially  in  all  men's 
mouths  in  a  district  which  looked  to  Lyons  as  its 
intellectual  center.  Moreover  Gabriel  de  Maril- 
lac,  brother  of  Sainte-Marthe's  acquaintance  the 
abbot  of  Pontigny,  had  been  the  advocate  of  the 
Royal  lecturers  in  1534/  and  we  may  suppose 
the  ecclesiastic  in  consequence  interested  if  not 
versed  in  Greek  and  Hebrew;  while  Sainte- 
Marthe's  friend  Merlin  was  considered  a  Hebrew 
scholar  sufficient  to  fill  a  chair  in  the  subject. 
Under  such  stimulus,  it  is  easy  to  imagine  Sainte- 
Marthe  applying  himself  to,  and  perfecting  him- 
self in,  the  study  of  Hebrew.  Sanctes  Pagnini 
must  have  left  behind  him  pupils  capable  of 
passing  on  his  instruction,  and  Sainte-Marthe, 
with  his  gift  for  languages,  would  need  but  a 
comparatively  short  time  to  quaHfy  himself  suffi- 
ciently for  the  post  at  Lyons. 

No  better  fortune  could  have  befallen  the 

unfortunate    scholar    than    to    obtain    it,    nor 

could  there  have  been  a  greater  tribute  to  his 

abiUties  and   reputation.    An  appointment  at 

^  C/.  Lefranc,  op.  cit.,  pp.  145  and  146. 


96  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

Lyons  was  still  greatly  to  be  desired  by  any 
man  of  talent  whose  opinion  laid  him  open  to 
persecution.  A  city  half  Italian,  and  therefore, 
at  this  period,  half  pagan,  it  had  long  offered  to 
men  of  doubtful  views  comparative  intellectual 
freedom.  Liberal  ideas  were  welcomed  there, 
not  because  Lyons  was  especially  predisposed  to 
the  new  religion,  but  because  its  real  religion,  as 
has  been  well  observed,  was  Platonism,  and  its 
spirit  fundamentally  indifferent  to  points  of 
belief.  The  general  diffusion  of  unorthodox 
sentiment  afforded  protection  to  the  individual, 
and  the  authorities  remained,  if  not  indifferent, 
at  least  inactive.  Even  the  Cardinal  de  Tournon 
had  for  a  time  treated  Lyons  indulgently,  while 
the  Trivulces  and  Jean  de  Peyret,  the  lieutenant- 
governor,  actively  sheltered  learning  from  attack 
on  the  ground  of  opinion.^  This  aspect  of  things 
had,  indeed,  lately  altered,  and  even  Lyons  was 
reflecting  the  change  of  temper  which  had  come 
about  in  France  since  the  interview  at  Aigues- 
Mortes.  The  edicts  of  Coucy  and  Lyons  had 
been  repealed  (Dec.  10th,  1538),  letters  patent 
organizing  the  prosecution  of  heresy  addressed 
*  Cf.  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  pp.  168, 238,  314  et  ■passim. 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  97 

to  all  the  parlements  (June  24th,  1539),  and  the 
stem  edict  of  Fontainebleau  promulgated  as  re- 
cently as  the  first  of  the  month  which  found 
Sainte-Marthe  in  Lyons. ^  The  Cardinal  de 
Tournon,  lately  created  Chancellor,  and  himself 
the  instigator  of  the  edict,^  doubtless  felt  that 
this  was  a  propitious  time  to  teach  Lyons  also 
her  lesson.  Three  Lutherans  were  burnt  alive  in 
the  beginning  of  the  year,  and  an  Annonay  mer- 
chant visiting  the  Lyons  fair  suffered  the  same 
penalty  for  refusing  to  kneel  before  an  image. ^ 
Still,  sharp  lesson  as  it  was,  it  did  not  touch 
the  lettered  world  of  Lyons.  One  of  its  mem- 
bers indeed,  Eustorg  de  Beaulieu,*  had  found 
it  wise  to  flee  to  Geneva  three  years  before,  but 
his  imprudences  had  actually  been  extreme. 
On  the  whole,  men  of  learning  were  unmolested, 
and  although  they  had  lost  their  strongest  pro- 
tector, Pompone  de  Trivulce,^  Jean  de  Peyrat 
was  still  alive  to  shield  them.  Even  Dolet,  in- 
cautious as  he  was,  had  so  far  not  been  seriously 

'  Actes  de  Frangois  I,  nos.  11,072  and  11,509. 

^  Cf.  H.  Lutteroth,  La  Reformation  en  France,  p.  34. 

'  Cf.  Buisson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  91. 

*  Re  Beaulieu,  cf.  La  France  Protestante,  2d  ed.  (1879). 

»  He  died  in  October,  1539. 

H 


98  CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

interfered  with.^  Speaking  generally,  an  unob- 
trusive Heretic  could  still  find  safe  shelter  at 
Lyons. 

Intellectual  power,  no  less  than  intellectual 
freedom,  distinguished  the  Lyons  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  Its  prosperity,  its  luxury  and  display 
did  not  deaden,  rather  fortified,  its  emotional 
life.  "L'activite  pratique,  I'industrie,  le  com- 
merce, les  interets  et  les  richesses  qu'ils  creent," 
writes  a  modern  authority,  "  n'y  etouffent  pas  les 
ardeurs  mystiques,  les  exaltations  apres  ou 
tendres,  les  vibrations  profondes  ou  sonores  de 
la  sensibilite  tumultueuse.  .  .  .  Au  xvi^  sidcle 
...  la  vie  de  Tesprit  y  etait  intense:  dans  ce 
monde  inquiet  et  ardent,  les  poetes  etaient 
nombreux  et  les  poetesses  presque  autant."  ^ 
Of  these  poets  two  among  the  most  admired, 
Maurice  Sceve  and  Gilbert  Ducher,  were  already 
Sainte-Marthe's  friends.  He  had  known  Ducher, 
now  his  colleague  ^  at  the  College  de  la  Trinite* 

^  Cf.  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  pp.  390  and  392. 

*  Gustave  Lanson,  Hist,  de  la  litterature  franfaise, 
pp.  271  and  272. 

'  Cf.  J.  L.  Gerig,  Le  College  de  la  Trinity,  p.  206. 

*  Cf.  Ducher's  lines  to  him,  p.  600,  which  must  have 
been  written  at  latest  in  1529,  the  date  of  Francis' 
marriage  to  the  sister  of  the  Emperor.    Although  Ducher 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  99 

almost  since  boyhood,  and  indeed  the  manner 
of  their  acquaintance  belonged  essentially  to 
youth.  Attracted  by  his  virtues  and  learning, 
the  younger  man  had  been  moved  to  approach, 
address,  and  "wholly  offer  himself  "  to  Ducher 
in  Latin  verses  which  the  latter  published  among 
Epigrammata  Amicorum  with  his  own  epigrams 
in  1538.^  Elsewhere  Sainte-  Marthe,  ranking  him 
among  illustrious  poets,  calls  Ducher  greater 
than  Ovid,  equal  to  Virgil.  This  tribute  has 
not  survived,  for  Ducher  modestly  refrained 
from  publishing  it,  perhaps  because,  as  he  justly 
says,  he  thought  the  estimate  "  ridiculum  et 
mehercule  falsum."  This  did  not,  however,  pre- 
vent him  from  calling  Sainte-Marthe's  verses 
worthy  of  Apollo,  in  one  of  the  two  epigrams 
which  he  addressed  to  him  in  return.^  Sceve, 
"trescher  Amy  Sceve,"  ^  famous  already  for  his 

is  constantly  referred  to  in  works  dealing  with  this 
period,  little  is  actually  known  of  him.  Cf.,  however, 
Buisson,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  31  and  32. 

*  E pigrammaton  libri  duo,  p.  160;  cf.  p.  546. 

^  Ibid,  p.  117;  c/.  p.  610. 

'  A  Maurice  Sceve  Lyonnois,  homme  treserudit,  Vers 
Alexandrins.  P.  F.,  p.  50.  Sainte-Marthe  has  another 
poem  to  him,  —  "  A  Maurice  Sceve,  Qu'il  vault  mieulx 
donner  que  prendre."     P.  F.,  p.  80. 


100         CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

Arion,  for  his  translation  of  Juan  de  Flores' 
Deplorable  fin  de  Flamete,^  and  above  all  for  his 
supposed  discovery  of  Laura's  tomb  (early  in 
1533),  possessed  Sainte-Marthe's  unbounded  ad- 
miration. Drawn  to  the  Lyonnese  poet  as  steel 
to  the  magnet,  —  so  he  told  him  in  Alexan- 
drines, a  novel  form  at  the  time,  —  struck  by 
his  learned  gravity,  his  profound  eloquence,  his 
admirable  performance,  Sainte-Marthe  doubted 
whether  So  eve  were  a  creature  more  human  or 
divine.  He  named  him  also  among  "  Poetes 
Francoys,  divins  et  treserudits,"  ^  and  has  left  a 
pleasant  picture  of  him,  "petit  de  Corps,  d'un 
grand  esprit  rassis,"  in  his  Tempe  de  France,^ 
while  Sc^ve  reciprocated  with  an  admiring  dix- 
ain  remarkable  chiefly  for  its  obscurity.^  Sainte- 
Marthe  did  poetical  homage,  besides,  to  the  vir- 
tues and  renown  of  the  wife  of  Matthew  de  Vau- 
zelles,  Claudine  Sceve,  Maurice's  cousin  or  sister, 
"de   vertu   et   d'honneur  dame   pleine";'  and 

1  Pub.  Lyons,  Fr.  Juste,  1535. 

«P.  F.,  p.  226;  f/.  p.  565. 

'  EUgie  du  Tempe  de  France,  P.  F.,  p.  202;  cf.  p.  541. 

*  Livre  de  ses  Amys,  P.  F.,  p.  232. 

*  A  Madame  Claude  Sceve,  femme  de  Monsieur  VAdvocat 
du  Roy  A  Lyon.  P.  F.,  p.  157.  Matthew  de  Vauzelles 
had  been  Juge  Mage  at  Lyons  since  1517. 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  101 

he  addressed  himself  also  to  another  still  more 
famous  Lyonnese  lady,  Marie  de  Pierrevive,  the 
hospitable  and  generous  Dame  du  Perron/  whom 
he  complimented  on: 

"...  meurs,  entretien,  faictz  &  dictz 
Dequoy  pallas  t'a  faict  participante 
En  Beau  parler,  &  harangue  elegante." 
—  A  Madamoiselle  Marie  de  Pierrevive,  Dame  du  Peron. 
P.  F.,  p.  137. 

She  was  an  ardent  patroness  of  letters  and  the 
arts,  and  her  munificence  was  celebrated  by  the 
poet-musician  Eustorg  de  Beaulieu.^  Wife  of 
Antoine  de  Gondi,  herself  Itahan  by  birth,  and 
the  confidante  of  the  Italian  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  Marie-Catherine  de  Pierrevive,  by  her 
influence,  no  doubt  potently  encouraged  in  the 
women  of  Lyons  that  charm  of  wit,  freedom  and 
intellectual   interests   which   gave   them   a   re- 

'  A  Madamoiselle  Marie  de  pierre  vive,  Dame  du  Peron. 
P.  F.,  p.  137.  La  Croix  du  Maine,  Bihl,  frangoise,  Vol.  II, 
p.  89,  takes  her  literary  efforts  for  granted:  "J'ai  vu 
plusieurs  louanges  de  cette  dame,  faites  par  beaucoup 
d'ecrivains  de  son  terns  mais  je  n'ai  pas  connoissance  de 
ses  ecrits."  Cf.  also  the  P6re  de  Colonia,  Hist.  lilt,  de 
Lyon,  pp.  462-464,  and  Pernetti,  Recherches  pour  servir 
k  I'histoire  de  Lyon,  Vol.  I,  p.  435.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that 
Brantdme's  account  of  her  is  mere  slander.  (Euvres,  Vol. 
VI,  p.  265.  *  Divers  Rapportz,  fol.  viii  v° 


102         CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE         [1540 

semblance  to  the  Italian  women  of  their  time. 
Besides  Claudine  Sceve  and  her  sister  Sybille, 
Marot's  "belles  and  bonnes,"  ^  the  group  of 
brilliant  women,  whose  fame  was  one  of  the 
glories  of  Lyons  included  Pernette  de  Guillette, 
Clemence  de  Bourges,  Jeanne  Gaillarde  and, 
later  on,  most  famous  of  all,  Louise  Labbe, 
at  the  time  of  Sainte-Marthe's  arrival,  still  in 
her  early  girlhood. 

Sceve  and  Ducher,  Claudine  Sc^ve  and  Marie 
de  Pierre vive,  were  not  Sainte-Marthe's  only 
influential  friends  at  Lyons.  Dolet,  established 
there  since  1534,  was  at  the  height  of  his  renown, 
nor  did  a  quarrel  with  Ducher  ^  weaken  his 
friendship  for  Sainte-Marthe.  The  latter  had 
already  shown  his  sympathy  with  him  in  his 
attack  upon  Gratian  —  or  Sebastien  —  du  Pont, 
Sieur  de  Drusac,  by  two  poems  in  defense  of 
women,  one  attacking  Drusac  by  name  —  A 
Drusac,  detracteurdu  sexe  feminin — and  another, 
addressed  "Aux  detracteurs  du  sexe  feminin,"^ 

*  Cf.  his  happy  epigram,  A  deux  Soeurs  Lyonnoises, 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  41. 

*  Cf.  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  pp.  274,  n.,  and  495,  n. 
'  P.  F.,  pp.  94  and  82.    Reprinted  by  Charles  Oulmont, 

Gratian  du  Pont  et  les  femmes,  Rev.  des  Etudes  Rabelai- 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  103 

which  had,  it  may  be  presumed,  circulated  in 
manuscript  for  some  years.  He  now  proved  him- 
self Dolet's  partisan,  in  one  of  the  latter's  innu- 
merable bickerings,  by  an  epigram,  A  Monsieur 
Dolet,  D^un  Detracteur  mesdisant  de  luy,^  and  was 
prompt  in  marking  his  appreciation  of  the  great 
printer's  recent  book  ^  by  another  dixain,  Au 
Lecteur  Francoy  appended  as  an  epilogue  to  the 
volume,  as  well  as  by  a  more  pretentious  longer 
poem,  Aux  Francoys,  en  recommendation  du  Livre 
de  Dolet,  etc.^  Perhaps  his  admiration  of  Dolet 
is  best  expressed  in  the  Alexandrines  in  which 

siennes,  Vol.  IV,  p.  5.  Both  poems  probably  dated  from 
1534  (or,  according  to  Copley  Christie,  possibly  1533)  — 
the  year  of  the  publication  of  du  Font's  Controverses  des 
sexes  masculin  et  fceminin  and  of  Dolet's  reply  in  the  shape 
of  "six  mauvaises  petites  odes."  (La  Croix  du  Maine.) 
Re  this  controversy,  cf.  Lefranc,  Le  Tiers  Livre  de  Panta- 
gruel  et  la  querelle  des  femmes,  Rev.  Et.  Rab.,Vol.  II,  pp. 
1-10  and  78-109;  Charles  Oulmont,  op.  cit.,  pp.  1-28 
and  135-151;  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  pp.  113-117.  Cf. 
infra,  p.  533. 

»P.  F.,  p.  33;  c/.  p.  529. 

'  La  Maniere  de  bien  traduire  d'une  langue  en  aultre : 
D'avantage,  de  la  punctuation  de  la  langue  Franroyse.  Plus, 
Des  accents  d'ycelle.  Cf.  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  p.  354. 
Its  publication  preceded  that  of  Sainte-Marthe's  Poesie 
Francoise  by  some  months.     Cf.  infra,  p.  254. 

3  P.  F.,  p.  177,  cf.  pp.  254-258. 


104         CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

he  gives  him  credit  for  the  supreme  possession 
of  eloquence :  De  la  transportation  d^ Eloquence 
en  divers  Regions,  par  divers  Aiges  and  divers  per- 
sonnaiges.  Vers  Alexandrins}  Dolet  returned 
his  regard  and  expressed  a  somewhat  intemper- 
ate appreciation  of  Sainte-Marthe's  French  style 
in  a  huitain,  Eiienne  Dolet  A  S.  Marthe,  which 
the  latter  published  with  his  own  poems.^ 

Closely  united  to  Dolet  in  friendship,  so  closely 
indeed  that,  according  to  Sainte-Marthe,  one  let- 
ter made  all  the  difference  between  them/  was 
Sainte-Marthe's  "  singulier  amy "  the  physician 
Tolet/  who  was  practising  medicine  at  the 
"grand  hospital,"  He  loved  and  was  beloved 
by  a  woman  who  was,  Sainte-Marthe  tells  us, 

*  P.  F.,  p.  61.  Copley  Christie,  who  quotes  it,  refers 
to  this  as  an  ode  to  Dolet. 

^  Livre  de  ses  Amys.     P.  F.,  p.  232;  cf.  p.  544. 

'  Sur  VamitU  de  luy  &  de  Dolet.  P.  F.,  p.  11.  Re- 
printed by  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  p.  346,  and  cf.  C.  B. 
(Breghot  du  Lut),  Melanges,  p.  361. 

*  Re  Tolet  {circ.  1502-post  1582),  cf.  Biog.  Lyonnais; 
La  Croix  du  Maine  and  du  Verdier,  Bibs.  FrariQ.;  and 
Pemetti,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  391.  Dolet  has  an  epigram  to 
him,  Carminum  libri  qiiatuor,  p.  55;  Rabelais  mentions 
him  among  his  friends  (fEuvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  167) ;  Charles 
Fontaine  in  his  Fontaine  d^ Amour  refers  to  Canape,  Vace 
and  Tolet  as  Phoebus,  Machaon  and  Podalyre  (fol.  Pij  r°). 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  105 

one  of  the  beaux  esprits  of  Lyons,  and  whose 

writings  were: 

"d'une  telle  facture 
Que  par  iceulx  on  cognoist  ta  nature. 
Escripts,  spirants  un  esprit  tout  divin 
Et  excedants  le  sexe  feminin, 
Escripts,  perfaicts  en  tout,  sans  una  faulte, 
Escripts,  monstrants  ta  nature  estre  haulte, 
Escripts  qui  ont  ma  Muse  (k  bref  parler) 
Contraint  vers  toy,  malgre  qu'en  eust,  aller," 

—  A  la  Dame  &  bien  aymee  de  M.  P.  Tolet,  Medicin 
du  grand  Hospital  de  Lyon,  son  singulier  Amy. 
P.  F.,  p.  172. 

The  love  of  Tolet  and  his  mistress  had  in  it 
a  Platonic  element  which  Sainte-Marthe  ap- 
preciated and  extolled,  while  Tolet  in  his  turn 
praised  the  chastity  of  Sainte-Marthe's  verse  in 
a  dixain  addressed  to  the  French  poets  of  his 
day:  P.  Tolet  Medicin,  aux  Poetes  Francoys 
du  Livre  de  S.  Marthe} 

Another  friend  of  the  young  poet's  was  Jacques 
Dalechamps,^  combining,  according  to  Charles 

1  P.  F.,  p.  234. 

^  Re  Dalechamps  (1513-1588),  c/.  Moreri,  La  France 
Prot.,  Pernetti,  op.  cit.,  and  Brunet.  His  portrait  appears 
in  the  same  collection  as  that  of  Sainte-Marthe  (c/.  infra, 
p.  220),  where  he  is  described  as  "Sicur  d'Alechamps,  un 
des  plus  doctes  et  rares  personnages  de  nostre  temps,  tant 
en  sa  profession  qu'en  tout  genre  de  bonnes  lettres." 


106        CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

Fontaine/  notable  science  with  divine  grace, 
who  was  probably,  in  the  intervals  of  his  studies 
at  Montpellier,  merely  visiting  the  city  of  which 
he  was  later  to  be  the  ornament.  The  two 
young  men  appear  to  have  had  in  common  ene- 
mies who  pursued  them  with  "art  cault  et 
damnable,"^  and  it  is  safe  to  suppose  that  the 
cause  lay  in  their  common  unorthodoxy  of 
opinion. 

It  was  probably  at  Lyons  also  that  Sainte- 
Marthe  encountered  another  friend  of  Charles 
Fontaine's,  Frangois  Veriust,  canon  or  dean  of 
Macon,'  "noble  de  sang  et  noble  de  Vertu,"  to 

*  Charles  Fontaine  a  Jacques  Dalechamps  Medecin. 

"  Tu  marche  avant  dedens  les  champs 
De  rimmortelle  Medecine, 
Chassant  maux  les  mortels  fauchans. 
Amy  &  voisin  Dalechamps : 
Aussi  avec  science  insigne 
Tu  as  une  grace  divine." 

—  Odes,  Enigmes  et  Epigrammes,  p.  97. 
2  Cf.  p.  531. 

^  Cf.  Charles  Fontaine,  A  Monsieur  maistre  Francoys 
Verius,  Chanoine  de  Mascon.  La  Fontaine  d' Amours, 
fol.  Lij  v°.  Possibly  the  son  of  "  Thomas  Le  Conte  dit 
Verjust,"  mentioned  in  the  Actes  de  Frangois  I  as  deceased 
in  1519,  leaving  a  child  under  age.  Gallia.  Christiana, 
Vol.  IV,  col.  1110  A,  refers  to  him  as  N.  Verjust  "quem 
Carolus  Sammarthanus  a  generis  claritate  ingenio  virtu- 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  107 

whom  he  addressed  an  elegy  on  true  nobility, 
Elegie,  A  Monsieur  Veriust,  Doyen  de  Macon, 
De  la  vraye  Noblesse;  ^  and  it  may  have  been  at 
Lyons  also  that  he  knew  Villiers,  that  "musicien 
tresperfaict"  —  on  whose  behalf  he  attacked  in 
a  rondeau  the  enemies  of  music/  —  as  well  as 
Charles  Du  Puy,  probably  lieutenant  particulier  in 
the  Senechaussee  of  Lyons.'    Sainte-Marthe's  old 

tibus  laudavit  carminibus  editis  anno  1540."  Dolet,  on 
the  other  hand,  has  an  epigram  to  Jacobum  Veriusium. 
Carmina,  p.  33. 

'  P.  F.,  p.  216. 

'  A  Villiers,  Musiden  tresperfect.  P.  F.,  p.  97.  Prob- 
ably the  Villiers  named  by  Rabelais  among  the  musicians 
heard  by  Priapus  "  mignonnement  chantans."  (Euvres, 
Vol.  II,  p.  263. 

'  Supposing  him  the  same  whom  Charles  Fontaine 
addressed  as  Monsieur  du  Puys,  Lieutenant  particulier  en 
la  Sennechaus^e  de  Lyon,  in  a  poem  quaintly  ending : 

"  Mais  je  crains,  car  tu  es  grand  Puys, 
Et  je  suis  petite  Fontaine." 

La  Fontaine  d' Amour,  fol.  Lij  r°;  cf.  also  Ruisseaux  de 
Fontaine,  p.  171.  Possibly  son  of  Guillaume  Dupuy, 
physician  first  at  Grenoble  and  later  at  Romans,  whose 
son  Louis  was  afterwards  a  physician  at  Poitiers.  Dreux 
du  Radier,  op.  cit.;  Bull,  de  la  Soc.  de  Stat.  d'Isfere,  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  352.  A  Dupuy  of  Die  was  received  doctor  of  law 
in  1536  at  the  University  of  Ferrara.  Picot,  Les  Frangais 
fk  VUniversite  de  Ferrare  au  XV'  et  au  XV P  Siecles.  He 
contributed  a  poem  to  Sainte-Marthe's  Livre  de  ses  Amys. 


108        CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

friend  Visagier,  who,  like  Ducher,  had  lately 
bitteriy  broken  with  Dolet/  was  probably  not  at 
Lyons ;  nor  was  Marot,  whose  latest  visit  to  the 
city  had  been  —  so  far  as  is  known  —  in  1538. 
Indeed  it  is  diflEicult  to  determine  where  Sainte- 
Marthe  could  have  formed  with  the  latter  the 
affectionate  intimacy  so  evident  in  the  poems 
he  addresses  to  his  "p6re  d'alHance"  ^  and,  in  all 
probability,  dating  back  to  Sainte-Marthe's 
student  days.^ 

*  Cf.  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  pp.  314-317. 
"  For  the  poems  addressed  to  Marot  cf.  pp.  1 19, 234, 236, 
and  530. 

^  Sainte-Marthe  has  a  poem  to  Marot,  Du  faulx  bruict 
de  sa  mort  (cf.  p.  530).  With  this  it  is  natural  to  connect 
Marot's  A  Cravan,  sien  amy,  malade.  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  63. 

"  Amy  Cravan,  on  t'a  faict  le  rapport 
Depuis  un  peu  que  j'estois  trepass6; 
Je  prie  k  Dieu  que  le  diable  m'emporte 
S'il  en  est  rien,  ne  si  j'y  ay  pens6. 
Quelque  ennemy  a  ce  bruyt  avanc6,"  etc. 

This  is  dated  by  Lenglet  Dufresnoy  1531,  when  Sainte- 
Marthe  was  at  Poitiers,  and  the  temptation  is  strong  to 
apply  to  the  latter  Marot's  A  un  jeune  escolier  docte,  grief- 
vement  malade,  ibid., Vol.  Ill,  p.  78),  which  begins  "Charles 
mon  filz  prenez  courage,"  taking  it  in  connection  with  the 
conclusions  to  two  epigrams  addressed  by  Sainte-Marthe 
to  Marot:  "Qui  reprendra  I'enfant  qui  suit  son  Pere?" 
(P.  F.,  p.  55;   cf.  p.  234),  and  "Ays  de  ton  Filz  (O  P6re) 


1540]  GRENOBLE  ;  LYONS  109 

Friends  such  as  his  must  have  made  it  easy 
for  Sainte-Marthe  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  other  Lyonnese  to  whom  the  city  owed  her 
proud  place  as  a  center  of  the  French  Renais- 
sance, and  who  composed  a  brilHant  society  in 
which  a  rising  scholar  had  every  reason  to  feel 
sure  of  his  place.  And  the  large  part  which 
cultivated  women  played  in  it  made  certain  its 
welcome  to  a  defender  of  the  sex.  Such,  as  we 
have  seen,  Sainte-Marthe  had  proved  himself. 
His  reputation  as  a  classicist  and  poet  was 
also  by  this  time  well  established.  As  early  as 
1538,  he  was  docta  poeta  to  Ducher;  he  had, 
while  at  Poitiers,  already  composed  a  theo- 
logical work ;  Arlier  had  referred  to  his  "  learned 
writings,"  Montausier  to  his  "bien  reput^e 
renomee"  ;  and  Sainte-Marthe  himself  rather 
ingeniously  suggests  his  own  distinction  in  his 
lines  to  Claudine  Sc^ve: 

"C'est  bien  grand  cas,  en  bruit  estre  nomm6 
Par  un  Autheur  lequel  soit  renomme." 

—  P.F.,p.  158. 

Souvenance."  (P.  F.  ibid;  cf.  infra,  p.  119).  The  family 
genealogist's  assertion  that  Sainte-Marthe  was  praised  by 
Marot  may  be  based  upon  a  tradition  that  this  epigram 
was  intended  for  him.  (Cf.  Ginealogie,  de  la  Maison  de 
Sainte-Marthe,  fol.  30  r°.) 


110         CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

It  was  probably  at  this  time  that  his  pros- 
perity provoked  the  animosity  of  another 
scholar,  possessed  of  a  notoriously  evil  tongue.^ 
Hubert  Sussanee,  none  the  less  foul-mouthed  and 
profligate  that  he  was  doctor  both  of  law  and 
medicine,^  no  doubt  prejudiced  against  him  by 
his  friendship  with  Dolet  with  whom  himself 
had  quarreled,  could  not  forgive  Sainte-Marthe 
his  good  fortune.  In  the  preceding  February 
he  had  obtained,  although  on  probation  only, 
and  under  a  strict  surveillance  which  marked 
an  interesting  distrust  of  new  schoolmasters,  the 
post  of  municipal  schoolmaster  at  Grenoble  for 
which  Sainte-Marthe  had  applied  in  October  of 
the  year  before.^  Two  years  later  followed  his 
dismissal  by  the  Consuls  for  drunkenness,  blas- 
phemy, brawling,  and  inattention  to  his  duties, 
a  dismissal  against  which  he  appealed  to  the 


•  For  Sussan^e's  attacks  upon  Tartas,  for  example,  c/. 
Gaullieur,  op.  cit.,  p.  65;  for  his  break  with  Dolet  and  his 
epigrams  upon  him,  cf.  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  pp.  37,  38 
and  note. 

2  The  title  of  his  hudi,  published  in  1538  is:  Huherti 
Sussancei  Legum  et  Medecince  Doctoris  Ludorum  lihri  nunc 
recens  conditi  atque  cediti. 

*  Archives  Municipales  de  Grenoble.    BB.  12  Registre. 


IMO]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  111 

Parlement}  It  was  in  1542,  the  year  of  this  dis- 
grace, that  he  first  published,  in  an  edition  of 
the  Quantitates  of  Alexandre  de  Villedieu,  a 
spiteful  epigi'am  upon  Sainte-Marthe;^  but,  as 
the  latter  was  in  prison  at  the  time,'  it  is  clear 
that  the  satire  was  composed  at  an  earlier  and 
more  enviable  period.  Nothing  that  we  know 
of  Sainte-Marthe  appears  to  warrant  its  accu- 
sation of  worldliness; 

^  Archives  Municipales  de  Grenoble.  BB.  13  fols. 
22-23.  It  was  complained  against  him  that  he  was 
"homme  de  mavays  exemple  et  tel  que  quant  il  a 
commence  ung  livre  il  ne  continue,  sinon  deux  ou 
trois  chappitres  et  puis  en  commence  ung  aultre  et 
puis  est  blasfemeur  de  Dieu  et  la  plupart  du  temps 
yvre,  monstrant  mauvays  exemple  aux  escoUiers  pourtans 
esp^ez,  se  batant  avecques  I'un  et  avecques  I'aultre, 
ne  continuant  la  lecture  et  plusieurs  aultres  insolences 
et  maulvays  exemple,  qu'est  le  grand  dommaige,  pre- 
judice et  interest  des  enfans  escolliers  et  de  toute  la 
ville." 

^  Quantitates  Alexandri  Galli,  vulgo  de  villa  dei,  correc- 
tione  adhibita  ah  Huberto  Sussanaeo  locupletatae,  adjectis 
utilissimis  adnotationibus,  minimeque  vulgaribus.  Access- 
erunt  accentuum  regulae  omnium  absolutissimae,  ex  variis 
doctissimisque  autoribus  (sic)  collectae,  per  eundem  Sussan- 
aeum.  Additus  est  elegiarum  ejusdem  liber.  Paris,  1542. 
fol.  70.  I  owe  the  indication  to  the  kindness  of  Professor 
Abel  Lefranc. 

»  Cf.  infra,  p.  139. 


112         CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

In  Samarthem 

Te  jactas  evangelicum,  tibi  Christus  in  ore  est, 

Dicis  Apostolico  vivere  dulce  modo. 
Dispiciamus  an  id  vere  falsone  loquaris; 

Subdola  nam  multis  vox  tua  verba  dedit. 
Pauperiem  Christus  commendat.     Vives  cur  te 

Lautius,  o  gorges,  splendidiusque  juvat? 
Tu  sublimis  equo  veheris,  servator  lesits 

Hue  illuc  pedibus  conficiebat  iter. 
Non  tenuis  pannus,  sed  corpus  serica  velant, 

Mutuo  sumpta  tibi  reddere  nosse  ferunt. 
Gloriosae  vanae  turpine  cupidine  flagras  ? 

Quam  credis  caelo  vix  quoque  posse  capi. 
Cum  sis  tam  mollis,  tam  luxu  perditus  omni, 

Sin  an  Apostolico  vivere  more  putas. 

However  little  Sussanee's  fling  at  Sainte- 
Marthe  may  have  been  justified,  its  testimony 
to  the  ease  of  the  latter's  situation  is  as- 
suredly not  negligible. 

In  any  case,  in  his  character  of  prosperous  and 
distinguished  dweller  in  the  Southern  Capital, 
Sainte-Marthe  felt  himself,  shortly  after  his  arri- 
val, suflEiciently  identified  with  Lyons  to  take  a 
share  as  peacemaker  in  the  dispute  between 
master-printers  and  journeymen,  in  which  his 
friend  Dolet  was  espousing  the  workmen's 
cause,  and  'he  indited  a  rondeau,  Aux  Maistres 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  113 

&  Compaignons  de  L'impnmerie  de  Lyon,  estants 
ensemble  differents} 

There  were  disputes  in  Lyons  which  more 
closely  concerned  him.  A  distressing  condi- 
tion of  affairs  prevailed  at  the  College  de  la 
Trinite,  where  he  held  his  new  chair.  De- 
veloped from  a  school  to  a  college  in  1527,  and 
placed  under  municipal  control,  it  had  num- 
bered among  its  principals  sound  men  of  wide 
reputation.  Its  present  condition  was  far  from 
satisfactory,  however,  for  it  had  fallen  into  dis- 
order owing  to  the  inefficiency  of  its  head, 
Claude  de  Cublize.  Since  the  previous  April 
the  regents  and  pedagogues  had  been  in  a  state 
of  rebellion  against  him  and  had  discontinued 
their  lessons.  The  result  had  been  "dissolu- 
tions et  insolences"  serious  enough  to  make 
the  town  counselors  fear  for  the  very  life  of 
the  College.^  The  most  distinguished  of  the 
regents,  Barthelemy  Aneau,^  who  had  probably 
arrived  about   1533,  and  who  taught  rhetoric 

»P.  F.,  p.  104;  c/.  p.  534. 

2  Cf.  Archives  de  la  Ville  de  Lyon,  BB.  58,  29th  of 
April,  1540. 

*  A  book  on  the  subject  of  Aneau  is  in  preparation 
by  Doctor  J.  L.  Gerig  of  Columbia  University. 


114        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

in  the  College,  had  on  the  29th  of  April  drawn 
up  a  set  of  rules  for  its  better  discipline.  His 
suggestions,  sensible  in  the  extreme,  pleased  the 
counselors,  and  on  the  4th  of  May  he  appeared 
before  them  and  applied  for  the  office  of  princi- 
pal, offering  to  go  to  Paris  to  procure  suitable 
teachers/  There  was  much  in  the  candidacy 
of  the  future  author  of  the  Quintil  Horatien 
to  attract  the  Council.  A  teacher  of  proved 
capacity,  his  pubHcation  of  the  Chant  Natal  ^ 
had  just  added  new  prestige  to  the  College. 
If  the  Council  found  long  and  serious  debate 
necessary  before  making  its  decision,  we  may 
hazard  this  to  have  been  due  to  the  religious 
proclivities  of  a  man  who  had  studied  under 
the  Protestant,  Melchior  Wolmar;  proclivities 
to  which  in  the  end  indeed  he  fell  a  martyr.^ 
The  discussion  ended,  however,  with  Aneau's 
appointment,*  and  he  set  out  for  Paris  to  seek 

^  Cf.  Archives  de  la  Ville  de  Lyon,  BB.  58,  fol.  6L 
"  Le  mardy  IIII*  jour  de  may  I'an  mil  cinq  cens  quar- 
ante." 

==  Gryphe,  Lyons,  1539. 

»  On  June  the  5th,  1561. 

*  Appointed  in  1540,  he  resigned  in  1550,  and  only 
resumed  his  functions  in  1558  to  save  the  college  from 
ruin.     Charvet,  Etienne  Martellange,  pp.  216  and  217. 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  115 

his  assistants,  and  was  absent  on  this  errand 
when  Sainte-Marthe  arrived  to  begin  his  duties 
in  the  College.  Cublize  was  still  its  nominal 
head.  He  had  not  as  yet,  in  fact,  been  informed 
that  he  had  been  superseded,  and  Sainte- 
Marthe's  appointment  may  have  been  an  effort 
on  his  part  to  save  the  situation.  It  may  equally 
have  been  an  act  of  the  Council's  or  even  a  sug- 
gestion of  Aneau's.  A  warm  friend  of  Dolet's,* 
an  ardent  admirer  of  Marot,  whose  translation 
of  the  Metamorphoses  he  was  to  continue,^  the 
latter  had  literary  as  well  as  religious  sym- 
pathies in  common  with  the  poet.  And  yet, 
after  Aneau's  return  from  Paris  and  the  dis- 
missal of  Cublize  on  the  6th  of  July,  emphati- 
cally repeated,  in  the  face  of  his  resistance,  on 
the  20th  of  the  month  ,3  we  find  Sainte-Marthe, 
on  August  the  4th,  offering  to  the  Town-council 

'  Cf.  his  contribution  in  1539  to  the  translation  of 
Dolet's  Genethliacum,  L'avant  Naissance  de  Claude  Dolet, 
filz  de  Estienne  Dolet,  etc.  Copley  Christie,  pp.  342  and 
345. 

'  Trois  premiers  livres  de  la  Metamorphose  d'Ovide, 
traduictz  en  vers  francois,  le  premier  et  le  second  par  Cli- 
ment  Marot,  le  tiers  par  Barthelemy  Aneau,  etc.  Lyon, 
Guil.  Roville,  1556. 

3  Archives  de  1^  Ville  de  Lyon,  BB.  58,  fols.  81  and  84  v°. 


116         CHARLES   DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

suggestions  for  the  government  of  the  College 
which  were  laid  aside  to  be  compared  with 
Aneau's.^  He  felt,  no  doubt,  that  his  experi- 
ence at  Bordeaux  fitted  him  to  be  helpful  under 
circumstances  which  so  oddly  reproduced  the 
crisis  at  the  ColUge  de  Guyenne.  At  the  same 
time,  his  action  suggests  that  he  was  not  in 
touch  with  Aneau,  and  the  fact  that  the  volume 
of  poems  he  published  in  September  contains 
not  a  single  mention  of  him  may  be  corrob- 
orative. It  seems,  indeed,  in  view  of  these 
facts,  not  improbable  that  it  was  Aneau  at 
whom  Sainte-Marthe  aimed  certain  verses  con- 
taining a  pointed  reference  to  rhetoric : 

"  D'un  qui  reprenoit  ses  (Euvres. 
Pour  passe  temps,  en  Francois  &  Latin, 
J'ay  compost  quelqu'  CEuvre  poetique. 
Eslev^  s'est  un  glorieux  mutin, 
Qui  me  r^prend.     0  Juge  tresinique. 
Qui  tant  scavant  te  dys  en  Rhetorique 
^  Le  mardy  quatriesme  jour  d'aoust  mil  cinq   cens 
quarante.      Messire  Sarmatains,  r6gent  au  colli^ge  de 
la  Trinit6,  est  venu  au  present  consulat  exhiber  certains 
articles  contenans  la  forme  de  r6gir  et  gouverner  le  col- 
lifege  de  la  Trinity  lequel  a  est6  veu  par  le  Consulat  et 
ordonn6  le  conf^rer  avec  les  articles  qu'a  baiI16  M.  Bar- 
thelemy  Aigne."     Archives  de  la  Ville  de  Lyon,  BB.  58, 
fol.  88. 


1640]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  117 

Ay  je  failly  ?  monstre  moy  mon  deffault. 
N'ay  je  failly?  qu'est  ce  done  qu'il  te  fault? 
Pour  te  mesler  ainsy  de  mon  affaire  ? 
Cognois  un  peu  que  jugement  te  fault, 
Tu  me  reprends  &  n'en  scaurois  tant  faire."  ^ 

If  Sainte-Marthe's  relations  with  Aneau  were 
actually  unfriendly,  perhaps  the  latter's  instal- 
lation in  office  gave  the  signal  for  the  poet's 
departure.  The  regents  had  already  arrived  by 
the  20th  of  July,  the  grace  allowed  Cubhze  was 
—  in  consequence  it  may  be  —  shortened  from 
October  the  first  to  the  end  of  August,  and 
it  is  significant  that  the  last  trace  of  Sainte- 
Marthe  in  Lyons  is  on  the  first  of  September. 
He  dated  on  that  day '  his  dedication  to  the 

*  P.  F.,  p.  58 ;  cf.  also  A  un  qui  dehortoit  de  tnettre  ses 
(Euvres  en  lumiere,  P.  F.,  p.  52;  cf.  p.  535. 

^  It  is  probable  that  Sainte-Marthe  intended  an 
earlier  publication  of  his  poems.  A  huitain  to  Colin, 
abb6  of  St.  Ambroise  near  Bourges,  begs  his  patronage, 
A  Monsieur  I'Abbe  de  sainct  Ambroise,  il  luy  recommande 
ses  Q^uvres.  P.  F.,  p.  70.  Now  Colin  fell  out  of  favor 
at  court  about  1537.  Cf.  A.  Heulhard,  Rabelais,  pp.  44, 
222,  269;  G.  Guiffrey,  ed.  Marot,  Vol.  II,  pp.  182  and 
287,  notes,  and  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  192  and  193,  notes.  M. 
Guiffrey,  however,  without  comment  on  the  discrepancy 
of  dates,  quotes  a  part  of  Sainte-Marthe's  address  to 
Colin  as  evidence  of  the  latter's  patronage  of  letters. 
Sainte-Marthe's  volume  contains  neither  privilege  nor 
achev4  d'imprimer  to  fix  its  date  more  closely. 


118        CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

Duchesse  d'Estampes  of  his  first  publication  of 
any  importance,  his  Poesie  Francoise.  The 
dedication,  urged  upon  him  by  his  friend  the 
due  de  Montausier,  gave  Sainte-Marthe  the 
opportunity  of  at  once  pleasing  Saint-Maur, 
gaining  a  powerful  friend  in  the  Duchess,  and 
being  agreeable  to  the  Queen  of  Navarre  to 
whom  Anne  de  Pisselieu  was  bound  by  ties  of 
interest  and  perhaps  of  affection/  The  very 
source  of  his  troubles,  too,  the  odium  of  heresy 
which  still  clung  to  him,  was  enough  to  recom- 
mend him  to  the  Duchess,^  and  he  hoped  great 
things  from  the  interest  of  the  "pearl  of 
France."  ^    It  was  to  be  the  means  of  releasing 

*  Cf.  Florimond  de  Raemond,  Histoire  de  Vhirisie. 
Book  VII,  p.  849. 

2  Cf.  ibid.,  p.  847. 

'  Besides  the  formal  dedicatory  letter  Sainte-Marthe  has 
seven  poems  addressed  or  dedicated  to  the  duchess,  i.e. : 

(1)  A  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes,  luy  presentant 
ses  CEuvres.     P.  F.,  p.  9.     Huitain. 

(2)  De  Madame  la  Dtichesae  d'Estampes.  P.  F.,  p.  20. 
Huitain. 

(3)  A  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes.  P.  F.,  p.  37. 
Huitain. 

(4)  A  Madame  la  Du^^hesse  d' Estampes.  P.  F.,  p.  62. 
Dixain,  begging  her  patronage. 

(5)  A  Madame  la  Duchesse  d' Estampes,  luy  recom- 
mandant  son  CEuvre.     P.  F.,  p.  82.     Rondeau. 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  119 

him  from  all  his  distress,  and  he  begs  Marot's 
approval  that  he  may  make  the  more  sure  of 
her  favor : 

"Tu  veois,  Marot,  quel  moyen  j'ay  trouve 
Donnant  mon  CEuvre  k  la  Perle  de  France, 
De  me  tirer  hors  de  toute  souffrance. 
Approuves  16,  desj^  est  approuve 
Reproues  16,  desj^  est  reprouve, 
Ays  de  ton  Filz  (O  Pere)  souvenance." 
—  A   luy  mesme,   luy  recommendant  ses  CEuvres,  vers 
Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes.     P.  F.,  p.  55. 

Saint-Maur's  advice  as  to  the  dedication  was 
not  the  only  good  turn  he  did  Sainte-Marthe. 
He  appears  to  have  attempted  to  reconcile  the 
vagrant  scholar  to  his  family :  "Si  ton  Pere,  que 
je  cognoy  bien  estime  par  ses  Vertus  &  lettres, 
pent  au  long  estre  adverty,  ta  perigrination  avoir 
est^  exercee  en  scavoir  &  louable  vie;  aura 
merveilleusement  aggreable  ton  heureux  & 
desire  retour,  faisant  le  debvoir  patemel.  De 
tes  Freres  ils  ne  fauldront  au  naturel  &  deu 
commande,    &   te   peux   persuader  que  tu  en 

(6)  A  Madame  La  Duchesse  d'Estampes.  P.  F., 
p.  125.     Epistle  (120  lines). 

(7)  Elegie.  Du  Tempe  de  France,  en  I'honneur  de  Ma- 
dame la  Duchesse  d'Estampes.  P.  F.,  p.  197.  Cf.  p.  537 
et  seq. 


120        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

as  aulcuns  desquels  useras  comme  de  toy."  * 
Although  Sainte-Marthe  in  his  poetical  reply  to 
this  letter,  already  quoted,^  seems  to  treat  the 
suggestion  with  intentional  indifference,  some 
better  understanding  seems  to  be  implied  by 
the  insertion,  in  the  volume,  of  a  poem  ad- 
dressed to  his  father :  A  Son  Seigneur  &  Pere, 
Medicin  &  conseiller  ordinaire  du  Roy.  II  luy 
rend  raison  de  sa  Poesie  Francoise,  le  consolant 
de  ses  adversites} 

Saint-Maur's  letter  on  the  subject,  dated 
from  Hyeres  on  the  20th  of  June,  was  inserted 
by  Sainte-Marthe  in  the  Livre  de  ses  Amys,  con- 
taining complimentary  verses  from  his  more 
distinguished  friends,  with  which,  following  a 
custom  of  the  times,  he  concluded  the  volume.* 
The  names  of  the  contributors  are  of  interest; 
Bigot,  Dolet  and  Sceve  are  the  most  distin- 
guished, and  Sainte-Marthe  sets  them  first,  in 
that  order.  Then  follow  those  of  Pierre  de 
Marillac,  Exupere  de  Claveyson,  Tolet,  Maurice 
Chausson,  Jean  Roboam,  lean  Benac,  A.  de  Ville- 

1  Cf.  p.  601.      '  Cf.  supra,  p.  87  et  seq.      '  P.  F .,  p.  148. 
*  A  custom  followed  for  example  by  Ducher,  Dolet, 
Bourbon,  Duchesne,  Salel,  etc. 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  121 

neuve,  Charles  du  Puy/  Le  Chevalier  Grenet. 
The  collection  itself  Sainte-Marthe  dedicated  to 
Avanson  in  recognition  of  his  kindness  to  him 
at  Grenoble.^ 

The  publication  of  the  poems  within  a  few 
months  after  his  arrival  at  Lyons  indicates  that 
Sainte-Marthe  felt  himself  fairly  safe  from 
further  attack  on  account  of  his  views;  for 
the  volume,  although  it  contained  a  poem  or 
two  calculated  to  set  at  rest  doubts  of  his  or- 
thodoxy, such  as  A  tons  Chrestiens.  En  la  per- 
sonne  de  la  vikrge,  Mere  de  Dieu,  and  Qu'on 
cognoist  la  vive  &  vraye  Foy  par  les  CEuvres,^  was 
by  no  means  free  from  elements  open  to  suspicion. 
Such  was  the  emphasis  upon  aspects  of  faith  pur- 
posely left  in  abeyance  by  the  church:  a  stress 
which  was  coming  to  be  more  and  more  charac- 
teristic of  the  new  reformers.  The  doctrine  of 
grace,  for  example,  is  uncompromisingly  stated 
in  the  poem  which  opens  the  third  book  of  the 
Poesie  Francoise: 

*  Charles  du  Puy,  a  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  I'Amye  de 
Monsieur  de  S.  Marthe.  Livre  de  ses  Amys.  P.  F., 
p.  236. 

'  Cf.  p.  564  et  seq. 

»  P.  F.,  pp.  45  and  62. 


122         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

A  Dieu  Confession  de  son  infirmite,  &  Invocation  de 
sa  Grace 

"Je  scay  (Seigneur)  je  scay,  telle  est  ma  Foy, 
Que  les  Humains  ne  peuvent  rien  de  soy, 
Que  se  donner  aulcun  bien  ilz  ne  peuvent, 
N6  decliner  le  mal  quand  ilz  lie  treuvent 
Si  telle  force  ilz  n'ont  par  ton  moyen. 
De  toy  (Seigneur)  vient  le  mal  et  le  bien,  etc."  ^ 

Again,  salvation  by  faith  is  the  note  of  the  long 
Elegie  du  vray  bien  &  nourriture  de  VAme,^ 
and  predestination  and  election  are  strongly 
stressed  in  more  than  one  place,  as,  for  instance, 
in  an  Elegie,^  wherein  the  poet  celebrates 

"le  puissant  uueil 
De  celuy  la,  qui  sur  nous  seul  domine, 
Et  qui  les  maulx  augmente,  ou  bien  termine, 
Ainsi  qu'il  veult,  k  iceulx  mesmement, 
Qui  sont  Esleux,  des  leur  commencement ; " 

or  again  in  certain  lines  of  the  Elegie  de  VAme 

'  P.  F.,  p.  115,  and  cf.  the  whole  poem,  p.  113  et  seq. 
Cf.  also  the  dixain :  Qu'on  ne  se  doibt  en  rien  trap  priser 
ne  depriser  and  A  Dieu,  Invocation  de  sa  grace.  Ibid., 
pp.  65  and  81. 

'  P.  F.,  p.  210. 

'  Elegie  en  forme  d'Epistre,  d.  Monsieur  le  Chevalier  de 
Monthozier  Que  h  qui  Jesus  ayde,  rien  ne  peut  nuyre. 
P.  F.,  p.  207. 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  123 

parlante  au  Corps,  &  monstrante  le  proffit  de  la 
Mort:"-  ^ 

"  Considerant  en  toy,  que  tous,  jeunes  &  vieulx, 
Ont  I'heure  de  leur  Mort  du  Seigneur  destin^e, 
Pour  jouyr  de  la  gloire  aux  bons  predestinee." 

Such  sentiments,  in  themselves  likely  to  be 
looked  at  askance,  had  a  more  serious  aspect 
considered  in  connection  with  the  omission, 
from  all  the  religious  poems,  of  any  mention  of 
saints  or  of  other  intercession  than  that  of  the 
Saviour.^  His  imitation  of  Marot,  moreover,  in 
metrical  paraphrase  of  a  psalm — the  One  hun- 
dred and  twentieth  ^  —  not  rendered  by  the 
greater  poet,  would  hardly  recommend  Sainte- 
Marthe  to  the  orthodox,  nor  would  insistence 
upon  the  purely  spiritual  nature  of  the  Sacra- 
ment in  a  Balade  double,  contenant  la  promesse 
de  Christ,  sa  Nativite,  Passion,  Resurrection,  & 

'  Vers  Alexandrins.     P.  F .,  pp.  214-216. 

*  An  omission  especially  noticeable  in  a  Balade  du 
proffit  de  la  Mort  de  Jesu  Christ,  and  in  a  dixain :  Jesu 
Christ  estant  en  Croix  parte  a  un  chascun  Chrestien,  P.  F., 
pp.  108-110  and  73,  which  contains  the  expression  "Seul 
suis  ton  Dieu,  seul  suis  ton  saulvement,"  and  "Vien 
droict  k  moy  sans  avoir  deffiance." 

»  P.  F.,  p.  48. 


124         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

precieux  sacrement  de  Son  Corps,  icy  h  rums  de- 

laissi  pour  gaige  de  Salut :  ^ 

"  Car  il  luy  est  un  seur  &  riche  gaige, 
De  prendre  part  au  Celeste  heritaige, 
Si  par  Foy  veult  son  Cueur  y  arrester, 
Et  I'arrestant,  par  Foy  plus  le  gouster 
Que  par  la  Chair,  qui  le  contraire  clame, 
Car  on  ne  peut  de  ceste  chair  taster 
Le  divin  pain,  nourriture  de  I'Ame." 

Here  Sainte-Marthe  at  least  verges  upon  one  of 

the  doctrines  of  Luther  expressly  condemned 

by  the  theological  faculty  of  Paris  in  1521,  i.e. 

that  the  faith  of  the  recipients  constitutes  the 

efficacy  of  sacraments.^    Nor  is  he  upon  safer 

ground  when  he  speaks  of  the  Scriptures  as  the 

incorruptible  bread  of  the  soul : 

"  Nourrisez  la  du  pain  incorruptible : 
C'est  rescript  sainct,  c'est  la  sacree  Bible.'" 

The  young  poet  showed  still  less  discretion  in 

attacking  the  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne  under  the 

name  of  "sophists"  in  a  rondeau  double*  though 

»P.  F.,  pp.  110-112. 

'  Cf.  Jervis,  Hist,  of  the  Church  of  France.   Vol.  I,  p.  1 16. 

'  Elegie  du  vray  bien  &  nourriture  de  VAme.  P.  F., 
p.  213. 

*  Aux  Sophistes,  P.F.,p.95.  In  his  funeral  oration  on 
Marguerite  of  Navarre,  nine  years  later,  Sainte-Marthe 
writes,  "le  nom  de  Sophiste,  jadis  tandis  honorable,  est 


1540]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS      -  125 

he   was   safe   enough   when   he  pilloried  those 
common   butts   of    the   satirists,    the   religious 
orders.    Two  of  his  epigrams  upon  Franciscans 
are  worth  quoting  on  their  own  merits : 

Epitaphe  d'un  Cordelier,  lequel,  en  sa  vie,  avoit  tous- 
jours  presche  que  ses  merites  estoient  suffisants 
h  le  saidver,  sans  la  Grace  de  Dieu. 

"  Icy  repose  un  grand  religieux 
De  Sainct  Francois,  qui,  pour  porter  la  haire, 
Et  d'un  habit,  k  plusieurs  odieux, 
Par  le  dehors  I'homme  sainct  contrefaire, 
A  heu  pouvoir  par  ses  (Euvres  perfaire 
Ce  que  n'ont  peu  les  Apostres  jadis. 
O  benoist  froc,  qui  a  peu  le  bien  faire 
De  meriter,  sans  Grace,  Paradis," 

Du  mesme,  parlant  apres  sa  Mart  h  ses  Frhres} 

"  Sus,  lisez  tous  Freres,  diligemment 
Que  dit  I'Escot  du  merite  condigne. 
Car  Ton  m'a  dit  icy  apertement 
A  me  saulver  mon  Merite  estre  indigne. 
Mais  j  'ay  monstre  k  Jesus  Christ,  par  signe, 
Qu'il  ne  devoit  me  faire  tel  exces. 
Lisez,  lisez,  en  ce  Docteur  tresdigne. 
Car  j'ay  espoir  d'en  gagner  mon  proces." 

aujourd'huy  odieus  a  tous  bons  esprits  par  I'opiniastret^ 
d'un  tas  de  babillards  questionnaires."  ...  p.  42. 

»  P.  F.,  p.  46. 

'  It  is  followed  by  an  epigram  A  un  du  pareil  ordre, 
qui  en  preschant,  donna  la  Foy  au  Diable. 


126        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1540 

The  impression  left  by  a  perusal  of  his  poems, 
strongly  corroborated  by  the  names  of  those 
upon  whom  he  counts  for  patronage  is  that  — • 
whatever  he  may  have  wished  Faucher  to  believe 
—  Sainte-Marthe  still  leaned  no  less  strongly 
towards  "reform"  than  when  at  Poitiers.  The 
support  of  Marguerite  of  Navarre  and  the 
duchess  d'Etampes,  however  it  may  have  pro- 
tected a  heretic,  did  not  enhance  a  man's  repu- 
tation for  orthodoxy;  Marot's  name  was  still 
anathema  to  many ;  and  Montausier's  conclud- 
ing salutation  sufficiently  indicates  the  direc- 
tion of  his  sympathies:  "Je  supply  I'Eternel, 
nostre  justificateur  &  dateur  de  toutes  graces, 
nous  conduire  en  spirituelle  vie."^ 

Despite  the  sense  of  safety  shown  by  Sainte- 
Marthe's  comparative  freedom  of  expression, 
his  place  in  Lyons,  whether  from  that  or  other 
causes,  was  less  secure  than  he,  no  doubt,  sup- 
posed. We  know  nothing  actually  of  the  im- 
mediate reasons,  nor  indeed  the  actual  date,  of 
his  departure  from  the  city.  Probably,  as  has 
been  said,  Cublize's  dismissal  had  something  to 
do  with  it;  perhaps,  too,  now  his  volume  was 
'  Cf.  p.  601. 


1541]  GRENOBLE ;  LYONS  127 

out,  he  had  reason  to  fear  that,  after  all,  the 
imprudences  of  his  Poesie  Francoise  were  dan- 
gerous at  a  time  when  persecutions  were  grow- 
ing daily  more  severe  and  frequent,  especially 
in  the  Dauphin^  and  Provence ;  ^  for  the  poems, 
no  doubt,  as  the  family  genealogist  sagely  re- 
marks, "furent  receus  du  publique  selon  les 
divers  sentiments  des  personnes  de  ce  temps 
la."  '  All  we  know  is  that  early  in  the  following 
year  Sainte-Marthe  had  committed  himself  to 
a  bold  step,  and  —  following  the  example  of 
Eustorg  de  Beaulieu,  Cordier  and  Zebedee  ^  — 
had  taken  refuge  in  Geneva.  On  the  6th  of 
February,  1541,  Viret  mentions  him  in  a  letter 
to  Calvin  *  urging  the  latter's  return  to  Geneva 
where  all  favor  his  reappearance,  and  every- 
thing demands  his  "healing  hand":    "Sainte- 

^  Cf.  letter  of  Viret,  cit.  infra. 

*  Genealogie  de  la  Maisan  de  Sainte-Marthe,  fol.  25  r°. 

'  Maturin  Cordier  had  reached  Geneva  by  1537,  but 
since  his  banishment  at  the  end  of  1538  he  had  been  in 
charge  of  the  College  of  Neuchatel.  Cf.  Buisson,  op.  cit., 
pp.  127-129.  Zebedee  had  been  pastor  at  Orbe  since 
1538.  He  was  still  in  good  odor  with  the  reformers, 
though  his  praise  of  Zwingli  had  already  given  offense  to 
Calvin.     Cf.  Herminjard,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  VI,  p.  191. 

*  Herminjard,  op.  cit.,  no.  939,  Vol.  VII,  p.  13. 


128        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1541 

Marthe,"  continues  Viret,  "a  very  learned  man, 
whom  I  take  to  be  well  known  to  you  by  name, 
arrived  here  at  once  upon  hearing  that  I  was 
here,  and  you  shortly  looked  for;  whom  we 
hope  easily  to  persuade  to  settle  here  as  soon 
as  he  has  cared  for  certain  of  his  affairs,  and 
especially  his  betrothed  to  whom  he  has  not 
long  been  pledged." 


CHAPTER  IV 

1541  :    PERSECUTION   AT   GRENOBLE 

It  was  Sainte-Marthe's  fortune  to  light  upon 
distracted  moments  in  every  college  that  he 
was  called  to  serve.  That  of  Geneva,  reorgan- 
ized by  the  same  council  that  proclaimed  the 
Reform  in  1536,  had  benefited  by  Calvin's  interest 
until  his  banishment  two  years  before.  Since 
then,  its  head  Saunier  and  his  great  assistant 
Cordier  exiled,  it  had  languished  under  chance 
masters,  and  was  at  the  moment  ruled  by  the 
sickly  and  inefficient  Agnet  Buissier.^  And 
Sainte-Marthe,  proposed  to  the  Council  on  the 
14th   of    February^   by  Jacques   Bernard  and 

»  Cf.  Buisson,  oip.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  129. 

^  "Les  seigneurs  pr^dicans  Jaques  Bernard  et  Cham- 
pereaulx  hont  expos^  comment  ils  hont  entendus  que 
maystre  Agnet,  regent  des  escholes  ne  peult  satisfayre 
az  son  office,  et  que  ill  y  az  icy  ung  home  bien  propice 
pour  exercy  ledit  office,  nomm6  Martanus,  priant  il 
havoyer  advys."  Registre  du  Conseil  de  Genfeve,  Lundi, 
4me  f^vrier,  1541.  cit.  {partim)  Herminjard,  op.  cit., 
Vol.  VII,  p.  15,  n.  7. 

K  129 


130        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1541 

Champereaulx  "Seigneurs  predicans,"  was  now 
invited  to  succeed  him.  Calvin  himself  ex- 
pressed his  approval  of  the  choice  in  the  reply 
to  Viret,  dated  April  the  second,  which  gave  his 
reasons  for  not  wishing  to  return  to  Geneva/ 

Weeks  before  that  letter  was  penned,  how- 
ever, Sainte-Marthe  had  ventured  into  France 
again,  hoping  to  arrange  his  affairs  and  to  bring 
his  bride  —  Mile.  Beringue  it  may  be  presumed 
—  back  to  Geneva.  He  ventured,  in  fact,  not 
only  into  France,  but  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Grenoble  Parlement.  He  had  left  Geneva 
by  the  last  day  of  February  and  the  Council 
were  at  that  time  still  awaiting  his  return  and 
insisting  that  Buissier  should  remain  until  his 
arrival.^ 

It  was  not  until  April  that  sad  news  of  him 

^  "  De  Sammarthano  placet  quod  Senatus  ei  honam 
spem  fecit."  Herminjard,  op^.  cit.,  Vol.  VII,  No.  958. 
cit.  Buisson,  op.  dt.,  Vol.  I,  p.  132,  n.  3. 

*  "Pour  ce  que  maystre  Martanus  doybt  venyr  t6- 
genter  les  escholes,  ordonn6  que  maystre  Agnet  serve 
jusquez  k  sa  venue  en  le  contenant  de  sa  poienne,  et 
puys  apres,  qu'il  soyt  mys  az  Sategnyez  pour  predicant 
soub  le  salayre  de  deux  cent  florins."  Registre  du  Conseil 
de  Genfeve,  lungdi  dernier  februarii,  1541.  cit.  Buisson, 
op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  p.  132,  n.  2;  and  Herminjard,  op.  cit.,  Vol. 
VII,  p.  15,  n.  7. 


1541]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  131 

reached  Geneva.  Reaching  France  in  the  midst 
of  ever  increasing  persecution,  especially  viru- 
lent at  Romans  and  Grenoble  ^  among  other 
places,  he  had  been  cast  into  prison  again  in  the 
latter  place.  Viret  wrote  the  news  to  the 
pastors  of  Zurich  on  the  27th  of  April,  in  a 
letter  sufficiently  expressive  of  the  considera- 
tion which  Sainte-Marthe  enjoyed.  "There  is  no 
one,"  he  says,  "although  all  are  most  dear  to  us, 
whose  bonds  have  brought  deeper  sorrow  to  our 
hearts  than  those  of  Sainte-Marthe,  a  man  of 
much  learning  and  piety,  by  whose  care  we 
hoped  that  the  college  of  Geneva,  fallen  and  so 
wretchedly  cast  down,  might  be  happily  set  up, 
and  good  letters  restored  to  their  first  luster, 
which,  after  the  banishment  of  our  brothers,  have 
lain  in  the  dust  in  the  situation  of  despised  and 
neglected  things;  especially  at  this  time  when 
the  Lord  has  so  pitied  that  unhappy  church  that 
the  fruit  and  success  of  the  Gospel  has  far  ex- 
ceeded the  hope  of  all.  But  the  Lord  saw  other- 
wise, lest  aught  should  be  in  all  respects  blessed, 
Who  has  ordained  that  we  should  have  no  perfect 

'  Cf.  Viret  to  the  Zurich  Pastors,  Herminjard,  op.  cit., 
Vol.  VII,  No.  968. 


132         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE        [1541 

joy  in  this  mortal  state,  unfaded  by  touch  of  sad- 
ness. The  affairs  of  the  Genevans  were  pro- 
ceeding most  happily  and  receiving  day  by  day 
further  advancement ;  but  that  ill  chance  greatly 
hinders  our  efforts.  We  have  now  ever3rthing  in 
hand.  Now  is  the  very  point  of  time  and  most 
opportune  occasion  for  restoring  all  things  fallen 
to  decay.  But  men  worthy  to  be  commended 
for  doctrine  and  piety,  who  could  suffice  to  this, 
are  lacking."  * 

It  is  easy  to  understand  that  a  man  held  in 
such  esteem  at  Geneva  was  welcome  prey  to  the 
intolerant  element  in  the  Grenoble  Parlement. 
The  remarkable  thing  is  that  Sainte-Marthe 
failed  to  realize  his  danger  himself.  Not  content 
with  venturing  once  more  —  for  whatever  cogent 
reasons  —  within  the  jurisdiction  of  that  Parle- 
ment, he  did  not  hesitate  to  attack  the  repu- 
tation of  his  personal  enemies  and  to  attenjpt 
to  bring  them  to  punishment.  If,  to  pro- 
cure his  death,  they  risked  fortune  and  well- 
being,  one  motive,  on  their  victim's  own 
confession,  was  their  fear  ''lest  by  [his]  activity 
and  that  of  [his]  friends  they  should  be  treated 

*  Herminjard,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  VII,  No.  968. 


16411         PERSECUTION  AT    GRENOBLE  133 

as  they  deserved  and  painted  in  their  true 
colors,"  *  —  "which  they  cannot  possibly  avoid," 
adds  Sainte-Marthe,  who  indeed  has  left  a  lively 
picture  of  them.  We  behold  the  spiteful  hypo- 
crite Mulct,  ignorant  official,  cruel  and  faithless 
husband,  suborning  witnesses,  perverting  judg- 
ment, bent  upon  revenge,  burning  with  hate  and 
maUce  ;^  while  Faysan,  a  shameful  and  unlettered 
dotard,  the  tool  of  his  abler  companion,  misuses 
his  office  to  satisfy  private  spite. ^  With  such 
enemies  in  high  places  the  outcome  could  not 
be  doubtful.  "It  is  not  hid  from  me,  0  Lord," 
the  young  man  exclaims  in  his  paraphrase  of  the 
Seventh  Psalm,  "  that  it  stands  ill  with  him  who 

*  Ded.  to  Avanson.  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Para- 
phrasis,  p.  141.     Cf.  p.  579. 

*  "Professus  quidam  es  apud  Ecclesiam,  set  quid 
juvat  Christianum  nomen  profiteri  &  non  Christian^ 
vivere?  Adulterio  thorum  maritalem  polluere  &  loco 
repudiatae  sine  caussa  uxoris  scortum  alere,  testes 
corrumpere,  iudicia  invertere,  vindictSB  cupiditate 
deflagrare  &  innoxium  sanguinem  sitire,  si  vera  esset 
Christianismi  non  scripsisset  Paulus,  etc."  In  Psalmum 
Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  pp.  112  and  113.  "  Isti 
cupiditatem  vindictae  ac  crudelitatis  suae,  nuUo  san- 
guine satiare  possunt."  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Para- 
phrasis, p.  166. 

'  Ded.  to  Avanson.  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Para- 
phrasis, p.  140. 


134        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1541 

falls  by  chance  into  the  hands  of  a  man  with 
whom  he  has  had  a  capital  difference."  ^ 

Sainte-Marthe  was  an  easy  object  of  attack. 
Even  supposing  him  to  have  been  partly  ex- 
onerated after  his  previous  imprisonment,  he 
had  now  added  to  his  offences  the  publication  of 
his  poems  and  a  visit  if  not  a  flight  to  Geneva. 
However,  to  make  the  matter  even  surer  in  the 
case  of  a  man  so  well  provided  with  influential 
friends  in  the  place,  the  accusation  against  him 
was  tinged  with  political  color.  "I  am  dragged 
like  a  malefactor,"  writes  the  victim,  "into 
the  councils  of  the  great,  and  am  led  before  the 
judges  as  an  evil  doer  and  subverter  of  the 
commonwealth."^  "I  hear  them  crying,"  he 
says  again,  " '  let  him  be  slain  and  burned 
aUve,  he  is  a  seducer  of  the  populace,  he  is 
an  impostor  and  a  sower  of  false  and  impious 
doctrine.  He  has  turned  from  the  Christian 
religion  to  the  heretical  party  and  has  so  en- 
tangled himself  in  their  factions  that  he  cannot 
be  loosed  from  them.  ...  He  is  a  perverter  of 
our  people,  a  scorner  of  our  institutions,  utter- 

'  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  27. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  70. 


1541]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  135 

ing  naught  but  what  is  directly  contrary  to 
orthodox  faith.'  With  such  bitter  execrations 
they  deafen  the  judges'  ears  and  my  own  also."  ^ 
"Thou  art  my  witness,"  he  exclaims  elsewhere, 
"how  unjustly  I  am  accused  of  a  capital  crime: 
I  who  was  never  seditious,  and  never  inflamed, 
nor,  as  they  cast  up  at  me,  seduced  the 
people."  ^ 

It  was  easy  to  confuse  religious  and  political 
theories  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century; 
for  a  perfectly  genuine  misapprehension  of  the 
"reformers'"  doctrines  existed  in  many  minds. 
The  element  dangerous  to  established  power, 
which  the  new  doctrines  actually  contained,  was, 
no  doubt,  however  vaguely,  present  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  those  who  held  them  as  of  those 
who  did  not.  A  general  dread  of  the  Anabaptist 
teaching,  which  pushed  this  vague  element  to 
unwelcome  conclusions,  was  shared  no  less  by 
what  may  be  called  the  orthodox  heretic  than  by 
the  orthodox  Catholic,  and  the  reformers  were 
as  eager  to  escape  the  odium  attached  to  the 
name  and  doctrine  of  the  Anabaptists,  as  were 

'  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  24. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  30. 


136         CHARLES   DE   SArNTE-MARTHE        [1541 

their  enemies  to  confound  together  all  unortho- 
dox opinion. 

"  Poinct  ne  suis  lutheriste, 
Ne  zuinglien  et  moins  anabaptiste." 

So  ran  Marot's  disclaimer  nearly  fifteen  years 
earlier/  naming  the  three  sects  which,  in  the 
common  mind,  represented  heresy.  "No  differ- 
ence is  made,"  Sturm  had  written  from  Paris  as 
late  as  1535,  "between  an  Anabaptist,  an  Eras- 
mian,  or  a  Lutheran ;  all,  without  distinction,  are 
oppressed  and  led  to  judgment;  no  one  is  safe 
but  the  Papist;"^  and  Sturm's  enumeration 
points  to  the  fact  that  precisely  what  humanists 
and  reformers  had  in  common  led  to  the  con- 
fusion of  their  doctrine  with  that  of  Anabaptists. 
The  right  of  free  inquiry,  dear  to  the  humanist 
as  to  the  reformer,  not  only  threatened  the 
authority  of  the  church,  but  ran  directly  con- 
trary to  the  unifying  tendency  which  was  the 
political  note  of  the  moment.  It  is  easy  to 
see    what    capital    unscrupulous    bigots    could 

*  Marot  h  monsieur  Bouchart  docteur  en  thiologie,  (Euvres, 
Vol.  I,  p.  153. 

^  Sturm  to  Bucer,  March  the  10th,  1535.  Herminjard, 
op.  cit.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  273.  cit.  Guiffrey,  (Euvres  de  CUfnent 
Marot,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  71,  n. 


1541]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  137 

make  of  the  inherent  distrust  or  alarmed  igno- 
rance which  prevailed  in  the  minds  of  princes  and 
people  with  regard  to  the  new  doctrines.  Sainte- 
Marthe  is  loud  in  his  complaint  of  such.  "Now 
they  urge  [against  us]"  he  writes,  "pretended 
crimes  that  shall  lightly  excite  the  light  people; 
now  dreadful  ones  that  shall  have  power  to  in- 
fluence against  us  the  hearts  of  princes:  namely 
that  we  are  seditious,  that  we  stir  up  the  people 
with  our  doctrine.  "  *  "How  many  courtly 
governors,  how  many  hunters  after  emolument, 
how  many  hypocrites  of  different  colors,"  he  ex- 
claims elsewhere,  "are  there  to-day  who  whisper 
into  the  ears  of  princes  and  magistrates,  that  the 
preachers  of  evangelical  doctrine  teach  the  com- 
munity of  all  goods,  and  hence  are  taking  from 
them  government,  honors,  power  and  the  very 
sword,  condemning  all  good  deeds  and  confound- 
ing everything?"^  A  few  years  earlier,  in  the 
year  of  Sturm's  letter,  a  far  greater  than  Sainte- 
Marthe  had  uttered  a  similar  complaint :  "Sire," 
wrote  Calvin  in  the  dedication  to  Fran9ois  I.  of 
his  great  work,  "Sire,  par  combien  fausse  calom- 

*  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasisfp.  40. 
'  Ibid.,  pp.  127-128. 


138         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1541 

nies  elle"  {i.e.  the  new  doctrine),  "est  tous  les 
jours  diffamee  envers  vous:  c'est  assavoir  qu'elle 
ne  tend  a  autre  fin  sinon  que  tous  regnes  et 
polices  soyent  ruinees,  la  paix  soit  troublee,  les 
loix  abolies,  les  seigneuries  et  possessions  dis- 
sipees :  bref ,  que  toutes  choses  soyent  renversees 
en  confusion."^  The  disclaimer  was  needed; 
for  the  king  inclined  to  this  view  of  the  religion 
of  Luther,  ''disant  qu'elle,"  says  Brantonie,  "et 
toute  autre  nouvelle  secte  tendoient  plus  k  la 
destruction  des  royaumes,  des  monarchies,  et 
dominations  nouvelles,  qu'a  Fedification  des 
dmes." ' 

As  a  fact,  the  Poesie  Francoise  contained  a 
dixain  which  might  have  been  interpreted  by  a 
strict  eye  as  favoring  one  of  the  Anabaptist 
doctrines,  although  we  do  not  know  that  it  came 
into  question: 

Foy,  Esperance,  &  CharitS  n'estre  qu'un 

"  Foy  sans  Amour,  ne  peut  estre  Foy  vive, 
Car  vive  Foy  ceuvre  par  Charity. 
Et  de  ces  deux,  Esperance  derive 
Qui  nous  conduit  k  vivre  en  purit6. 

*  Institution  de  la  Relig.  Chrit.  Cols.  10  and  11.  Cf. 
supra,  p.  40. 

2  (Euvres,  Vol.  VIII,  p.  116. 


1541]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  139 

Nous  esperons  ce  que  la  Verite 
Nous  a  promis  en  croyant,  par  ainsy 
Accomplissons  ce  qu'il  commande  aussy, 
C'est  d'avoir  tout  (comme  Freres)  commun 
Par  Charity.     Done  je  metz  par  cecy, 
Foy,  Charite,  &  I'Esperance  en  un." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  44. 

In  any  case,  it  was  as  a  suspected  Lutheran 
and  fomenter  of  sedition  that  Sainte-Marthe,  ap- 
parently one  of  a  number  in  the  same  situation,* 
was  thrown  into  prison,^  no  judgment  having 

*  When  freed  he  thus  addresses  his  fellow  prisoners: 
"Vos  itaque,  qui  mecum  communem  habuistis  carceris 
asperitatem  et  persecutiones,  quara  tam  longo  tempore 
sustuli,  incredibilem  prope  molestiam:  ostendite  vere 
fratres  et  amicos  esse  vos,  et  mecum,  ob  consecutam  a 
Deo  libertatem,  gaudete  &  exultate."  In  Psalmum 
.  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis,  p.  153. 

*  All  Sainte-Marthe's  biographers,  from  the  family 
genealogist  to  M.  de  Longuemare,  place  his  persecution 
and  imprisonment  at  Grenoble,  if  they  mention  it  at 
all,  before  his  appointment  to  the  College  de  la  TriniU 
at  Lyons  and  the  publication  of  the  Poesie  Francoise, 
although  La  France  Protestante  suggests,  in  a  note,  that 
Sainte-Marthe's  stay  at  Lyons  may  have  been  anterior  to 
his  experience  at  Grenoble.  Even  Herminjard  (op.  cit., 
Vol.  VII,  p.  91,  n.),  in  a  note  on  Sainte-Marthe's  imprison- 
ment, adds,  "on  ne  pent  pas  conclure  que  ce  fut  en 
1541  qu'il  fut  iet6  dans  un  affreux  cachot  k  Grenoble 
et  retenu  prisonier  pendant  deux  ans  et  demi."  The 
facts  are  as  follows:  Both  Faucher,  on  June  the  29th, 
1540,  and  Viret,  on  April  the  27th,  1541,  speak  of  Sainte- 


140         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE     [1541- 

yet  been  pronounced  against  him.  He  has  left  a 
vivid  account  of  his  sufferings  while  incarcerated. 

Marthe  as  imprisoned  at  the  moment;  but  Montausier's 
congratulations  on  the  Lyons  appointment  were  almost 
synchronous  with  Faucher's  letter,  and  make  it  clear  that 
Sainte-Marthe's  imprisonment  was  over  by  the  time  the 
latter  penned  his  condolences.  At  that  time,  then,  his 
confinement  could  not  have  lasted  two  years  and  a  half 
as  he  declared  that  it  did  ;  for  Sainte-Marthe  was  at 
Romans  on  the  28th  of  the  preceding  October.  If  we 
suppose  Faucher  to  have  late  news  of  a  long  imprison- 
ment in  Grenoble  which  took  place  before  Samte-Marthe 
went  to  Romans,  it  must  at  latest  have  begun  within 
something  like  three  weeks  of  the  time  of  Sainte-Marthe's 
letter  to  Calvin  in  1537  (c/.  p.  44),  at  which  time  Sainte- 
Marthe  was  established  as  a  lecturer  at  Poitiers.  Aside 
from  the  improbability  of  his  having  been  driven  from 
Poitiers,  made  the  acquaintances  in  the  Dauphine  which 
we  know  he  did  before  1540,  reached  Grenoble  and  there 
suffered  an  imprisonment  of  two  and  a  half  years,  all 
within  the  time  admissible,  his  application  from  Romans 
for  a  post  at  Grenoble  immediately  after  escaping  thence 
ruined  and  banished,  would  have  been  at  least  extraordi- 
nary, the  Council's  consideration  of  it  still  more  so.  More- 
over, the  indignant  letter  to  Dufour,  and  dedications  to 
Galbert  and  Avanson,  dated  respectively  April  the  7th, 
June  the  15th,  and  July  the  1st,  1543  (c/.  infra),  evi- 
dently refer  to  recent  sufferings ;  and  the  impression  that 
they  do  so  is  much  strengthened  by  a  comparison  of  the 
generalities  of  the  1540  dedication  to  Avanson  with  the 
indignant  heat  of  that  of  1543  requesting  Avanson  to 
defend  the  poet's  reputation,  certain  to  be  attacked  by 
enemies  balked  of  his  blood,  —  a  singular  request  if  writ- 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  141 

"More  cruelly  used  than  are  assassins,  thieves, 
murderers,  robbers,  ravishers  and  men  of  desper- 
ate life,"  he  was  left  to  struggle  with  vermin 
in  a  solitary,  dark,  and  fetid  tower.  He  had 
one  consolation,  however ;  a  copy  of  the  Psalms 
had  been  left  him.  It  did  more  than  console  him 
indeed.  Reflections  on  the  Thirty-third  Psalm 
(the  Thirty-fourth  in  our  version),  and  on  the 
circumstances  which  inspired  it,  David's  escape, 
namely,  from  the  king  of  Gath,  suggested  to  him 
David's  device.  He  pretended  insanity,  and 
was  at  once  given  larger  hberty,  —  enough  at 

ten  after  an  interval  of  three  years.  (C/.  pp.  567  and  580.) 
The  poems  of  1540  also  offer  corroboratory  evidence. 
The  inexplicit  and  moderate  tone  of  their  complaints  of 
ill  fortune  contrast  sharply  with  the  bitter  resentment 
of  the  dedications  of  the  Paraphrases.  In  view  of  Sainte- 
Marthe's  assertion  that  he  was  imprisoned  "  menses  prope 
triginta"  (Ded.  to  Galbert.  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  . 
Paraphrasis,  p.  10,  cf.  infra,  p.  570),  it  is  safe  to  conclude 
that  the  earlier  imprisonment  was  a  mere  prelude  to  the 
second,  whose  maximum  (supposing  the  letter  to  Dufour 
cit.  infra  p.  148  et  seq.,  written  from  prison)  would  be  from 
a  date  between  the  14th  and  the  end  of  February,  1541 
(cf.  pp.  129-131),  to  a  date  shortly  before  June  the  15th, 
1543  {cf.  p.  161) ;  and  whose  minimum  (supposing  Sainte- 
Marthe  free  before  writing  the  letter  to  Dufour)  from  a 
date  shortly  before  April  the  27th,  1541  (cf  p.  131),  to  a 
date  shortly  before  March  the  9th,  1543  (o/.  p.  152). 


142        CHARLES  DE   SArNTE-MARTHE      [1541- 

least  to  wander  through  some  of  the  passages  of 
the  prison.^ 

This  privilege  put  him  in  fresh  spirits,  and 
gave  him  hope.  "  This  small  Hberty,"  he  writes 
to  his  protector  Avanson,  "called  me  to  a  sure 
hope  that  He  who  had  begun  to  free  me  step  by 
step,  would  at  length  some  day  wholly  enlarge 
me.  This  my  enemies,  however,  neither  de- 
sired nor  expected;  and,  in  fact,  those  who 
wished  my  safety  secured  no  less  than  their 
own,  began  to  despair.  That  bowed-head  (to 
fill  whose  office  a  swineherd  or  cowherd  were 
worthier)  left  no  stone  unturned  that  by  fair 
means  or  foul  I  might  be  burned  aHve. "  ^  The 
efforts  made  by  Mulet  and  Faysan  to  have  capital 
sentence  pronounced  upon  him  were  extraordi- 
nary :  "Grenoble  knows  these  two  well  enough," 
Sainte-Marthe  continues,  "it  knows,  I  say,  that 
they  devoted  themselves  with  the  whole  force 
of  their  mind  to  my  ruin,  and  neglected  no 
device  that  they  might  glut  with  my  blood  the 

*  For  these  details  c/.  Ded.  to  Avanson  In  Psalmum 
.  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis,  p.  139,  cf.  infra,  p.  578,  and  In 
Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  21. 

'  Ded.  to  Avanson  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Para- 
phrasis, pp.  139  and  140.     Cf.  infra,  p.  578. 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  143 

unquenchable  thirst  of  their  spite."  And  again: 
"They  swore  my  death  not  only  at  the  expense 
of  their  fortunes,  but  of  their  safety."  ^  "Save 
me  from  my  visible  enemies,"  he  exclaims  in  his 
paraphrase  of  the  Seventh  Psalm,  "who  wish  me 
to  be  slain  accused  of  a  false  crime,  who  are 
risen  against  me  with  all  their  might.  They 
[are]  high  and  mighty  indeed,  I  lowly;  they 
armed,  I  unarmed;  they  rich,  I  poor;  they 
honored,  I  despised;  they  free,  I  bound;  they 
conquerors,  I  vanquished;  they  happy  in  this 
world,  I  cast  down,  most  wretched  of  them  all, 
if  indeed  it  be  unhappy  and  wretched  to  suffer 
harm  for  Thy  name  and  for  righteousness. "  ^ 
"No  blood,"  he  declares  again,  "can  satisfy 
their  lust  of  hate  and  cruelty."  * 

The  result  of  such  hateful  energy  seemed  cer- 
tain. "In  so  many  and  great  dangers  who 
would  not  doubt  of  his  safety?"  says  Sainte- 
Marthe.*  Mulet  at  first  tried  by  persuasion  and 
threats   to  induce  the  personal  friends  of  the 

'  Ded.  to  Avanson  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis, 
pp.  140  and  141. 

*  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  21. 
^  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis,  p.  166. 

*  Ibid.,  Ded.  to  Avanson,  p.  141, 


144         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE     [1541- 

accused  man  to  testify  against  him.  Failing 
this,  he  attempted  with  more  success  to  suborn 
other  witnesses.  "I  address  you,  mine  Enemy," 
writes  Sainte-Marthe,  "who  left  no  stone  un- 
turned that  I  might  be  convicted  of  a  capital 
offense,  and,  when  you  saw  my  innocence  so  mani- 
fest as  to  be  above  suspicion,  obtained  witnesses 
whose  false  evidence  you  bought  with  money. 
You  burned  indeed  for  my  destruction  and  de- 
sired nothing  more  than  to  behold  this  wretched 
body  consumed  by  flames  and  reduced  to 
ashes."  *  Meanwhile  Mulct's  accomplice,  whom 
Sainte-Marthe  refers  to  as  Sisamnis,  —  almost 
certainly  a  name  for  Faysan  based  upon  some 
allusion  which  escapes  us  to-day,  —  fitted  into 
his  plans  ''as  the  lid  fits  the  pot"  and  played 
at  once  the  part  of  prosecutor  and  of  judge.^ 
The  two  attempted  to  browbeat  Sainte-Marthe, 
perhaps  also  to  entrap  him  into  a  confession  or 
at  least  into  compromising  admissions,  boasting 
that  he  was  entangled  beyond  hope  of  escape. 
"Lions,"  he   complains,  "have  but  teeth   and 

'  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  112. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  40,  and  Ded.  In  Psalmum.  .  .  .  xxxiii  Para- 
phrasis, p.  140.     Cf.  infra,  p.  579. 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT   GRENOBLE  145 

claws,  visible  arms  with  which  to  attack,  but 
these  have  sharp  and  poisoned  tongues,  hidden 
arms  with  which  they  beset  me  secretly  from 
ambush  and  attempted  to  pierce  me  through. 
.  .  .  The  more  I  abased  myself  the  more 
enraged  they  became."  ^ 

However,  in  spite  of  their  efforts,  they  could 
not  induce  the  Parlement  of  Grenoble  to  pass 
sentence.  Galbert  ardently  espoused  Sainte- 
Marthe's  cause,  even  at  the  risk  of  compromising 
himself,  and,  apparently,  formally  undertook  his 
defense.^  Avanson,  even  at  this  date  a  patron 
of  letters, —  Sainte-Marthe  speaks  of  his  "in 
meliores  literas  propensissima  voluntas,"^  —  in- 
terested himself  keenly  in  the  fate  of  a  scholar  to 
whom  he  was  already  indebted  for-a  dedication, 
and  to  whom  he  had  before  this  shown  signal 
kindness.  Moreover,  the  scandal  of  a  persecu- 
tion so  evidently  personal  provoked  popular 
sympathy.  "  Those  who  were  not  entirely  in 
sympathy  with  me,"  says  Sainte-Marthe,  "when 
I  was  cast  into  prison  became  in  a  moment  my 

•  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasia,  p.  165. 

*  Ded.  to  Galbert  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Para- 
phrasis,  p.  16.    Cf.  infra,  p.  574. 

»  Ibid.,  p.  42. 

L 


146        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE     [1541- 

intimate  friends  and  the  warmest  defenders  of 
my  cause.  Those  who  knew  me  not  at  all  un- 
less merely  by  name  or  sight,  yea,  even  those  to 
whom  I  was  utterly  unknown,  wept  at  the  very 
mention  of  my  misfortunes,  bewailed  my  situa- 
tion and  condition,  consigned  my  enemies  to  all 
perdition,  and,  so  far  as  they  could  (for  it  was 
not  always  allowed  them),  aided  me  with  their 
means."  ^  With  these  forces  on  Sainte-Marthe's 
side,  his  case  could  not  easily  be  brought  to  a 
hasty  and  bloody  conclusion.  It  dragged  on 
for  two  years  or  more,  while  the  unfortunate 
scholar  languished  in  prison,  hourly  expecting 
an  ignominious  and  cruel  death,  determined 
upon,  so  he  supposed,  long  beforehand.^  But  if 
the  Parlement  would  not  condemn,  neither  would 
it  free  him.  During  his  imprisonment,  it  re- 
ceived, like  the  Parlements  of  Paris,  Bordeaux, 
Dijon,  and  Rouen,  especial  commands  to  execute 
rigorously  the  ordinances  against  heretics ;  ^  and 
Sainte-Marthe,  like  other  suspects,  doubtless  felt 
the  consequences  of  this. 

^  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis,  p.  164. 

^Ibid.,  p.  155. 

■  Actes  de  Frangois  I,  No.  12709. 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  147 

He  was  indeed  in  wretched  case.  Ruined, 
needy,  destitute,  and  despoiled  of  all  his  pos- 
sessions,^ damaged  in  reputation,  an  exile  from  his 
own  countryside,  in  a  "barbarous  and  Scythian 
land"  far  from  friends  and  kin,  he  could  hope 
for  no  help  from  these  ^  even  were  they  disposed 
to  help,  and  this  was  uncertain  enough.  "I  can 
bear  witness  in  my  own  person,"  writes  Sainte- 
Marthe  later,  ''saluted,  now  that  I  am  freed 
from  prison,  by  many  a  kinsman  and  acquaint- 
ance, who,  as  long  as  I  languished  in  prison, 
behaved  not  merely  unHke  relations  and  friends, 
but  even  unlike  acquaintances,  so  far  were  they 
from  performing  the  office  of  relations  and 
friends."^ 

However,  —  for  all  his  complaints,  —  Sainte- 
Marthe,  as  we  have  seen,  did  not  lack  powerful 
friends;  and  he  now  bethought  him  of  yet  an- 

*  "Obscurus  vivo,  abjectus,  egens,  destitutus,  ac 
meis  plane  rebus  omnibus  spoliatus.  Ego  pauper, 
adflictus,  oppressus,  infamia  a  mundo  aspersus,  ex- 
plosus,  &  qui  tot  sum  in  carcere  incommoda  perpessus." 
In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis,  p.  162. 

'  "Atque  eripuit  (Deus)  ab  iis  (tribulationibus)  me 
&  Parentum,  Amicorum  atque  omnium  prope  hominum 
ope  auxilio  destitum."  Ibid.,  p.  147,  and  Ded.,  p.  141. 
Cf.  p.  597. 

'  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis,  p.  190. 


148  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1543 

other  who  might  stand  him  in  good  stead.  He 
had  had  leisure  in  his  prison  for  composition,  and 
had  written  several  paraphrases  of  psalms, 
one  of  the  Seventh,  David's  cry  under  such 
false  calumny  as  he  felt  to  be  his  lot  also,  and 
one  —  not  extant  —  of  the  One  hundred  and 
eighteenth.  The  first  of  these  paraphrases  he 
now  sent  to  Louis  Dufour,^  a  monk  of  that 
Dominican  order  able,  as  official  inquisitors  of 
the  faith,  to  be  of  immense  service  to  a  man 
in  Sainte-Marthe's  circumstances.  Perhaps 
he  had  known  Dufour  when  a  student  of 
theology  at  Poitiers;  at  all  events,  the  monk, 
with  some  slight  reservations,  approved  of  the 
Paraphrase,  and  exerted  himself  to  gain  for  his 
friend  the  formal  approbation  of  his  Order. 
Sainte-Marthe  thanked  him  in  a  letter  dated 
March  the  9th,  1543,  a  letter  in  which,  it  must 
be  confessed,  his  eagerness  to  free  himself  of  sus- 
picion carried  him  to  regrettable  lengths:^  "I 
rejoice  exceedingly,  dearest  Louis,"  he   writes 

*  Unidentified  further.  The  G6n6alogie  de  la  Maison 
de  Sainte-Marthe  thus  interprets  Furnceus.  Otherwise 
one  might  suppose  him  a  member  of  the  Lyonnese  family 
of  Fournier.     Cf.  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  p.  208,  n. 

'  For  text,  cf.  p.  581  et  seq. 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  149 

"that  my  Paraphrase  has  pleased  the  brothers  of 
your  order,  learned  and  Catholic  men ;  not  only 
because  to  be  approved  by  excellent  men 
should  be  considered  as  the  greatest  praise, 
but  also  because,  in  this  so  turbulent  time,  it  is 
no  common  gift  of  God  to  please  theologians  and 
those  to  whom  the  function  of  inquisition  is 
intrusted.  For  there  are  some  who,  rejoicing 
in  the  title  of  doctors  and  theologians,  almost 
burst  with  rage,  when  they  see  others,  although 
notable  in  doctrine  yet  not  in  orders,^  pubhsh 
anything  in  the  nature  of  a  theological  medita- 
tion. Nevertheless,  you  write  that  in  reading 
the  Paraphrase  nothing  struck  your  Order  as 
inadmissible,  unless  it  be  that  they  fear  lest  what 
I  write  of  evil  princes,  corrupt  judges,  and  im- 
pious men,^  enemies  of  the  truth,  be  taken  other- 

*  Sine  nomine. 

'  The  pa.ssage  in  question  is  in  the  Paraphrase  of  the 
Seventh  Psahn.  pp.  128  and  129.  "Interea,  Principes 
multi,  consiliis  huiusmodi  persuasi  ac  graviter  irritati 
SedechiJe  sunt  in  Hieremias  saeuientes,  &  miserfe  ilios 
ac  tyrannic^  in  caecerem  conijcientes;  sunt  Salomones,  k 
uero  Dei  cultu  abducti  colentes  Deos  alienos,  &  ijs  templa 
construentes.  Sunt  Darij  mittentes  in  lacum  Leonum 
permultos  Danieles.  Sunt  inquam  Herodes,  in  odium 
ueritatis,  loannes  quamplurimos  ultimo  supplicio  ad- 
ficientes."  etc. 


150  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE      [1543 

wise  than  as  I  precisely  mean ;  that  is,  as 
aimed  at  those  who  to-day  prosecute  and 
punish  the  seditious  followers  of  sects  and 
those  who  think  very  wrongly  of  our  religion. 
I  so  hate  all  heretics,  Atheists,  Anabaptists, 
carnal  evangelists,  and  turbulent  and  venom- 
ous men  of  the  kind,  that  I  could  wish  them 
already  destroyed,  so  far  removed  from  me 
is  any  wish  to  reflect  against  magistrates  who 
most  severely  punish  them. 

"  What  I  write  of  Princes  who,  listening  to  evil 
counsel,  rage  against  the  good  and  pious,  I  mean 
of  those  whose  deeds  sufficiently  show  their 
manners,  such  as  Italy  has  often  known,  and  not 
so  long  ago,  England.^  But  I  did  not  think  it 
well  to  name  them,  since  it  is  dangerous  to  write 
of  such  princes  even  true  things.  As  to  what 
I  write  of  evil  judges  and  impious  men,  you 
know  at  whom  it  is  aimed.  Those  namely  are 
intended  who,  under  pretext  of  Lutheranism, 
wreaked  upon  me,  who  am  innocent,  the  cruelty 
of  their  spite ;  who,  I  declare,  exclude,  by  their 
censures,  the  innocent  from  the   commerce  of 

*  Referring  clearly  to  the  death  of  Sir  Thomas  More 
eight  years  earlier  (1535)  and  to  that  of  Savonarola. 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT   GRENOBLE  151 

men  and  even  from  the  Church  herself,  speaking 
of  my  very  self,  whom  they  took  pains  to  have 
shut  up  alone  in  a  dark  place,  and,  more  than 
that,  drove  from  the  most  holy  Communion  of 
the  Eucharist  like  a  Jew  or  a  Turk,  although 
convicted  of  no  crime  at  all.  What !  is  it  a 
trifling  matter  to  shut  out  a  man  from  the 
Church  ?  a  trifling  matter  to  attack  the  truth  ? 
since  he  attacks  it  who  both  sets  forth  what  is 
not  true  and  also  does  not  admit  what  is  true. 
For  the  rest,  I  know  well  that  there  have  always 
been,  and  now  are,  those  who  slander  whatsoever 
things  are  good,  who  misinterpret  whatsoever 
are  doubtful,  who  exaggerate  those  which  are 
slight,  and  who  are,  in  all  things,  judges  so 
harsh,  that  they  rather  bring  about  this:  to 
destroy  instead  of  healing  him  who  perchance 
has  slipped.  But  I  do  not  doubt  that  those  who 
are  true  theologians,  that  is,  just,  good  and 
learned,  will  clear  me  from  all  injustice,  especially 
if  I  intrust  to  the  judgment  of  the  Church  all 
my  works  whatever  they  are.  I  will  promptly 
review  my  commentaries  on  the  One  hundred 
and  eighteenth  Psalm,  and,  when  revised,  send 
them  to  you,  as  you  ask.     Farewell,  most  learned 


152  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1543 

Dufour.  Foster  that  favor  of  your  order  which 
you  have  obtained  for  me,  so  that  it  may  grow 
daily.    Grenoble,  March  the  9th,  1543." 

It  must  be  confessed  that  this  letter  leaves 
the  reader  in  the  dark  as  to  the  true  sentiments 
of  Sainte-Marthe.  The  key  to  them  probably 
lies  in  the  reference  to  "him  who  has  sHpped," 
and  this  communication  may,  in  the  light  of  it, 
be  regarded  as  a  sort  of  retraction  and  formal 
submission.  Many  a  heretic  had,  like  Sainte- 
Marthe's  acquaintance,  Boissone,^  found  the 
cup  of  persecution  bitter  to  drink,  and  Sainte- 
Marthe  himself  confessed  to  such  weakness,  — 
in  feeling  at  least.  ''Our  flesh  (I  confess  it, 
and  I  confess  it  from  experience),"  he  writes  in 
his  Paraphrase  of  the  Thirty-third  Psalm,  ''is  of 
itself  so  weak  and  unstable  and,  even  more,  so 
blind,  that  it  not  only  refuses  to  taste  the  fruit 
of  the  Cross,  but  cannot  be  persuaded  that  there 
is  any  good  in  tribulation."^  The  probability 
is,  in  fact,  that  Sainte-Marthe's  religious  irregu- 
larities stopped  resolutely  short  of  any  desire 

'  His  public  recantation  took  place  some  eleven  years 
before. 

*  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis,  pp.  158  and  159. 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  153 

to  leave  the  Church.  The  distress  expressed  at 
the  possibiUty  of  excommunication  is  obviously 
sincere.  Seven  years  later  he  put  into  earnest 
words  his  firm  desire  to  remain  within  the 
bosom  of  the  Church  and  to  submit  to  her  author- 
ity. If  he  had  ever  dallied  with  the  thought 
of  schism,  —  and  his  going  to  Geneva  indicates 
it  —  he  had  now  learned  his  lesson  and  profited 
by  it,  however  inconsistent  such  submission  may 
appear  with  his  denunciation  of  those  who  "know 
the  truth  indeed,  but  dare  not  openly  profess  it, 
having  fears  for  themselves  from  persecution, 
prison,  exile,  loss  of  goods,  slander,  death.  "^ 
Yet  the  Paraphrases  composed  in  prison  un- 
doubtedly stress  the  unwelcome  Augustinian 
point  of  view.  Ecclesiastical  caution,  indeed, 
avoided  condemning,  rather  acknowledged  while 
minimizing,  doctrines  clearly  traceable,  even, 
though  through  the  Institutio,  to  the  great 
Church-Father;  but  such  views  could  not,  at 
this  juncture,  have  rendered  Sainte-Marthe 
persona  grata  to  the  authorities  whom  he  wished 
to   placate.^      That   fatalism   which   seems   to 

*  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  26. 

'  Nor,   if  the   Domin  cans  had  examined  the   Poesie 


154  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1543 

some  the  natural  fruit  of  the  doctrine  of  pre- 
destination is  set  forth  with  frank  emphasis. 
"He  chose  me  for  Himself  before  the  creation  of 
this  world,"  ^  falls  in  naturally  with  such  a  pas- 
sage as  the  following:  "But  whatever  tyrants 
can  wreak  upon  the  body  itself,  they  do  so  much 
by  the  Divine  Will,  without  whose  Providence 
nothing  befalls  us.  Wherefore,  as  we  fail  if  we 
attempt  to  shun  the  nature  and  hour  of  our  death 
predestined  and  ordained  by  Him ;  so,  whatever 
the  conspiracy  of  the  impious  against  us,  they 
can  assuredly  not  slay  us  before  our  appointed 
day."  ^  No  less  clear  is  the  exposition  of  the 
doctrine  of  grace:  "How  shall  our  nature,  so 
corrupt  within  us,  have  such  movements  of  the 
spirit,  and  this  perfect  obedience  without  the 
Grace  of  the  Holy  Spirit?  Truly,  certain  rash 
.Pelagians  have  dared  to  claim  for  themselves 
this  power  and  liberty,  and  to  teach  that  we  can 
beget  inward  motions  by  the  sole  force  of  nature 
and  without  the  Holy  Spirit ;  of  which,  since  it 

Francoise,  would  they  have  relished  repeated  gibes  at  the 
Frere  Doemonique,  a  pun,  apparently,  on  the  name  of 
their  order. 

*  In  Psalmum  xxxiii  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  146. 

»  Ibid.,  p.  197. 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT   GRENOBLE  155 

obscures  the  benefits  of  our  Saviour  Jesus 
Christ,  the  faithful  and  pious  were  never  per- 
suaded. God  is  assuredly  known  to  us  by  natu- 
ral instinct ;  but  this  knowledge  the  horrible  cor- 
ruption of  our  nature  has  so  far  obscured,  that 
our  spirit  does  not  consent  with  it.  .  .  .  He 
who  uses  only  his  natural  powers,  that  is,  lives 
by  natural  sense  and  reason,  cannot,  without  the 
help  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  believe  in  and  fear  God."  ^ 
The  insistence  also  upon  the  Bible  as  the 
source  of  doctrine  is  present  in  the  Paraphrases, 
as  it  was  in  the  poems  of  three  years  earlier.  The 
author  decries  "our  Pharisees  who,  that  they 
may  more  freely  believe  according  to  their  lust, 
forbid  Thy  Gospel  to  be  read,  as  doctrine  con- 
trary to  their  works."  ^  And  there  is  a  suspicious 
ring  in  the  exclamation  to  Galbert :  "Moreover, 
to  be  reviled  for  the  Gospel  is  to  be  crowned; 
to  be  covered  with  shame  for  the  Gospel  is  to  be 
honored;  to  be  driven  from  one's  country  and 
forced  to  emigrate  for  the  Gospel  is  to  be  in- 
scribed a  citizen  of  heaven :  to  be  destroyed  for 

'  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  pp,  118- 
119. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  67.  C/.  also  Ded. ;  ibid.,  p.  9.  Cf.  infra,  p.  569 
et  seq. 


156  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1543 

the  Gospel  is  to  be  saved :  finally,  to  be  wretched 
for  the  Gospel  is  to  be  most  happy.  Christ  ex- 
pressed this  when  he  said  '  Blessed  are  they  who 
suffer  persecution  for  righteousness'  sake  etc.'"^ 
Sainte-Marthe  also  decries  the  abuses  in  the 
church,  mention  of  which  is  enough  to  bring 
upon  a  man  suspicion  of  Lutheranism.  "Let  a 
man  condemn  abuses,"  he  writes  to  Galbert, 
"many  of  which,  (alas)  and  too  many,  we  must 
confess  have  been  brought  into  the  church  to 
utmost  hurt  of  the  Christian  repubhc,  by  the 
limitless  avarice  of  certain  men,  and  he  must 
needs  be  a  Lutheran.  On  the  other  hand,"  he 
continues,  "let  him  declare  that  the  authority 
of  the  Roman  Pontiff  and  of  other  ministers  of 
the  Church  should  be  sustained,  and  meanwhile 
approve  certain  praiseworthy  ceremonies,  where- 
by human  desires  are  checked  as  by  barriers,  and 
he  will  be  ignominiously  dubbed  a  Papist."  ^ 

On  the  whole,  this  last  quotation  probably 
indicates  Sainte-Marthe's  religious  position,  or 
at  least  the  position  with  which  he  wished  to  be 
credited.     It  was  that  of  many  broad-minded 

'  Ded.  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  6. 
*  Ibid.,  pp.  6  and  7. 


1543]         PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  157 

men  of  unquestioned  orthodoxy,  who  ardently 
desired  reform  within  the  church,  and  at  the 
same  time,  while  acknowledging  the  authority 
of  the  Pope,  were  too  Gallican  to  relish  the 
epithet  Papist  at  a  moment  when  the  Concordat 
had  focused  attention  afresh  on  the  independent 
claims  of  their  own  church.^  It  may  be  that 
Sainte-Marthe's  brief  experiences  at  Geneva  had 
somewhat  modified  his  views.  His  references  to 
"  carnal  Evangelicals"  suggests  a  certain  disillu- 
sion with  regard  to  reform  or  at  least  reformers. 
"There  are  to-day, "  he  writes,  "many  Evangeli- 
cals of  this  sort,  who  have  naught  in  their  mouths 
but  the  Gospel,  but  in  whom  that  living  and 
perfect  power  of  EvangeUcal  Charity  perseveres 
not.  What  avails  it  to  hold  sincerely  pious 
doctrine  if  it  be  darkened  with  evil  affections, 
and  if  life  be  dulled  with  earthly  lusts?     But 

^  For  an  account  of  the  long  struggle  between  the 
French  church  and  the  Holy  See,  cf.  Jervis,  Hist,  of  the 
church  of  France,  Vol.  I.  "'La  Pragmatique,'  disait  le 
Chancelier  du  Prat  en  1517,  nous  a  isol6s  entre  tous  les 
peuples  Catholiques  &  nous  a  fait  consid6rer  comma 
enclins  k  I'h^r^sie,  peut-6tre  m§me  comme  attaints 
d^jk  par  ses  doctrines.' "  Le  Marquis  du  Prat.  Vie 
d'Antoine  du  Prat,  Paris,  1857,  p.  152,  cit.  Henri  Lutteroth, 
La  Reformation  en  France,  p.  2. 


158  CHARLES   DE   SAESTTE-MARTHE      [1543 

they  are  so  bewitched  with  love  of  glory,  desire 
for  money,  eagerness  for  pleasure,  lust  of  revenge, 
fear  of  shame,  hurt  and  death,  that  not  only 
are  they  unable  to  leaven  the  fooHsh  multitude, 
but  they  themselves  and  Evangelical  piety  fall 
into  the  uttermost  contempt  among  men,  since 
they  do  not  practise  what  they  teach.  Should 
you,  in  a  Christian  manner,  exhort  these  not 
to  change  Evangelical  liberty  (the  true  liberty 
of  the  Spirit)  into  liberty  of  the  flesh,  but  to 
unite  piety  of  doctrine  to  piety  of  manners, 
and  should  you  perchance  more  sharply  rebuke 
them  when  they  do  not  assent;  they  will  at  once 
brand  you  with  Atheism. "  *  Somewhat  disillu- 
sioned, then,  as  to  the  effect  of  the  new  religious 
movement  upon  its  followers;  no  doubt  also 
disappointed  at  its  now  marked  dogmatism  and 
divergence  from  the  philosophic  spiritualism 
which  had  earlier  mingled  with  it ;  ^  cowed  into 
submission  by  a  bitter  experience,  and  yet  eagerly 
seeking  to  justify  his  views  to  authority  while 
sincerely  desirous  to  remain  within  the  fold ;  — 

*  Ded.  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphraais,  pp. 
7  and  8,  cf.  infra,  p.  568  et  seq. 

*  Cf.  Lefranc,  Le  Platonisme  et  la  Literature  en  France 
(1500-1550),  Rev.  d'Hist.  litt.  1896,  pp.  9,  12-13. 


16431        PERSECUTION  AT  GRENOBLE  159 

it  is  thus  that  we  may  picture  Sainte-Marthe 
towards  the  end  of  his  imprisonment. 

Its  end  was  near  at  hand,  —  for  the  Parle- 
ment  set  free  its  prisoner  "una  hora  and  verbo 
uno,"  ^  not,  it  would  seem,  by  acquittal,  but  by 
pronouncing  judgment  and  inflicting  a  lighter 
punishment  than  the  death-penalty  for  which 
the  young  scholar's  enemies  had  hoped.  Sainte- 
Marthe  was  banished,  his  property  was  confis- 
cated; but  the  machinations  of  his  personal 
enemy  seem  to  have  redounded  to  his  own  dis- 
credit. "And  what  did  he  finally  accomplish," 
writes  Sainte-Marthe,  "except  that  he  kept  me 
long  in  prison?  But  prison  I  had  in  common 
with  not  a  few  princes  and  noble  men,  in  truth 
with  Christ  himself.  He  despoiled  me  of  all  my 
possessions ;  yet  what  he  took  away,  he  took  not 
from  me  but  from  Fortime  (to  whom  pertained 
what  was  mine).  The  Lord  had  given  and  the 
Lord  suffered  them  to  be  taken  away.  He  can 
give  back,  yea,  better  and  more  numerous  goods. 
Perchance  he  has  fouled  me  with  shame.  This 
he  attempted  indeed  but  could  not  accomplish. 
For  as,  if  you  wet  or  immerse  maidenhair  fern,  it 

'  Ded.  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  13. 


160  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE      [1543 

still  remains  as  if  dry :  so  slander  hangs  not  on  a 
good  man,  nor  shame,  however  one  may  try  to 
dishonor  him.  But  he  saw  to  it  that  I  should  be 
dispossessed  of  all.  What  of  that  ?  Perchance 
he  thought  me  like  the  ant  or  bee,  who  emigrate 
if  cast  out  of  hive  or  hole.  But  a  brave  and 
good  man  lives  tranquilly  in  any  place  as  a  ship 
with  firm  anchor  can  ride  at  peace  in  any  port."  ^ 
It  may  well  have  been  the  influence  of  the 
Dominicans  which  brought  the  Senate  to  its 
decision;  the  championship  of  Galbert  and  the 
favor  of  Avanson  were  no  doubt  also  efficient; 
but  the  suddenness  of  the  poet's  release  suggests 
the  exertion  of  some  still  more  powerful  factor. 
May  not  Marguerite  of  Navarre,  now  at  least,  if 
not  on  a  former  occasion,  have  interfered  in 
behalf  of  her  protege,  as  she  had  so  often  done 
for  others  ?  Years  afterwards  Sainte-Marthe  in- 
cluded in  his  Paraphrase  of  the  Ninetieth  Psalm 
a  passage  which  gives  color  to  this  supposition : 
"If  we  should  have  enemies  bent  on  our  destruc- 
tion and  were  unable  to  escape  their  power,  and 
some  prince  promised  us  favor  and  freedom 
either  by  letter   or  messenger  and   meanwhile 

*  Ded.  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,p.  11. 


1543]        PERSECUTION  AT   GRENOBLE  161 

took  us  under  his  protection,  what  could  we 
hear  which  would  more  refresh  our  spirits?"^ 
Freed  then,  but  in  dire  poverty,  the  banished 
man  betook  himself  to  Lyons,  his  earlier  place 
of  refuge.  He  was  already  there  by  the  15th  of 
June,  his  dedication  to  Galbert  of  his  Paraphrase 
of  the  Seventh  Psalm  being  of  that  date  and 
place.  On  the  first  of  July  he  dedicated  to  Avan- 
son  another  Paraphrase  —  that  on  the  Thirty- 
third  Psalm  to  whose  inspiration  he  owed  so 
much.  He  had  composed  it  in  Grenoble  or  in 
Lyons  immediately  upon  obtaining  his  freedom. 
During  the  year  he  pubhshed,  at  Lyons,  both 
paraphrases  with  their  dedications,  in  a  volume  ^ 
which  included  also  his  letter  to  Dufour  and  an 
interesting  epigram  to  the  address  of  his  enemies. 

1  In  Psalmum  xc  pia  .  .  .  Meditatio,  fol.  17  r°. 

^  In  Psalmum  Septimum  et  Psalmum  xxxiii  Para- 
phrasis  per  Carolum  Sam^rthanum.  I  am  indebted  for 
having  seen  this  volume  to  the  kindness  of  M.  Arthur 
Labb6  of  Chatellerault,  who  lent  me  his  almost  unique 
copy  (red  morocco  binding  by  Du  Senil,  arms  of  de 
Caumartin  Saint- An  ge).  I  afterwards  discovered  a 
second  volume  at  the  Bibliothfeque  de  Sainte  Genevifeve 
(No.  B  1515).  For  text  of  the  dedications  it  contains 
cf.  pp.  566-581.  This  volume  is  the  only  source  of 
information  with  regard  to  the  poet's  experience  at 
Grenoble. 


162  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1543 

This  epigram  effectually  identifies  his  persecu- 
tors and  makes  clear  their  share  in  both  Sainte- 
Marthe's  imprisonments.  In  view  of  its  acrid 
humour,  it  is  amusing  to  find  the  family  genealo- 
gist referring  to  it  as  "un  gentil  epigramme."  ^ 

Ad  F.  Faysanum  apvd  Gratianopolim  Senatorem  et 
Theod.  Muletum  in  eod.  Senatu  Advocatum  regium 
Samarthanus. 

"Me  Volucris  rostro,  me  Bestia  calce  petivit, 
Nee  nocuit  Volucris,  Bestia  nee  nocuit. 
Immerito  vinctiim  Menses  vexasse  triginta, 
Inque  meam  frustr^  pervigilasse  neeem, 
Ac  nudum  duro  eduxisse  e  carcere,  piilsum 
Ingrato,  Getico,  barbaricoque  Solo ; 
Haec  fecisse  (inqu^m)  fas  contrk,  juraque  contrS,, 
Ni  insonti  graviter  sit  nocuisse  Reo  : 
Ut  potuere  igitur  solum  nocuere,  nee  ultra, 
Ut  voluere  etenim  non  nocuere,  safe  est."  ^ 

*  Gin^alogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Marthe,  fol.  22  r°. 
'  In  Psalmum  Septimum  et   Psalmum   xxxiii   Para- 
phrasis,  p.  144. 


CHAPTER  V 

SERVICE  WITH  THE  DUCHESS  OF  BEAUMONT  AND 
THE    QUEEN    OF    NAVARRE 

Sainte-Marthe's  second  stay  at  Lyons  was 
short.  He  had  been  there  not  more  than  a  year 
when,  in  1544,  he  entered  the  service  of  Frangoise, 
dowager  Duchess  of  Vendome  and  Longueville,^ 
who  had  but  lately  been  created  also  Duchess  of 
Beaumont  in  her  own  right .^  In  his  funeral  ora- 
tion for  his  patroness,  composed  in  1550,^  Sainte- 
Marthe  speaks  of  himself  as  having  been  "son 
domestique  serviteur  six  ans  continuels."     It  is 

*  Daughter  of  R6n6  d'Alengon,  and  sister  of  Charles, 
due  d'Alen5on,  first  husband  of  Marguerite  of  Navarre, 
she  had,  at  this  time,  been  for  six  years  widow  of  Charles 
de  Bourbon,  due  de  Vend6me,  her  second  husband. 
Her  first  husband  had  been  Frangois  d'Orl^ans,  due  de 
Longueville. 

^  I.e.  in  September,  1543,  when  the  vicomt6  of  Beau- 
mont and  the  baronies  of  La  Flfeche,  Chateau  Gontier, 
Ste.  Suzanne,  etc.,  were  united  in  her  favor  into  a 
ducM  pairie  under  the  name  of  Beaumont. 

'  Oraison  Funhbre  .  .  .  de  Frangoise  d'Alengon,  etc., 
fol.  13  v°. 

163 


164  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE      [1544 

clear,  in  fact,  that  it  was  to  the  Duchess  that  he 
owed  the  beginning  of  happier  fortunes,  and  not, 
as  generally  supposed,  to  Marguerite  of  Navarre. 
On  her  death,  less  than  a  year  after  that  of 
Marguerite,  Sainte-Marthe  thus  bewails  the  loss 
of  both  patronesses :  "  L'une  avoit  ete  le  premier 
fondement  de  mon  avantage  sur  lequel  Fautre 
avoit  commence  un  bastiment  qui  eut  poeu  con- 
tenter  le  desir  de  mon  esprit  a  I'entretien  & 
continuation  de  mes  etudes.  L'une  decedee, 
ce  commencement  a  este  ruine  &  ne  m'estoit 
plus  demeure  que  le  fondement ;  mais  si  tost 
que  I'autre  a  delaisse  le  monde,  mon  fonde- 
ment s'est  crev6  en  sorte  qu'il  ne  reste  plus  en 
moy  de  ce  que  j'estois  les  deus  vivantes,  sinon 
une  triste  image  de  ma  ruine. "  ^  The  founda- 
tion-stone of  Sainte-Marthe's  worldly  advance- 
ment was  the  post  of  procureur  general  of  the 
new  duchy  which  he  obtained  within  a  year  of 
his  connection  with  the  Duchess.^     To  this  was 

*  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  Frangoise  d'AUngon,  fols.  7  v°  and 
8r». 

*  Odolant  Desnos,  Mems.  hist,  sur  la  ville  d'Alengon,  Vol. 
II,  p.  546,  specifically  states  that  the  letters  patent  con- 
ferring this  office  were  dated  May  the  14th,  1545.  M.  de 
Longuemare,  op.  cit.,  p.  46,  gives  this  date  as  the  18th 


1544]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  165 

added  also  membership  in  the  Duchess's  Coun- 
cil .  ^  Fran  Qoise  had  probably  seen  Sainte-Marthe 
as  a  youth  before  he  left  home  for  the  University, 
for  she  had  been  at  Fontcvrault  for  the  recep- 
tion as  novice  of  one  of  her  daughters  in  1529,^ 
and  was  otherwise  closely  connected  with  the 
convent.  This  connection,  no  doubt,  would  be 
enough  to  interest  her  in  Sainte-Marthe.  Possi- 
bly, too,  her  attention  was  attracted  to  their 
gifted  penitent  by  the  Dominicans.  Her  con- 
fessor, Frere  Simon  Bernard,  was  of  their  Order, 
and  may  well  have  recalled  Sainte-Marthe  to  her 
memory.^ 

Such  refuge  as  service  with  the  Duchess 
offered  was  a  godsend  to  Saint-Marthe,  for,  even 
though  he  had  the  approval  of  the  Dominicans, 

of  May,  but  quotes  no  source.  Cf.  the  letters  patent  of 
Antoine  issued  in  1550,  infra,  p.  590  et  seq. 

'  The  account  of  Sainte-Marthe's  connection  with  the 
Duchess,  given  by  the  GeiUalogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte- 
Marthe,  fol.  26  v°,  is  chronologically  misleading. 

'  Magdaleine  de  Bourbon.  Cart.  Font.  Ebrald.,  fol. 
357  v°.  Sainte-Marthe,  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .,  fol.  39  r°,  gives  the 
date  as  the  25th  of  October.  She  was  "professed"  in 
1534,  October  the  14th. 

'  " .  .  .  frere  Simon  bernard,  de  I'ordre  des  Jacobins, 
son  pere  confesseur  &  Ecclesiaste  ordinaire,  vertueuse  & 
docte  personne."     Or.  Fun.  .  .  .,  fol.  34  r°. 


166         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE     [1544- 

the  harsh  Edict  of  Paris  promulgated  within  a 
month  or  two  of  his  arrival  at  Lyons  ^  must 
have  made  him  tremble,  still  more  so  that  of 
September  of  the  same  year,  clearly  defining 
orthodox  doctrine  as  the  Sorbonne  saw  it  and 
directing  proceedings  against  all  who  preached 
against  any  of  its  twenty-six  articles.^  The 
household  of  the  Duchess  provided  more  than 
refuge,  —  congenial  surroundings ;  for  the  piety 
of  its  Head  —  whose  orthodoxy  was  beyond 
question  —  delighted  in  psalms  and  hymns  and 
readings  of  Scripture,  and  would  be  naturally 
sympathetic  with  Sainte-Marthe's  "evangel- 
ical" turn  of  thought. 

Frangoise's  protege  has  left  a  lively  description 
of  the  appearance  and  qualities  of  his  patroness, 
"la  bonne  entre  les  bonnes  and  la  humaine  entre 
les  humaines."  Unable  to  use  her  eyes,  and  of 
such  weight  of  body  that  she  could  take  no  part 
in  domestic  occupations,  but  was  kept  from  rest 
and  obliged  by  her  physicians  to  "faire  exercise 
par  deambulations,"  she  yet  had  unmistakable 

^  I.e.  the  30th  of  July,  1543.  Ades  de  Frangois  I, 
No.  1543. 

*  Ihid.,  Nos.  13353  and  13354.  Cf.  also  H.  Lutteroth, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  37  and  38. 


1548]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  167 

nobility  of  bearing .  ' '  Vergile,  parlant  de  Venus, ' ' 
writes  Sainte-Marthe,  "dit  qu'au  marcher  elle 
se  monstra  estre  vraye  Deesse  ;  mais,  s'il  eust 
cogneu  Francoise,  il  eust  poeu  dire  que  sa  parole, 
son  maintien,  son  port,  son  marcher,  ses  gestes, 
encor  qu'elle  eust  este  deguisee  &  couverte 
d'autre  habit,  portoient  asses  de  tesmoignage 
qu'elle  estoit  Princesse. "  ^  A  woman  of  mascu- 
Hne  understanding,  "  qui  sgait  si  noblement 
tenir  son  reng  entre  les  Princesses  que  ses  ver- 
tus  souveraines  avoient  donne  k  nostre  France 
grande  occasion  de  se  complaindre  de  Nature 
de  quoy  ne  I'avoit  faicte  homme,"  ^  she  was  a 
tender  and  generous  mother  to  her  thirteen 
children.  Sainte-Marthe,  an  eye-witness,^  gives 
a  moving  account  of  her  behavior  during  the 
prolonged  and  painful  illness  of  her  son  Antoine : 
"La  Mere  qui,  en  I'absence  de  son  enfant,  de 
pitie  &  compassion  de  ses  douleurs  arrousoit  sa 
chambre  de  larmes,  quand  retournoit  vers  luy,  ne 
voulant  luy  augmenter  sa  peine  par  sa  tristesse  & 
desolation,  reprimoit  ses  douleurs,  et  le  consoloit 

1  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .,  fols.  13  r°  and  14  v°. 
^  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  .  .  .  Marguerite  de  Navarre,  p.  44. 
'  "Nous  estions  lors  a  Chasteauregnauld."    Or.  Fun. 
.  .  .  de  Frangoise  d'Alengon,  fol.  34  r°. 


168  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE     [1544- 

avec  un  visage  si  constant  qu'elle  entretenoit 
son  enfant  en  espoir  de  guarison,  encore  que  la 
maladie  fust  de  touts  deploree.  Et  I'enfant 
qui,  en  I'absence  de  sa  mere,  par  les  doloreuses 
plainctes  de  son  mal,  faisoit  fondre  les  assistants 
en  pleurs,  adverty  de  la  venue  de  la  debonnaire 
Dame,  se  contenoit  en  si  magnanime  courage 
qu'il  sembloit  ne  sentir  aucune  douleur."  *  As 
the  boy  was  recovering,  his  mother  received 
news  of  the  sudden  death  of  her  second  son, 
Frangois,  the  victor  of  Cerisolles.^  The  stricken 
woman  tried  to  hide  her  anguish  from  the  sick 
child  :  "Qui  les  eust  veu  Tun  devant  I'autre, 
quand  elle  le  fut  reveoir,  on  n'eust  poeu  juger 
qu'elle  heust  aucune  fascherie  &  tristesse  ;  ne 
luy   qu'il    souffrist    aucun   mal."^ 

In  her  household  the  Duchess  maintained 
strict  discipline.  She  concerned  herself  minutely 
with  the  dress,  bearing,  and  amusements  of  her 
ladies  in  waiting:  "Elle  faisoit  aussi  venir  en  sa 
chambre  toutes  ses  Demoiselles,  &  (apres)  les 

^  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  Frangoise  d'Alengon,  fol.  33  v°. 

^  I.e.  on  the  16th  February,  1546.  He  was  killed,  by 
the  fall  from  a  window  of  a  chest  of  linen,  while  engaged 
in  a  game  with  the  Dauphin  and  some  of  his  suite. 

^  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  Frangoise  d'Alengon,  fol.  35  r°. 


1548]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  169 

avoir  regardees  Tune  apres  I'autre,  elle  reprenoit 
celle  qui  luy  sembloit  faire  contenance  &  main- 
tien  rustique ;  elle  blasmoit  celle  qui  estoit 
moins  que  proprement  &  modestement  paree; 
elle  prenoit  I'ouvrage  de  chascune,  s'il  y  avoit 
faulte  Tamendoit,  si  le  peu  d'avancement  portoit 
tesmoinage  de  sa  negligence  &  paresse  la  tenceoit. 
.  .  .  Que  si  aucun  leur  vouloit  parler  d'amour, 
falloit  que  ce  fust  de  I'aniour  permis  .  .  .  car 
oncques  Ullyxe  n'estouppa  si  bien  ses  aureilles 
centre  le  deceptif  chant  des  Sirennes,  qu'elles 
estoient  sourdes  a  tels  propos  comme  filles 
prudentes  &  rendantes  bon  tesmoinage  de  leur 
nourriture.  .  .  .  Ains  permettoit  qu'elles  al- 
lassent  se  pourmener  &  esbastre  ou  aux  jardins, 
ou  en  quelque  honorable  maison,  ou  qu'elles 
balassent,  ou  qu'elles  jouassent  de  lues,  de 
guittemes,  d'espinettes  &  autres  instruments 
de  musique."  ^  Deeply  religious,  she  allowed 
them  no  other  reading  than  the  scriptures  or 
"quelque  historiographe  qui  ne  donnoit  aucune 
mauvaise  &  impudique  doctrine; "  no  other 
songs  than  the  Psalms  or  the  Odes  of  the  Queen 

'  Or.  Fun.  ,  .  .  de  Frangoise  d'Alengon,  fol.  14  r°  and 


170  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE    [1544- 

of  Navarre.^  She  imitated  her  sister-in-law, 
in  fact,  in  causing  hymns  to  be  set  to  new  and 
popular  airs,  "  touma  les  lascives  chansons 
de  I'impudique  Venus  en  hymnes  et  cantiques 
spirituelles."  ^  These  compositions  were  usually 
the  work  of  Charles  de  Billon,^  her  Mattre  des 
requites,  but  sometimes  Sainte-Marthe  composed 
them .  ' '  Quelque  f ois  me  f aisoit  tant  d'honneur, ' ' 
he  writes,  "que  de  m'en  commander  autant; 
&  quand  j'avoie  escript  quelque  Elegie  qui  parloit 
des  benefices  de  Jesus,  de  la  bonte  &  misericorde 
de  Dieu  &  d'autre  telle  matiere  chrestienne,  me 
la  faisoit  distinctement  lire  devant  elle  en  la 
presence  de  ses  Damoiselles,  pour  les  exciter 
tous jours  a  la  crainte  &  amour  de  Dieu  &  leur 
faire  gouster  le  fruict  de  piete."*  Frangoise's 
supervision  of  the  conduct  of  the  gentlemen  of 
the  household  was  no  less  vigorous.  She  con- 
sidered one  reprimand  enough,  not  only  for 
"  mutins  joueurs,  blasphemateurs,  oultrageus," 
but  also  for  those   who  "  entreprirent   sur  les 

*  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  Frangoise  d'Alengon,  fol.  15  r". 
'  Ibid.,  fol.  15  v°. 

*  "Son  maistre  des  requestes,  homme  d'angelic  esprit 
&  de  grande  erudition."     Ibid.,  fol.  15  r°. 

*  Ibid.,  fol.  15  v°. 


1548]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  171 

autres  es  estats  &  offices  qu'elle  leur  aVoit  dis- 
tingues."  After  that  they  were  haled  to  prison 
to  suffer  "bonne  justice."  ^ 

For  all  her  virtues,  faults  were  not  lacking; 
a  generous,  open-handed  woman,  —  prompt  in 
anger  and  in  forgiveness,  unresentful,  easy  of 
access,  affable,  pious,  charitable,  —  the  Duchess 
had  the  defects  of  her  qualities.^  Presumption 
angered  her  like  vice,  and  she  was  heard  to  de- 
clare "tout  hault  et  devant  touts"  that  no  ser- 
vant should  ever  govern  her.'  She  was  always 
deeply  in  debt,  and  there  were  some  to  whisper 
that  she  had  never  in  her  life  paid  her  servants.* 
Sainte-Marthe,  indeed,  gives  a  curious  picture  of 
the  hand-to-mouth  existence  led  by  this  royal 
princess.  When  she  received  money,  those  who 
were  fortunate  enough  to  discover  it  and  to  ask 

*  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  FrariQoise  d'Alengon,  fols.  15  v°  and 
16  r°. 

*  Cf.  ibid.,  fols.  30  r°,  26  v°,  12  v",  34  v°. 

^  For  example :  "  Et  encor  que  I'advis  &  opinion  de 
son  conseil  luy  semblast  bonne,  elle  la  reprouvoit,  non 
pour  ne  la  vouloir  croire  (car,  apres,  elle  la  mettoit  a 
execution)  mais  pour  oster  toute  occasion  aux  gents  de 
son  conseil,  de  seiacter  delagouverner."  Ibid.,  fols.  16  v" 
and  17  r°. 

*  Ibid.,  fols.  29  r°  and  31  r°. 


172  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE      [1544 

for  a  payment  were  never  refused/  and  she  com- 
pounded with  her  household  for  their  wages  by 
appointing  them  to  offices  as  fast  as  they  fell 
vacant.  Still,  whatever  her  faults,  Frangoise 
d'Alengon  was  able  to  gain  the  love  of  those 
who  served  her,  and  was  sincerely  mourned  at 
her  death.  "O  franc  cceur  de  Francoise,"  ex- 
claims Sainte-Marthe,  "6  bonte  incroyable,  o 
rare  exemplaire  de  misericordieuse  Princesse,  que 
tu  as  aujourd'hui  en  chrestiente  petit  nombre 
de  Princes,  a  toy  en  cela  semblables. "  ^ 

After  a  period  which  must  have  been  spent 
between  Vendome,  La  Fleche  and  Beaumont, 
Sainte-Marthe  was  enrolled  in  the  household 
also  of  Marguerite  of  Navarre,  as  one  of  her 
counsellors  and  mattres  des  requites,  besides 
holding  office  as  Lieutenant  CHminel  of  Alengon. 
Sainte-Marthe's  own  description  of  himself  as 
"both  their  servant  and  of  their  Council'"  in- 
dicates that  he  held  office  in  the  household  of  the 

*  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  Frangoise  d' Alengon,  fol.  31  r°  and  v°. 

2  Ibid.,  fol.  23  r°. 

'  "J'ay  done  ample  matiere  de  plorer  la  mort  de  mes 
maistresses  qui  les  ayant  perdues  ay  tout  perdu:  & 
seray  tesmoing  croyable  a  la  predication  de  leurs  vertus, 
qui  ay  este,  &  leur  domestique  &  de  leur  conseil."  Ibid., 
fol.  8  r". 


1548]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  173 

Duchess  and  of  the  Queen  at  the  same  time,  and 
is  another  proof  of  the  close  affection  which  to 
the  end  united  the  two  women,  in  spite  of  the 
strain  it  must  have  been  put  to  by  the  Queen's 
reluctance  for  her  daughter's  marriage  with 
Antoine/  and,  earlier,  by  the  lawsuit  begun 
by  Charles  d'Alengon's  sisters,  after  his  death,  to 
recover  the  usufruct  of  the  duchy  granted  to  his 
widow  .^  It  is  difficult  to  establish  the  date  of 
Sainte-Marthe's  connection  with  the  Queen's 
household,  its  renewal,  rather,  since  we  have  sup- 
posed him  among  her  followers  in  1539.  He  is 
not  mentioned  until  1548  in  the  book  of  expenses 
which  Frott6  '  kept  for  the  queen  from  1540  to 

^  Cf.  Ruble,  he  Mariage  de  Jeanne  d'Albret,  pp.  250- 
268;  A.  Lefranc,  Les  Dernieres  Poesies  de  Marguerite  de 
Navarre,  Preface,  pp.  xx-xxii ;  F.  Frank,  Les  Marguerites 
de  la  Marguerite,  Preface,  pp.  xvij  &  xviij. 

*  In  1529.  The  lawsuit  was  decided  in  the  following 
year.  Cf.  Anselm,  Histoire  genealogique  t&  chronologique 
de  la  Maison  Royale  de  France  (Paris,  1726-1733),  Vol.  I, 
p.  277,  and  Genin,  Nouvelles  Lettres,  p.  123. 

'  The  queen's  secretary.  Sainte-Marthe  thus  refers 
to  him,  "...  son  Secretaire  Jhean  Frott6,  —  sien  le 
dy  je  pource  qu'il  estoit  de  son  priv6  Conseil  comme  son 
premier  &  trfes6prov6  Secretaire,  homme  de  grande 
experience  &  de  bon  esprit,  prudent  et  hayant  peu  de 
semblables  au  debvoir  &  a  la  diligence  de  son  office,  etc." 
Or.  Fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  63. 


174  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1548 

1548;  *  and  the  date  on  which  his  name  appears, 
November,  1548,  as  "  conseiller  &  maitre  de 
requetes"^  falls  precisely  during  the  month  of 
the  festivities  that  marked  Marguerite's  visit 
to  Vendome,  Jeanne  d'Albret's  new  home.^  On 
that  occasion,  "Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe,  con- 
seiller &  maitre  des  requetes,  est  charg6  de 
taxer  les  depenses  de  la  seance  de  I'echiquier 
tenue  a  Alengon  au  mois  de  septembre  dernier." 
Sainte-Marthe's  probable  presence  at  Vendome 
in  Frangoise's  household  makes  it  plausible, 
then,  to  suppose  this  the  time  chosen  by  the 
Queen  to  attach  Sainte-Marthe  once  more  to 
her  person.  The  evidence  of  the  funeral  oration 
on  this  point  is  almost  wholly  negative.  Sainte- 
Marthe  was  apparently  not  with  Marguerite  at 
the  time  of  Francois  Fs  death  on  March  the 
31st,  1547,  —  "elle  mesmes  le  m'a  depuis  ainsi 
dit,"  is  the  phrase  he  uses  of  Marguerite's  dream 
of  her  brother  on  that  day ;  but,  no  doubt,  after 

'  Ably  edited,  or  rather  analyzed,  by  the  Comte  de  la 
Ferrifere-Percy.  Margiierite  d' AngouUme,  son  livre  de 
dipenses  {1540-1549). 

'  Ibid.,  p.  131. 

'  Cf.  Ruble,  Ardoine  de  Bourbon  &  Jeanne  d'Albret, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  3-5  ;  La  Ferrifere-Percy,  op.  cit.,  p.  131. 


1548]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  175 

this  appointment  to  her  household,  he  remained 
in  close  attendance  upon  the  Queen  of  Navarre. 
"Nous  estions  lors  au  monastere  de  Thusson," 
he  writes/  describing  an  incident  in  the  Queen's 
life,  as  if  he  were  regularly  on  her  train.  His 
other  appointment,  as  Lieutenant  Criminel  of 
the  town  of  Alengon,^  may  conceivably  have 
antedated  his  closer  attendance  upon  Marguerite; 
but  by  itself  his  office  at  Alengon  would  bring 

*  The  mention  of  Tusson,  where  Marguerite  went  into 
retreat  immediately  upon  the  death  of  the  king,  does  not, 
necessarily,  indicate  an  earlier  connection  between  queen 
and  poet ;  for  Tusson  may  reasonably  be  supposed  to  have 
remained  a  favorite  resort  of  the  Queen's. 

^  "Comme  ce  fut  par  sa  faveur  qu'il  obtint  I'office  de 
Lieutenant  Criminel  de  la  ville  d'Alen^on,"  etc.  Sc^vole 
de  Sainte-Marthe  (Colletet),  loc.  cit.  Sc6vole  makes  no 
mention  of  the  office  of  "Conseiller  k  I'echiquier  et  au  con- 
sei!  d'Alengon"  which  Odolant  Desnos,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  II, 
p.  546,  attributes  to  Sainte-Marthe,  adding,  "apres  I'ex- 
tinction  de  I'echiquier,  il  fut  Lieutenand  criminel  d'Alen- 
5on."  Odolant  Desnos  is  not  entirely  reliable,  as  is  proved 
by  his  statement  that  Sainte-Marthe  was  still  Lieutenant 
Criminel  at  Alengon  in  1562,  when,  as  a  fact,  he  had 
been  dead  seven  years.  The  family  genealogy  makes 
the  following  statement  (fol.  25  v°) :  "Marguerite 
.  .  .  I'honnora  de  la  charge  de  Lieutenant  criminel 
d'Alen^on,  ou  selon  le  temoinage  de  I'histoire  de  Perche, 
de  I'office  de  Lieutenant  general  en  cet  exchiquier."  On 
the  whole  we  may  conclude  that  Sc6vole  would  not  have 
failed  to  mention  any  of  his  uncle's  honors. 


176  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE    [1548- 

him  little  contact  with  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  who 
spent  her  last  years  at  Pau,  Mont  de  Marsan,  and 
Nerac,  with  occasional  absences,  which  included, 
so  far  as  we  know,  no  journey  to  Alengon  after 
1544.  It  is  probable,  then,  that  Sainte-Marthe's 
more  intimate  connection  with  her  household 
began  hardly  earlier  than  the  year  before  her 
death.  For  Marguerite,  those  last  days  of  life 
were  full  of  sorrow,  disenchantment,  and  dis- 
appointment, and  the  gratitude  of  a  kindred 
soul  like  Sainte-Marthe's  must  have  offered 
elements  of  solace. 

Sainte-Marthe  felt  his  debt,  indeed,  to  be  im- 
mense towards  her  who,  in  his  own  words,  ''de  sa 
grace  m'a  tant  fait  de  bien  et  d'honneur  que  je 
lui  devois  &  ce  qui  est  k  moy  &  moi-mesmes,  tel 
que  je  sois. "  ^  His  love  and  admiration  for 
that  "femme  incomparable  qui  n'eut  one  rien 
en  ce  monde  sinon  le  corps  commun  avec  les 
aultres  mortels,"  ^  "les  vertus  de  laquelle  quand 
on  vouldroit  dignement  exprimer,  la  fertilite 
d'Homere  en  deviendra  sterile,  le  torrent  de 
Demosthene  en  deseicheroit,  la  lumiere  et 
splendeur    de    T  eloquence    TulUane    en    seroit 

»  Or.  Fun.  ...  deM.de  N .,  p.  28.        ^  Ihid.,  p.  26. 


I 


1549]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  177 

estainte,"  ^  informs  his  whole  oration  with  elo- 
quence. It  supplies  to  his  feeling  terms,  which 
—  if  less  telling  than  Rabelais  "Esprit  abstraict 
ravy  &  ecstatic,"  or  Marot's  "corps  feminin, 
coeur  d'homme  &  teste  d'Ange"  —  show  us  the 
queen  "in  her  habit  as  she  lived."  Her  candor, 
"ingenuite  de  franc  coeur,"  her  force  and  mag- 
nanimity, her  humility  and  goodness  conjoined 
with  tempered  gravity,  her  courtesy,  sweetness, 
and  merciful  heart,  her  excellent  wit  and  "pro- 
found and  abstruse  erudition,"  and  that  "male 
majeste"  which  made  an  offender  wish  himself  a 
hundred  feet  underground,  —  all  these  Sainte- 
Marthe  lovingly  recalls.^  He  notes,  too,  the 
queen's  practical  application  to  life  of  her 
knowledge  of  philosophy ;  her  patronage  of 
letters ;  her  disinterested  distribution  of  office  in 
a  day  when  patronage  was  a  fertile  source  of 
income;  her  constancy  in  grief,  and  generosity 
when  injured;  her  reasonable  and  merciful  dis- 
cipline of  her  household;  her  exact  discharge  of 
obligation  to  her  inferiors ;  her  liberality  to  all, 

'  Or.  Fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  28. 
'  Ibid.,  pp.  99,  64,  60,  80,  31,  84,  49-52,  56-59,  65- 
67,  83,  87,  88  et  passim. 


178  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE    [1548- 

even  to  the  evil  and  vicious  :  "Elle  estoit 
la  plus  humaine  &  la  plus  liberale  femme  du 
monde,"  he  exclaims;  "elle  escouteoit  parler 
tous  estats  &  toutes  nations  d'hommes;  elle  ne 
refuseoit  sa  maison  a  personne;  elle  ne  vouloit, 
quand  on  la  prieoit  de  quelque  chose,  que 
celuy  qui  demandeoit  s'en  allast  refus6. "  ^ 
"Tous  les  malades  de  griefves  maladies,"  he 
writes  elsewhere,  his  enthusiasm  kindled  by  his 
own  experience,  "tous  ceuls  qui  souffroient 
n^cessit^  &  indigence,  tous  ceuls  qui  avoient 
perdu  leurs  biens  &  abandonn^  leur  patrie,  tous 
ceuls  qui  fuioient  la  persecution  de  la  mort, 
bref,  tous  ceuls  qui  estoient  en  quelque  adversite, 
fust  ce  du  corps  ou  de  I'esprit,  se  retiroient  a  la 
Royne  de  Navarre  comme  h  leur  ancre  sacre  & 
extreme  refuge  de  salut  en  ce  monde.  Tu  les 
eusses  veus,  k  ce  port,  les  uns  lever  la  teste  hors 
de  mendicity,  les  aultres,  comme  apres  le  nau- 
frage,  embrasser  la  tranquillity  tant  desir^e, 
les  autres  se  couvrir  de  sa  faveur,  comme  d'un 
second  boucler  d'Ajax,  contre  ceuls  qui  les  pers6- 
cutoient. "  ^ 

»  Or.  Fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  101. 
'  Ibid.,  pp.  88-89. 


1549]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  179 

Sainte-Marthe  hardly  admits,  as  the  queen's 
only  fault,  a  certain  creduhty  so  marked  "que 
facilement  on  la  toumeoit  qh  &  1^,"  for  which, 
even  if  true,  her  sex  would  be  an  excuse;  and 
he  makes  such  apology  as  befitted  his  audience 
for  her  patronage  of  those  "qui  sentoient  bien 
peu  chrestiennement  de  nostre  foy  &  reUgion."  * 
It  was  probably  the  unfortunate  Des  Periers 
whose  disgrace  ^  he  parades  as  proof  of  his  idol's 
orthodoxy:  "Mais  ceuls  qui  n'estoient  de  Dieu, 
je  dy  ceuls  desquels  les  faicts  repugnoient  k  la 
parolle,  ceuls  de  qui  la  vie  estoit  scandaleuse, 
ceuls  de  qui  la  doctrine  estoit  doctrine  inspiree 
des  Demons,  une  doctrine  impie,  sacrilegue  & 
qui  deust  estre  degetee,  apres  qu'elle  les  avoit 
aigrement  tences,  apres  que  leur  avoit  monstre 
leur  faulte,  apres  que  treshumainement  les 
avoit  voulu  remettre  au  chemin  de  verite,  s'ils 
ne  vouloient  se  recongnoistre  &  amender,  selon 
le  precepte  de  S.  Paul  qui  commande  d'eviter 
I'h^retique  apres  la  premiere  ou  seconde  admo- 

1  Or.  Fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  96-101. 

*  Re  this  incident  cf.  La  Ferrifere- Percy,  op.  cit., 
p.  41  et  seq.;  L.  Lacour,  (Euvres  Francoises  de  Bona- 
venture  Des  Periers,  Vol.  I,  p.  1  et  seq. 


180  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE    [1548- 

nition,  incontinent  les  dechasseoit  de  sa  Maison, 
de  sa  famille  &  de  sa  compagnie. "  ^ 

It  was  natural  that  Sainte-Marthe,  himself  eru- 
dite and  a  schoolmaster,  should  have  much  to  say 
of  the  education  of  the  Queen,  a  matter  of  deep 
concern  to  her  father  and  to  her  mother,  that 
"mirouer  treslucide  de  prudence  et  matronale 
gravity."  Under  discipline  of  Persian  severity, 
Marguerite  was  trained  in  manners  "pudiques  & 
humains,  sev^res  toutefois  &  vraiement  Roy- 
aulx,"  and  her  intellectual  education  was  con- 
ducted by  really  learned  men.^ 

The  oration,  which  at  moments  approaches 
a  biography,  concerns  itself  not  merely  with 
Marguerite's  education,  but  with  her  ancestry 
and  the  main  events  of  her  career.  Her  two 
marriages,  the  negotiations  of  the  Emperor 
for  her  hand,  the  birth  of  her  children,  her  mis- 
sion to  Spain,  her  political  activities  at  home, 
the  death  of  her  infant  son,  "ravy  devant  son 
aige  par  Ten  vie  des  fatales  Deesses":^  all  are 
duly  and  eloquently  set  forth.  It  is,  however, 
when  he  records  the  way  of  life  of  his  beloved 

»  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  deM.de  N.,  pp.  101  and  102. 
»  Ibid.,  pp.  38-44.  »  Ibid.,  pp.  44-45. 


1649]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  181 

mistress,  as  he  himself  observed  it,  that  Sainte- 
Marthe  is  at  his  best.  He  will  not  have  his 
reader  suppose  that  Marguerite  was  like  the 
ladies  of  the  court,  who  pass  the  day  in  idleness 
and  vain  talk,  or  concern  themselves  but  with 
feminine  occupations  and  exercises.  Not  so, 
truly,  is  it,  for,  as  she  surpassed  all  those  of 
her  own  sex  in  liveliness  of  mind,  and  possessed 
in  a  feminine  body  a  heroic  and  manly  heart, 
she  wished  to  pass  the  time  in  arts  worthy  the 
occupation  of  a  man,  in  honest  and  praiseworthy 
pursuits.^  And  so  we  see  her,  in  his  pages, 
accessible  to  great  and  small;  giving  audience 
with  the  sweetness  and  humility  of  a  simple  lady 
rather  than  like  a  queen;  dictating,  or  even 
writing  with  her  own  hand,  letters  of  recom- 
mendation, full  of  sweetness,  humanity,  and 
affection,  so  warm  that  a  reader  might  suppose 
them  written  for  her  own  advantage;  counsel- 
ing, consoling,  cheering  those  who  needed  it ; 
waiting  after  her  audience  for  possible  petition- 
ers that  none  might  be  disappointed.  We  see 
her,  now  bestowing  alms  secretly  that  she  might 
not  seem  to  be  bidding  for  the  favor  of  her 

»  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  76. 


182  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE    [1548- 

people,  now  begging  her  officers,  with  clasped 
hands  and  tears  in  her  eyes,  to  make  the  poor 
their  special  care;  or,  when  reprimand  was 
needed,  minghng  honey  with  aloes,  sweetly 
addressing  and  familiarly  admonishing  the 
transgressor/ 

Sainte-Marthe  has  portrayed  the  Queen  also, 
occupied  in  more  intellectual  pursuits :  alone 
in  her  room,  when  her  husband  was  absent,  a 
book  in  her  hand  in  Heu  of  a  distaff,  pen  or  tab- 
lets replacing  spindle  or  needle.  She  actually 
excelled  in  tapestry  and  other  needlework, 
however ;  and,  when  she  applied  herself  to  these, 
some  one  read  from  a  "  historiographe "  or  poet 
or  other  noteworthy  and  profitable  author,  or 
else  she  herself  dictated  some  meditation.  In 
his  own  person  her  eulogist  saw  her  dictate  at 
the  same  time  to  two  of  her  secretaries,  letters 
to  one,  to  the  other  French  verses  which  she 
composed  promptly  but  with  admirable  erudi- 
tion and  gravity.^  At  meals,  though  she  con- 
sidered "propos  joyeux  &  recreatifs"  as  neces- 
sary as  salt,  she  avoided  that  coarseness  which 

»  Or.  Fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  61-64. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  76. 


1549]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  183 

delighted  the  men  of  her  time,  and  talked  rather 
of  medicine,  hygiene,  and  physics  with  her  physi- 
ciahs  Schyron  (Scuronis),  Cornier,  and  Esterpin 
(Sterpin) ;  of  history  and  the  precepts  of  philoso- 
phy with  other  learned  people  of  her  household ; 
of  faith  and  the  Christian  religion  with  Gerard, 
Bishop  of  Oleron.  One  table  conversation, 
which  took  place  at  Tusson,  Sainte-Marthe  has 
reported  with  great  particularity.  The  subject 
was  Christ's  saying,  "  Except  ye  become  as  little 
children  ye  shall  in  no  wise  enter  the  kingdom 
of  heaven,"  and  after  Le  Roux,  the  queen's 
chaplain,  had  quoted  St.  Augustine;  Regin,  St. 
Jerome ;  and  Sainte-Marthe  himself  Chrysostom, 
Theophylactus,  and  Hilary ;  the  learned  queen  — 
"0  Seigneur  Dieu  de  quelles  parolles  &  gravity 
de  sentences!"  —  explained  her  own  opinions, 
to  the  disgust  of  a  Spanish  gentleman  present, 
who  afterwards,  in  the  house  of  a  cardinal,  com- 
plained that  he  had  heard  Marguerite  discuss 
things  frivolous  and  of  no  moment  with  certain 
"bonnets  ronds,"  there  being  but  two  or  three 
"gentlemen"  in  her  train,  and  that  she  had  not 
spoken  a  single  word  to  himself.  "0  complaint 
worthy  of  such  a  personage,"  comments  Sainte- 


184  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE     [1548- 

Marthe,  apostrophizing  the  Spaniard  as  "beast" 
and  "man  without  the  least  judgment."  ^ 

Sainte-Marthe  gives  a  touching  picture  of 
Marguerite  as  a  wife,  a  happier  portrayal  of  her 
married  life  than  is  usually  offered.  According 
to  him,  Henry  of  Navarre  loved  the  queen  his 
wife  with  conjugal  affection.  Nor  was  he  one 
of  those  who  object  to  women's  concern  with 
study  or  conversation  about  letters;  on  the 
contrary,  he  always  revered  the  wit  and  erudi- 
tion of  Marguerite,  and  even  caused  his  daughter 
to  be  trained  in  good  disciplines  and  knowledge 
by  Nicholas  Bourbon.  Henry  himself,  indeed, 
was  no  enemy  of  the  Muses  nor  of  learning,  but, 
like  his  wife,  often  conversed  of  literature  and 
greatly  loved  men  of  letters.^  The  praise  is  not 
excessive  from  a  man  who,  like  Sainte-Marthe, 
excelled  in  eulogy  as  he  did  in  vituperation; 
but  at  least  the  picture  does  not  accord  with 
the  usual  one  of  the  king  of  Navarre,  not  only 
unfaithful  to  his  wife  but  even  ill-treating  her,' 

>  Or.  Fun.  ...  deM.de  N .,  pp.  68-71.     ^  Ihid.,  p.  73. 

^  Cf.  Ruble,  Mariage  de  Jeanne  d'Albret,  pp.  90-91  and 
267  ;  F.  Frank,  op.  cit.,  p.  xvij.  Per  contra,  Olhagaray 
gives  a  lively  picture  of  Henri's  distress  at  the  death 
of  his  wife.    Hist,  de  Foix,  Beam  &  Navarre,  pp.  505-507. 


1549]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  185 

and  on  the  worst  terms  possible  with  her  from 
jealousy  of  their  daughter/  As  for  Marguerite, 
her  wifely  behavior  and  tact  were  perfect.  Be- 
fore her  husband,  she  entered  into  no  discus- 
sions on  philosophy  or  Christianity,  unless  he 
broached  the  subject.  Like  Sara,  she  recognized 
him  as  her  lord,  honored  and  obeyed  him  as  her 
head.  Thus  she  gained  and  kept  his  grace  by 
all  humihty  and  obedience.  If  he  commanded 
anything,  it  was  done  as  soon  as  asked ;  she 
never  contradicted  him,  and  loved  him  so  that 
she  cherished  his  favor  at  the  expense  of  mis- 
chief and  hurt  to  herself. 

She  carried  her  devotion  so  far,  indeed,  that 
she  followed  Henry  to  Beam  at  a  time  when  her 
physicians  assured  her  that  to  go  to  that  climate 
was  to  risk  her  life.^  And  she  paid  the  forfeit 
with  her  life,  if  we  are  to  beUeve  Sainte-Marthe. 
Her  death  took  place  on  the  21st  of  December, 
1549,  after  a  sudden  illness  while  she  was  at 
Odos  in  Bigorre.^    Some  days  before  her  illness, 

'  Cf.  letter  of  Henri  II  to  Montmorency,  cit.  A.  Le- 
franc,  op.  cit.,  p.  xxiii. 

^  Or.  Fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  73-74. 

'  Sainte-Marthe  should  be  better  informed  on  this 
point  than  Brant6me,  who  says  she  died  at  the  castle 


186         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1549 

she,  to  whom  her  brother  had  appeared  in  sleep 
the  day  he  died,  felt  herself  warned,  by  a  vision, 
of  approaching  death.  Abandoning  thereupon 
all  her  activities,  she  left  the  care  of  her  affairs 
wholly  to  her  husband;  ceased  to  compose  and 
began  to  weary  of  everything.  Only  she  set  in 
order  what  might  need  it  after  her  death,  and 
wrote  at  much  length  to  those  concerned.  These 
things  accomplished,  she  fell  into  her  last  ill- 
ness, and,  having  been  much  in  torment  for 
twenty  days,  died  in  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  her 
age.^  Those  who  heard  her  converse  of  the  im- 
mortality of  the  soul  and  of  celestial  blessedness, 
before  she  departed  from  this  world,  says  Sainte- 
Marthe,  very  well  knew  that  she  feared  death 
little,  for  she  awaited  him  with  smiling  coun- 
tenance, as  knowing  well  that  he  was  near.' 
During  the  last  three  days  speech  left  her  and 
she  broke  her  silence  only  to  utter  three  times 
the  name  of  Jesus,  with  which  cry  she  died. 

The  Queen's  funeral  was  celebrated  with  much 
pomp  in  the  church  at  Lascar.'    Sainte-Marthe 

of  Andaus  in  B6arn  (i.e.  Andaux,  Basses  Pyrenees), 
CEuvres,  Vol.  viii,  p.  123. 

»  Or.  Fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  108.       ^  Ibid.,  p.  113. 

'  Cf.  G6nin,  op.  cit.,  Pieces  justificatives,  p.  457- 


1549]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  187 

did  not  compose  for  that  occasion  the  Oration 

from   which   we   have   been   quoting.     It   was 

prepared  for  a  memorial  service  to  be  held  at 

Alengon/  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  was 

pronounced  at  all,  although  it  may  have  been 

given   in   the   course   of   the   following   year.^ 

Sainte-Marthe  wrote  it  in  Latin  fifteen  days 

only  after  the  queen's  death,^  but  the  memorial 

service  was  so  delayed  that,  when  nearly  three 

months  had  passed  without  its  taking  place,* 

'  "Ut  me  Alenconii  pronuntiaretur,  si  Reginae  nostrsB 
funebris  pompa  celebrata  fuisset."  Lectori  candido. 
In  obitum  .  .  .  Margaritae  .  .  .  Navarrorum  Reginae  Oratio 
Funebris,  p.  4;  cf.  p.  587. 

*  The  G6n6alogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Marthe,  never 
wholly  reliable,  states  (fol.  26  r°)  that  it  was  pronounced : 
"L'ann^e  suivante,  k  la  priere  des  citoiens  de  la  ville 
d' Alengon,  qui  preparoient  de  celebrer  funerailles  pour 
leur  Dame,  Charles  fut  invito  de  celebrer  la  memoire  et 
vertus  de  la  Royne  par  une  Oraison  fun^raire  latine,  qu'il 
prononQa  elegamment  au  rapport  d'un  tres  fameux  his- 
torien  Jacques  Auguste,  president  de  Thou  au  Livre  B"®." 
De  Thou's  mere  "  laudavit"  is  here  embellished,  but  it  at 
least  suggests  that  the  Oration  was  delivered.  Cf.  infra, 
p.  218,  note  2.  Longuemare,  op.  cit.,  p.  46,  quotes  de  Thou, 
but  evidently  from  the  Gin^alogie  without  verification. 

'  "Note,  lecteur  que  ceste  Oraison  ut  faicte  xv  jours 
aprfes  la  mort  de  la  Royne  de  Navarre,  pour  la  prononcer 
k  Alengon."  Marginal  note,  Or.  Fun.  ...deM.de  N., 
p.  122. 

*  The  candido  lectori  is  dated  Alengonii,  Idibus  Martiis, 


188  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1550 

he  yielded  to  the  pressure  of  his  friends  and 
published,  not  only  the  Latin  version,  but  the 
vigorous  idiomatic  and  picturesque  translation 
which  has,  observes  Montaiglon  justly,  "un 
tout  autre  accent  qui  ne  s'est  pas  eteint  &  qui 
vibre  encore  aujourd'hui. "  ^  The  two  versions, 
pubhshed  simultaneously  in  April,^  were,  accord- 
ing to  Scevole  de  Sainte-Marthe,  greeted  with 
"un  grand  applaudissement  de  toute  la  France." 
There  were,  however,  in  spite  of  Scevole,  ex- 
ceptions to  "all  France,"  on  Sainte-Marthe's 
own  confession.  "C'est  pitie  d'ouir  faire  recit," 
he  writes  in  the  preface  to  his  Funeral  Oration 
for  the  Duchess  of  Beaumont,^  "de  combien  de 

1550,  In  obitum  .  .  .  Margaritas  .  .  .  Navarrorum  Regince 
Oratio  Funebris,   p.  4. 

'  Ed.  Heptameron,  Vol.  I,  p.  3. 

'  The  privilege  of  the  Latin  version  is  dated  xviii 
Cal.  Maij;  that  of  the  French  version  is  the  same,  "le 
xiiij  Apvril,"  and  its  achieve  d'imprimer  is  of  April  the 
20th. 

s  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol  2  v°.  Cf.  also  another 
passage,  "  Je  ne  fay  doubte  que,  venue  ceste  mienne  orai- 
son  funebre  en  lumiere  &  cognoissance  des  hommes,  elle 
ne  soit  lardee,  dessiree,  blamee,  reprinse,  &  du  tout  (non 
pourtant  de  touts)  condaninee;  comme  a  est6  celle  du 
trespas  de  la  Royne  de  Navarre,  mais  je  n'ay  voulu 
ressembler  au  paresseus  &  pusillanime  laboureur,  etc. 
.  .  .  Car  pour  la  crainte  des  Babillardes  femmes  qui  n'ont 


1550]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  189 

parts  ma  pauvre  oraison  a  este  assaillie,  blessee, 
degetee,  voire  &  de  plusieurs  qui  sont  plus  in- 
sipides  que  la  Bete,"  among  whom  were  not  only 
"babillardes  femmes,"  but  ''un  tas  d'envieus 
qui  n'ont  poeu  souffrir  I'histoire  de  la  vie  de  la 
defuncte  Royne  de  Navarre  estre  proposee  pour 
exemplaire  de  vertueuse  vie.  ^ 

Sainte-Marthe  is  amazingly  vindictive  on 
the  subject  of  these  detractors.  He  rejoices 
at  the  prospect  of  making  them  burst  with  spite 
as  they  read  of  virtues  in  which  they  are  wholly 
lacking,  and  as  their  conscience  tells  them  that 
no  one  will  trouble  himself  after  their  death  to 
write  their  funeral  oration,  "si  I'orateur  ne  veult 
transgresser  le  commandement  de  la  loi  des 
douze  tables  &  faire  des  vices  vertus. "  ^ 

In  the  course  of  his  Oration  for  the  Queen, 
Sainte-Marthe  takes  pains  to  mention  with 
praise  various  officials  of  her  government  and 
household.    With  most  of  these  he  was  evidently 

trouv6  goust  en  la  premiere  oraison  je  ne  laisseray  de 
mettre  ceste  cy  en  lumiere."  The  marginal  note  reads: 
"  Icy  sont  notees  les  Babillardes  envieuses  de  la  louenge 
de  la  Royne  de  Navarre."     Ibid.,  fol.  8  r°  and  v". 

'  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  19  r°. 

»  Ibid.,  fol.  8  v°,        , 


190  CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1550 

on  terms  of  personal  acquaintance,  and  the  fact 
accentuates  the  difference,  so  strikingly  obvious 
in  the  whole  tone  of  the  Funeral  Oration,  between 
the  official  and  eulogist  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre, 
a  man  of  consequence  among  his  fellows,  and  the 
persecuted  schoolmaster-poet  of  the  Paraphrases. 
He  names  Groslot,*  the  learned  chancellor  of  Alen- 
9on;  his  two  predecessors  in  office,  Brinon  and 
the  great  OUvier,  the  latter  already  chancellor  of 
France;  and  Habbot,  former  President  of  the 
Council  at  Alengon,  now  King's  Counselor  at 
Paris,  who  possessed  "une  tresferme  sev6rit6  de 
justice  conjoincte  avec  une  incredible  human- 
it^."  He  praises  the  courtesy  and  graciousness 
conjoined  with  senatorial  gravity  of  Antoine 
du  Lyon,  Jean  Prevost,  and  Frangois  Boilleau, 
judges  in  the  Alengennois  Parlement  and  per- 
spicacious patrons  of  letters;  the  prudence  and 
experience  of  Ren  6  de  Silly,  governor  of  the 
province,  the  Nestor  of  Alengon.^  Nor  does  he 
omit  the  names  of  his  own  companions  and 
colleagues  whom,  for  fear  of  flattery,  he  hesitates 

*  Cf.  Lefranc  and  Boulanger,  Comptes  de  Louise  de 
Savoie  &  de  Marguerite  d'Angouleme,  pp.  71,  82,  89. 

'  Or.  Fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  70,  81,  82,  89.  Cf. 
Lefranc  and  Boulanger,  op.  cit.,  pp.  24,  31,  39,  41,  42,  56. 


1550]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  191 

to  praise  in  terms,  —  the  Moynets,*  father  and 
son,  Thomas  le  Coutelier/  secretary  and  mattre 
des  requites,  Bonin/  Dagues,  Thorel/  Pelletier, 
Rouille,  Herve/  Farcy,  Truchon,  members  of  the 
Exchequer  and  Council.  But  he  is  especially 
eloquent  on  the  subject  of  the  wit,  doctrine,  and 
integrity  of  Matthieu  du  Pac,"  president  of  the 
Parlement  of  Beam. 

Matthieu  du  Pac  was  one  of  those  who  con- 
tributed to  the  collections  of  poems,  including  a 
number  of  his  own,  which  Sainte-Marthe  pub- 
lished at  the  end  of  the  two  versions  of  his 

*  Or.  Fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  83.  Cf.  Lefranc  and 
Boulanger,  op.  cit,  pp.  29,  32,  34,  45,  46,  51,  59,  62,  82, 
89. 

*  Or.  Fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  83.  He  it  was  to  whom 
Marguerite  dictated  a  letter  asking  news  of  the  king 
fifteen  days  after  his  death,  just  before  she  learned  of 
it  almost  by  accident.     Ibid.,  p.  104. 

*  Perhaps  identical  with  Frangois  Bonjan,  already 
secretary  in  1512.  Cf.  Lefranc  and  Boulanger,  op.  cit., 
pp.  25-28,  33-46. 

*  Abraham  Thorel,  ConseUler  since  .1539.  Cf.  ibid., 
pp.  71  and  89. 

*  Probably  the  Jacques  Herv6  who  in  1539  was  still 
icolier  pensionnaire .     Cf.  ibid.,  pp.  79  and  96. 

*  One  of  the  correspondents  of  Robert  Breton.  Pro- 
fessor at  Toulouse,  he  had  been  arrested  in  1531  on  sus- 
picion of  heresy. 


192  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1550 

Funeral  Oration.^  Nothing  could  be  more  strik- 
ing than  the  variety  of  people,  friends  of  Sainte- 
Marthe  as  well  as  proteges  of  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  whose  poems  were  united  in  these 
collections.  The  names  of  Pierre  du  Val,  bishop 
of  Seez,  recent  translator  of  the  Crito/  of 
Heroet  "le  subtil,"  ^  platonist  and  poet,  after- 
wards also  a  bishop,*  of  the  distinguished 
Frott^/  and  the  still  more  distinguished  Nicolas 
Denisot,  appear  side  by  side  with  that  of  Pierre 
des  Mireurs,  student  or  new-fledged  doctor  of 
medicine,  the  gay  companion  of  Ronsard,'  and 

'  For  Sainte-Marthe's  contributions  c/.  pp.  547-557. 
One,  a  French  quatrain,  neatly  translates  a  Latin  distich 
of  his  own. 

*  Published  in  1547. 

'  Sainte-Marthe's  epithet  for  him  in  the  Tempe  de 
France. 

*  It  will  be  remembered  that  his  Parfaicte  Amye 
was  published  in  1542.  He  became  bishop  of  Digne  in 
1552. 

*  Presumably  the  unamiable  hero  of  the  28th  Now- 
velle  of  the  Heptameron. 

*  Re  Des  Mireurs,  cf.  P.  de  Nolhac,  Documents  nouveaitx 
sur  la  Pleiade,  Rev.  d'Hist.  litt.,  1899,  pp.  356  ei  seq.; 
and  P.  Laumonier,  Ronsard,  Poete  lyrique,  Ibid.,  p.  71. 
Ronsard  mentions  him  among  the  joyous  companions 
of  the  "  folastrissime  voyage  d'Hercueil"  (1549),  (Euvres, 
Vol.  VI,  p.  362.  He  contributed  some  verses  to  the 
Ncenioe  of  S.  Macrin  (1550),  a  Latin  poem  Ad  Lectorem 


1550]  SERVICE  WITH  DUCHESS  AND  QUEEN  193 

that  of  Hubert  Sussanee,  the  dissipated  school- 
master, Sainte-Marthe's  quondam  enemy,  who 
was  withal  a  learned  man  and  the  friend  of 
most  of  the  learned  of  his  time.  The  other 
contributors  were  Jacques  Goupil,  a  physician 
versed  in  Greek ;  ^  Sainte-Marthe's  two  brothers 
Ren6  and  Louis ;  Antoine  Armande  of  Mar- 
seilles ;  ^  Pierre  Martel  of  Alengon,  one  of 
Marguerite's  numerous  secretaries ;  another 
anonymous  secretary;  and  two  persons  known' 
only  by  their  initials  I.  M,  and  A.  D.,^  the  latter 
a  "Damoyselle  Parisienne."  Sainte-Marthe's 
own  contributions  conclude  with  a  sonnet, — 
his  second  effort  of  the  kind,  —  addressed  to 
Demoiselle  Renee  Laudier  of  Alengon,  who  was 
probably  already  his  wife.. 

What  had  become  of  Mile.  Beringue  does  not 
appear.  All  that  is  certain  is  that  her  lover  was 
married  by  1550.^    In  that  year,  he  mentions  the 

exhortatio  to  Sainte-Marthe's  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medi- 
tatio  and  an  epitaph  to  his  Oraison  Funebre  .  .  .  de  Fran- 
foise  d'Alengon.    He  used  the  device  Ignoti  nulla  cwpido. 

1  laKctfjSos  FwTrvXos  {sic) .  He  contributed  two  Greek 
poems. 

^  Otherwise  unidentified. 

^  "  Set  nonnullis  iniquum  uisum  est,  me  et  uxori  copu- 
latum  .  .  .  de  rebus  sacris,  .  .  .  aliquid  mandare." 
o 


194  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE      [1550 

fact  as  a  sort  of  disability  in  a  letter  of  dedi- 
cation to  Gabriel  Puy-Herbault.  Of  the  five 
women  with  whom  Sainte-Marthe  was  intimately 
connected  in  the  course  of  his  life,  his  wife  is 
the  only  one  of  whom  we  know  absolutely 
nothing  but  her  name,  and  that  we  owe  to 
Odolant  Desnos,*  —  in  general  none  too  exact 
an  authority. 

Ca.  Sanctomar  thanits,  F.  Gab.  Putherbeo,  etc.  In  Ps.  xc. 
Meditatio  fol.  [g.  vij]  r"  of  the  unpaginated  leaves  which 
follow  the  51  paginated.     Cf.  p.  201  et  seq. 

*  Who,  however,  asserts  it  positively:  "M.  I'abbd 
Goujet  dit  qu'on  ignore  s'il  a  6t6  marie  &  M.  Dreux  du 
Radier  assure  qu'il  est  mort  gargon."  (The  latter 
statement  is  difficult  to  verify.)  "II  epousa  certaine- 
ment,  k  Alengon,  Ren6e  Laudier  d'une  tres  bonne  famille 
de  cette  ville"  (op.  cit.,  Vol.  II,  p.  546).  The  Genealogie 
de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Marthe,  fol.  29  v°,  contributes  the 
following  —  "  Charles  termina  enfin  la  cours  de  sa  vie  en 
I'age  de  quarrante  trois  ans  sans  enfans  en  la  ville 
d'Alengon  ou  il  s'etait  mari6."  Sainte-Marthe's  phrase 
"ma  soeur  et  compaigne"  in  his  sonnet  strongly  suggests 
that  he  was  already  married  in  1549. 


CHAPTER  VI 

LAST  YEARS 

Sainte-Marthe's  situation  had  become  very 
different  from  that  of  the  mere  wandering 
scholar.  A  man  with  definite  ties,  an  oflBcial 
of  importance  in  two  duchies,  he  had  also  estab- 
lished his  reputation  as  poet  by  constant  pro- 
duction of  verse,  much  to  the  taste  of  his  con- 
temporaries. In  1549  Frangois  Habert,  who, 
though  unknown  to  him,  shared  with  him  a 
common  admiration  of  Marot,^  as  also  a  view 
of  love  quite  un-marotic,  thus  addressed  him : 

A  Monsieur  de  sainde  Marthe  Poete  Frangoys 
"  Par  un  dixain  escrit  au  lieu  d'Amboyse,* 
Que  m'envoyas  ne  me  cognoissant  point 

*  Cf.  his  epistle  to  Marot,  dt.  Tilley,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  88. 
"Mais  tel  qu'il  est,  ton  humble  serf  se  tient 
Et  des  FranQoys  le  plus  grand  te  maintient 
Comme  Virgil  entre  Latins,  Homere 
Entre  les  Grecz  a  louenge  premiere." 

'  The  poem  was  probably  written  between  November 
the  13th,  1548,  when  the  Queen  of  Navarre  was  at  Ven- 
d6me,  and  January  the  16th,  when  she  was  at  Castel 
195 


196  CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE      [1550 

D'un  stile  beau  le  goust  &  la  framboyse 
J'apperceu  lors,  qui  encores  me  poingt. 
Et  ne  me  doy  esbahir  sur  ce  poinct 
De  tes  beaulx  vers  d'elegante  escriture, 
Car  des  long  temps  de  ta  fabricature 
Tant  de  polls  ouvrages  sont  yssants, 
Qu'on  seroit  bien  d'ignorante  nature 
De  ne  louer  tes  labeurs  florissants." 

—  Temple  de  Chastete,  fol.  Hij. 

Few  of  the   "polls  ouvrages"  have  survived. 

Among  them  were  three  dixains  on  the  subject  of 

love,  published  in  1543,  in  a  collection  of  poems 

to   which   a   translation  of   Nicolas    Leonique 

Thome's  Quaestiones  amatoriae  gave  its  name;* 

Jaloux  (c/.  La  Ferriere-Percy,  op.  cit.,  p.  131-133).  In  the 
interval  she  was  at  Tours,  whence  she  might  easily  have 
gone  to  Amboise.  Sainte-Marthe  was  probably  in  her 
train  at  the  time. 

1  Quaestiones  aliquot  naturales,  cum  amatoriis  problem- 
atibus  viginti.  Opuscula,  Paris,  1530.  Cf.  Brunet  and  La 
Croix  du  Maine,  art.  Nicolas  Leonique.  For  full  title  of 
the  translation  Les  questions  problematiques  du  pourquoy 
d' amours,  c/.  p.  614.  In  these  volumes  five  dixains  were 
attributed  to  Sainte-Marthe  of  which  two  are  actually 
Salel's  and  are  to  be  found  in  his  CEuvres  (1539).  One 
of  these  two  is  a  translation  from  Petrarch,  Sonnet  xciii, 
Sonetti  e  Canzoni.  The  other,  De  luy  et  Venus,  (Euvres, 
pp.  49  and  54,  has  also  in  all  probabihty  an  Italian  proto- 
tjrpe.  The  fact  of  Salel's  authorship  of  these  two  dixains 
throws  a  doubt  upon  the  remaining  three,  but  in  any  case 
their  attribution  to  Sainte-Marthe  has  its  interest.  Cf. 
pp.  355  and  356. 


1550]  LAST  YEARS  197 

and  early  in  1550^  Sainte-Marthe  contributed 
his  first  venture  in  sonnet  form,  De  la  Paix 
faicte  par  le  Roi  avec  les  Anglais,  as  a  com- 
panion to  the  Ode  de  la  Paix  which  Ronsard 
published  in  that  year.^  The  volume  contained 
also  poems  by  Goupil,  Antoine  de  Baif,  and 
Pierre  des  Mireurs.  "Leur  presence  seule  k 
cette  place,"  says  M.  Laumonier,  speaking  of 
the  contributions  of  des  Mireurs  and  Sainte- 
Marthe,  ''nous  prouve  les  liens  qui  Tunissaient 
{i.e.  Ronsard)  a  leurs  auteurs."' 

Sainte-Marthe's  acquaintance  with  Ronsard 
was  evidently  new.  It  may  be  that  he  owed  it  to 
Nicolas  Denisot,  who  was  their  common  friend. 
In  March  or  April,  1551,*  Denisot,  the  Comte 
d'Alsinois,  as   he   whimsically   styled   himself, 

'  I.e.  shortly  after  March  the  24th,  when  the  peace 
was  signed. 

^  Ode  de  la  Paix  par  Pierre  de  Ronsard,  Vendomois, 
au  roi.  Cf.  p.  616.  Sainte-Marthe's  sonnet  was  reprinted 
by  P.  Laumonier,  Chronologic  et  variantes  des  poesies  de 
Pierre  de  Ronsart,  Rev.  d'Hist.  litt.  1904,  p.  436.  M. 
Laumonier  remarks  that  this  sonnet  has  never,  to  his 
knowledge,  been  reprinted. 

'  Ronsard,  Poke  Lyrique,  p.  71. 

*  Denisot's  dedication  is  dated  the  25th  of  March,  1551. 
The  privilege  is  undated  and  there  is  no  achevS  d'imprimer. 
Cf.  Laumonier,  Ronsard,  p.  73. 


198         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1551 

republished,  under  the  title  of  Le  Tomheau  de 
Marguerite  de  Valois,  royne  de  Navarre,^  the 
Hecatodistichon, — lament  of  the  three  daughters 
of  the  Protector  Somerset  for  the  death  of  Mar- 
guerite,^ a  work  published  late  in  the  previous 
May.'  Denisot  added  translations  of  the  Eng- 
lish sisters'  Latin  distichs  into  Greek,  Italian, 
and  French,  by  himself,  Daurat,  I.  P.  D,  M.,  — 
Jean  Pierre  de  Mesmes,  Du  Bellay,  Baif,  and 
A.  D.  L.,  —  Antoinette  de  Loynes;  and  in 
this  volume  Sainte-Marthe,  republishing  two 
Latin  poems,  once  more  collaborates  with 
Ronsard,  who  is  represented  by  four  odes. 
This  was  not,  however,  Sainte-Marthe's  first 
connection  with  the  new  group  of  poets.  He 
had  already  collaborated  with  Baif  and  Daurat 
in  the  Hecatodistichon  itself,  contributing  to  the 
small  collection  of  verses  printed  with  it  five 

» Cf.  p.  621. 

^  Cf.  p.  618  et  seq.    Denisot  had  been  their  tutor. 
'  The  dedication  of  the  edition  is  dated  Calend.  Mails 
1560;  but  Sainte-Marthe  writes  in  the  poem  cit.  infra, 

"Jam  sextus  prope  mensis  est  tibi  ex  quo 
Sseva  Margaridem  abstulere  fata." 

We  must  then,  to  make  the  prope  even  remotely  applica- 
ble, suppose  the  end  of  May. 


1550]  LAST  YEARS  199 

Latin  poems,  among  them  one  of  those  reprinted 
in  the  Tomheau}  In  one  of  these  five  poems, 
a  reproach  to  the  poets  of  France  for  their 
neglect  of  Marguerite's  memory,^  to  which  they 
responded  by  their  contribution  to  the  Tom- 
heau,^ Sainte-Marthe  expresses  his  admiration  of 
Ronsard,  the  new  singer,  "recens  scriptor"  in 
lines  which  M.  Laumonier  justly  calls  dithyrambic. 
But  a  mediocre  poet  himself,  Sainte-Marthe  at 
once  recognized  the  greatness  of  the  master,  and 
hastened  to  do  him  honor.  He  addresses  him 
as  — 

"  Ronsardus  meus  ille,  quern  Minerva 

Sacrauit  sibi :  cui  suada  Pitho 

Dextro  Mercuric  irrigauit  ora, 

Qui  (nolit,  velit  inuidus)  poetas 

Inter,  conspicuus  locum  tenebit : "  * 

The  volume  of  the  Hecatodistichon  contains 
also  verses  addressed  to  Sainte-Marthe  by  his 

*  The  other  had  appeared  with  the  Latin  funeral 
oration. 

'  Ad  Gallos.  Cur  tarn  pauci  poetae  Galli  Reginam 
NauarroE  lavdant.    Op.  cit.,  p.  135.     Cf.  p.  561. 

^  Cf.  Laumonier,  Ronsard,  pp.  72  and  73;  and  Henri 
Chamard,  Joachim  du  Bellay,  pp.  242-243. 

*  Hecatodistichon,  p.  136.  Cf.  p.  559.  Cit.  Laumonier, 
Ronsard,  p.  72. 


200         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE        [1550 

brother  Louis,  Procureur  du  Roi  at  Loudun, 
and  by  his  brother  Rene/  both  of  whom  had 
already,  as  we  have  seen,  contributed  to  the 
poems  pubHshed  with  the  Funeral  Oration.  This 
collaboration,  no  doubt,  indicates  that  the  poet 
was  now  on  good  terms  with  his  family.  We 
have  indeed  another  curious  evidence  of  this. 
In  the  course  of  1550,  Sainte-Marthe  went  to 
Paris.  Perhaps  —  since  he  was  not  only  an 
admirer  of  Ronsard,  but  a  representative  of 
the  Marotic  school,  and  had  not  omitted  Saint- 
Gelais  ^  from  his  invocation  to  the  poets  of  France 
—  he  hoped  for  Court  favor.  Whatever  his 
object,  he  was  there  by  the  middle  of  April  ^  and 
there  published  or  republished  *  his  Latin  Medi- 

^  In  Margaridem  Valesiam  Ren.  Sane;  Ludovici 
Sanctomarthani  apud  luliodunum  Procuratoris  Regij  ad 
Carolum  fratrem. 

*  Cf.  p.  558.  It  is  curious  to  find  him  named  almost 
in  a  breath  with  Ronsard  at  the  moment  of  his  effort  to 
prejudice  the  Court  against  the  new  school.  Cf.  Lau- 
monier,  Ronsard,  p.  72. 

'  He  dated  thence,  le  xvii  d'Apuril,  the  dedication  of 
his  funeral  oration  on  the  Queen  of  Navarre  to  her 
daughter  and  niece.     Cf.  p.  557. 

*  This  is  suggested  by  his  remark,  "Id  sum  expertus 
in  aeditionem  meditationis  meae,"  etc.,  in  the  very  letter 
included  in  the  volume  itself.  Cf.  Rev.  des  Et.  Rab., 
1906,  p.  347. 


1550]  LAST   YEARS  201 

tation  on  the  Ninetieth  Psalm/  dedicated  to  a 
close  friend,  Gaston  Olivier/  Lord  of  Mangi, 
cousin  of  the  Chancellor/  a  friend  to  whom 
he  was  indebted  for  many  favors.  With  this 
letter  he  included  another,  dated  June  the 
19th,  addressed  to  Gabriel  Putherbeus,  i.e.  Puy- 
Herbault,^  author  of  a  notorious  and  venomous 
attack  upon  Rabelais,  who  had  responded  to  it 
by  numbering  "enragez  Putherbes"  among  the 
''monstres  difformes  et  contrefaitz"  engendered 
by  Antiphysie.^  As  Professor  Lefranc  has  re- 
marked, a  comparison  of  dates  leaves  no  doubt 
that  it  is  precisely   the   book   containing  this 

*  The  91st  in  our  version. 

'  Cf.,  p.  585,  the  conclusion  of  his  dedicatory  letter. 

'  First  cousin  of  Francois  Olivier.  He  took  his  title 
from  his  mother,  Perrette  Lopin,  Lady  of  Mangi  and 
Morganis.  Cf.  Moreri,  Diet.  Hist.;  Nouvelle  Biographic 
GSn^rale. 

*  Car.  Sanctomarthanus,  F.  Gab.  Putherbeo  Sodali 
Fontehraldensi,  S .  End  of  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Meditatio, 
fol.  [g.  vij]  r°.  Rev.  des  Et.  Rab.,  1906,  pp.  347  et  seq. 
Re  Puy-Herbault  (1490-1566),  cf.  Honorat  Nicquet, 
Hist,  de  I'Ordre  de  Fontevraud,  p.  343  et  seq.;  Carr6  de 
Busserolle,  Diet.  d'Indre  et  Loire,  Vol.  V,  p.  238  et  seq.; 
A.  Lefranc,  Rabelais,  Les  Sainte-Marthe  et  I'  "enraige" 
Putherbe,  Rev.  des  Et.  Rab. ;  and  A.  Heulhard,  Rabelais, 
Ses  Voyages  en  Italie,  son  exil  a  Metz,  p.  265  et  seq. 

*  CEuvres,  vol.  II,  p.  385. 


202  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE      [1550 

attack  upon  which  Sainte-Marthe  congratulates 
the  monk  of  Fontevrault.*  Puy-Herbault's 
Theotimus^  was  published  in  1549,  and  in  1550 
we  find  Sainte-Marthe  thus  addressing  its  author : 
"You  may  easily  perceive  by  the  letter  I  wrote 
you,  what  I  think  of  your  book,  most  humane  and 
learned  Putherbeus ;  nor  did  I  express  more  than 
is  impressed  and  fixed  in  my  mind.  I  praised 
your  eloquence,  rarer  among  men  of  your  order 
than  a  white  crow;  I  praised  the  argument  of  the 
work  most  suitable  to  our  times;  I  praised  its 
uncommon  learning  united  to  exact  judgment; 
I  praised  finally  the  Christian  piety  and  zeal 
for  our  religion  by  which,  under  God's  grace, 
you  were,  it  seems  to  me,  moved  to  write  such  a 
work.  I  know  not  how  fortunate  the  issue  of  your 
work  may  prove  to  you;  but  this  I  will  declare 
to  you  without  question  of  flattery :  I  have  seen 
no  one  up  to  this  time  who  did  not  agree  in  their 
judgment  of  your  writings.    I  may  not  doubt  in 

^  Loc.  cit.,  pp.  343-345. 

'  Theotimus,  sive  de  tollendis  et  expugnendi8  malia 
libris,  Us  prcecipue,  quos  vix  incolumi  fide  ac  pietate  pleri- 
que  legere  queant,  libri  tres.  Paris,  Jean  Roigny,  1549. 
The  passage  re  Rabelais  has  been  translated  by  A. 
Lefranc,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  339-341. 


1550]  LAST  YEARS  203 

the  least,"  he  continues,  "that  your  labors  seem 
useless  and  ridiculous  to  those  Atheists  and  Epi- 
cureans some  of  whom  you  name,  while  others  you 
leave  unnamed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  be  easily 
recognized,  painted  as  they  are  in  their  character- 
istic colors ;  but  you  touch  them  on  the  raw,  so 
that  it  is  not  wonderful  if  they  abhor  your  doc- 
trine so  contrary  to  their  tastes.  Would  that  all 
theologians  and  men  of  your  profession  might, 
like  you,  so  adorn  that  Sparta  they  have  attained 
that,  the  Diagoras  reduced  to  despair,  it  were 
no  longer  permissible  to  utter  with  freedom, 
not  to  say  passion,  either  verbally  or  in  writing, 
impiety  larded  with  poisonous  flavor.  I  had 
written  to  you  of  my  determination  to  stretch 
every  nerve  of  my  intelligence  against  such, 
nor  am  I  yet  weaned  from  this  intention;  al- 
though my  efforts,  however  honest  and  praise- 
worthy, are  condemned  by  those  whose  favor 
and  thanks  should  support  them."  ^ 

Language  of  this  sort  from  Sainte-Marthe  to 
the  author  of  a  work  whose  whole  spirit  was  en- 

*  The  letter  has  been  reprinted  by  A.  Lefranc,  loc.  ciL, 
pp.  347,  348,  and  is  therefore  not  reproduced  in  the 
Appendix  of  this  book. 


204        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE       [1550 

tirely  out  of  harmony  with  his  own, — the  Theoti- 
mus  is  in  the  main  a  virulent  attack  upon  all  that 
the  Renaissance  promised^ —  can  only  be  explained 
by  personal  interest ;  and,  however  much  one  may 
deplore  in  Sainte-Marthe  a  certain  lack  of  loyalty 
to  his  literary  as  to  his  religious  beliefs,  it  may 
safely  be  concluded  that  he  was  acknowledging 
the  prowess  of  a  champion  who  had  avenged  his 
family  from  the  immortal  ridicule  thrown  upon 
it  by  Rabelais.^  Professor  Lefranc  observes 
that  Rabelais  is  the  only  "Epicurean"  author  of 
the  time  mentioned  in  the  Theotimus,  and  that 
Sainte-Marthe's  ''Atheists  and  Epicureans"  ob- 
viously refers  to  him.  Not  only  here,  in  fact, 
but  in  the  text  of  the  Paraphrase  itself  ^  and  in 
several  of  the  scattered  poems  of  1550,  Sainte- 
Marthe  animadverts  upon  "Epicureans"  and  the 
doctrines   of    Epicurus.*      One   violent   attack 

•  Cf.  A.  Lefranc,  op.  cit.,  pp.  341,  342.  It  is  interest- 
ing to  note  the  opinion  of  an  admirer  of  that  'religieux 
.  .  .  enfroqu6  jusqu'aux  moelles,"  as  Heulhard  calls  him. 
Honorat  Nicquet  refers  to  him  as  "Lumifere  de  I'Eglise  & 
Colonne  de  la  Foy,"  and  "le  Ciceron  de  France  pour  la 
puret6  de  son  style  en  la  langue  Latine."  Op.  cit.,  p.  343 
et  seq. 

*  Cf.  A.  Lefranc,  op.  cit.,  pp.  344  and  345. 

»  Fols.  16  v°,  18  v°,  19  v°,  44  v°.    *  Cf.  pp.  548, 549, 560. 


1550]  LAST  YEARS  205 

upon  the  Atheist  and  the  Epicurean,  especially, 
seems  to  be  at  least  in  part  aimed  at  Rabelais; 
"Porro,  quum  audit  vir  pius,  blasphemam  Athei 
vocem:  Non  est  Deus;  quum  audit  eum  Evan- 
gelio  illudentem,  divinas  promissiones  ridentem, 
in  Christum  invehentem,  Angelos,  Divos,  Reges, 
Ecclesise  ministros,  Magistratus,  ac  coelum  deni- 
que  et  terram  impudenter  perstringentem,  idque 
modo  aperte  facientem,  mode  clauculum,  tincta 
salibus  et  jocis,  velut  melle,  impietate  sua,  ut 
incauti  lectores,  tanquam  Sardoam  biberint  aut 
ederint,  ridentes  insaniant,  ac  tandem  misere 
moriantur ;  quumque  audit  epicurea,  impia  et 
pecunia  illius  verba :  Ede,  bibe,  vive,  post  mortem 
nulla  voluptas :  nee  audit  solum  verumetiam  et 
scripta  legit,  quasi  vero  non  satis  impium  sit, 
epicureismum  in  animo  profiteri,  nisi  etiam 
scriptis  ad  profligatissimum  vivendi  morem 
Christiani  invitentur,  scriptis  dico,  adeo  eflfrenate 
impudicis,  ut  quantumlibet  prostituta  scorta 
pudore  suffundant,  quis  credat,  patientibus  cum 
auribus  tantas  blasphemias  audire  ac  legere 
posse  ?  "  *  If,  as  seems  plausible,  the  phrases  "  im- 
pietas"  "salibus  et  jocis  tincta,"  or  "scripta 

»  In  Ps.  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  19  v°. 


206        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE       [1550 

adeo  effrenata  impudicia,"  indicate  that  the 
description  was  intended  for  Rabelais,  this  is  but 
another  evidence  that  Sainte-Marthe  made  him- 
self on  this  occasion  the  mouthpiece  of  his  kin 
no  less  in  attacking  their  enemy  than  in  compli- 
menting their  ally.  We  may  then  suppose  that, 
whatever  bitter  causes  of  complaint  Sainte- 
Marthe  had  had  in  earlier  years,  he  now  no 
longer  cherished  any  grievance  against  his 
family. 

The  Meditation  and  the  letters  which  accom- 
pany it  shed  light  upon  Sainte-Marthe's  position 
at  this  period,  and  upon  his  opinions,  or  those,  at 
least,  which  he  chose  to  convey  as  his.  He  had 
obviously  been  accepted  by  the  authorities,  if  not 
as  a  sound  thinker,  at  least  as  one  not  too  danger- 
ous. There  was  no  further  question  of  perse- 
cution. That  bitter  experience  had  become  a 
mere  ''quibusdam  Monachis,  in  materia  religi- 
onis  negocium  f acessitum" ;  ^  but  to  many  minds 
he  was  not  yet  persona  grata.  What  had  a 
married  man  and  a  mere  jurist  to  do  with  theo- 

*  Ca.  Sandomarthanus  F.  Gab.  Putherheo  etc.  In  Ps. 
xc.  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  [g.vij]  r°.  Cit.  Rev.  des  Et.  Rab., 
1906,  p.  347. 


1550]  LAST  YEARS  207 

logical  Meditations,  or  even  with  convereations 
on  sacred  subjects?  Well,  how  is  he  then,  asks 
Sainte-Marthe,  to  give  a  reason  for  the  faith  that 
is  in  him  as  S.  Peter  commands  ?  And,  since  the 
law  designates  those  as  sacerdotes  who  are  de- 
voted to  the  study  of  Jurisprudence,  why  should 
they  defile  the  name  of  Theologian  ?  He  wishes 
—  he  makes  the  declaration  firmly  —  to  remain 
in  the  bosom  of  our  Mother  the  Church,^  and 
to  submit  to  Her  authority  and  judgment  all  his 
writings;  but  he  beseeches  the  faithful  to  re- 
ceive the  truth  and  reject  impiety  from  what- 
ever source  they  come.^  Sainte-Marthe,  so  he 
tells  Olivier,'  felt  keenly  the  decay  of  faith,  the 
dissensions  in  the  Church  and  the  growth  of  the 
sectarian  spirit,  which  had  once  so  nearly  torn 
him  from  Her  ;  and  his  sympathy  with  the 
doubtful  and  hesitating,  as  also  with  those,  so  far 

*  Ibid.  Loc.  cit.  p.  348.  "Adjutorium  Altissimi  est 
Ecclesia,"  he  declares  in  the  Meditation  itself,  fol.  14  r". 

^  Ut  quae  catholica  et  vera  erunt,  etiam  si  olitor  ea  pro- 
ferat,  sequantur;  quae  impia  erunt  etiam  si  ab  Angelo 
nuntientur,  fugiant.  Letter  to  Puy-  Herbault,  loc.  cit. 
p.  348. 

'  Carolus  Sanctomarthanus  Gastono  Oliuario  Mancii 
Domino  S.  D.  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Meditatio,  fols, 
2  r°-4  r°. 


208        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1550 

not  involved  and  entangled  in  any  labyrinth  of 
opinion,  led  him  to  wish  to  provide  for  them 
a  physician  to  sustain  the  unstable,  Hft  up  the 
fallen,  call  back  wanderers  into  the  way  and 
confirm  those  not  yet  fallen  away.  Who  should 
this  physician  be  but  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  where 
more  surely  to  be  found  than  in  the  Scriptures, 
above  all  in  the  Psalms?  These  were  to  him 
what  Pliny  was  to  Gcero.  A  man's  pleasure 
in  them  betokened  the  possession  of  grace,  as 
a  man's  pleasure  in  Pliny  betokened  for  the 
Roman  his  possession  of  learning.* 

As  for  the  Meditation  itself,  the  taint  of  un- 
orthodox opinion,  which  an  exacting  critic 
might  find  in  it,  was  offset  by  the  author's 
protestations  of  loyalty.  "Nothing  is  so  bitter 
and  hard  to  bear,"  he  writes,  "as  when  he  who 
hastens  to  defend  the  faith  against  heretics  is 
accused  of  going  over  to  them  from  the  Christian 
faith."  ^  Undue  stress  upon  the  doctrine  of 
Grace;  animadversions  upon  human  traditions 
and  reference  to  the  Scriptures  as  the  source  of 

'  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  MedUatio,  fol.  2  r°  and  v°.  Cf. 
p.  585.  =■  Ibid.,  fol.  20  r°. 

•  For  example,  re  St.  Peter,  "Quod  .  .  .  peccavit  Carnis 
fuit.  Naturae    fuit,  humanitatis    fuit  .  .  .  quod  autem 


J660J  LAST   YEARS  209 

religion;^  reflection,  somewhat  suspicious,  though 
couched  in  general  terms,  upon  the  persecutions 
of  the  world ;  ^  —  these  were  not  enough  to  damn 

Petrus,  agnita  culpa,  in  lachrymis  prorupit,  non  Petro 
id  quidem,  sed  ei  dandum  est,  qui  Petrum  oculis  pietatis 
intuitus,  ejus  animum  ad  pcenitentiam  excitavit.  Haec 
itaque  tua  sunt  opera,  Domine,  qui  quos  vis  induras,  quos 
vis  emollis,  quos  vis  eligis,  quos  non  vis  reprobas :  emollis 
autem  &  elegis  cos,  qui  te  ex  penitissimo  cordis  adfectu 
quaerunt  et  sese  ad  electionem  prseparant ;  induras  autem 
&  reprobas  quotquot  se  a  te  subducunt  et  subtrahunt," 
etc.     In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Meditatio,  fol.  34  r°  and  v°. 

^  For  example:  "Est  itaque  Dei  armatura,  non  Pha- 
risaicae  et  Deo  contraria  traditiones,  non  nostra  merita 
Fidei  expertia,  set  verbum  Dei."  Ibid.,  fol.  23  v°. 
Sainte-Marthe  takes  care  to  qualify  his  disapproval  of 
tradition:  "Quura  vero,  pro  divinis  prseceptis  rudi 
plsebeculse  traditiones  hominum  religiose  servandse 
obtruduntur  (de  illis  loquor  quae  verbo  Dei  repugnent; 
quandoquidem  quae  cum  eo  conveniunt  non  humanae 
amplius  set  divinse  censendse  sunt)  quid  agitur  aliud, 
quam  ut  a  fiducia  Dei  abducamur:  non  contempto 
solum  set  damnato  etiam  verbo  Dei?"     Ibid.  fol.  20  r°. 

2  For  example :  Quum  itaque  verbo  Dei  nitaris,  atque 
jam  non  possis  amplius  ex  traditionibus  hominum  eas 
quae  illi  adversantur  non  rijicere  ac  aspernari,  nihil  a 
Mundo  atque  mundanis  omnibus  expectare  debes,  quam 
adversa  omnia.  Te  igitur  Mundus  a  sinistra  parte  im- 
petet:  atque  ut  relicto  Dei  verbo  suis  placitis  adhaereas, 
carcerem,  infamiam,  vincula,  plagas,  exilium,  rerum 
jacturam,  ac  mortem  etiam  crudelissimam  intermina- 
bitur.  Quod  si  sese  videat  nihil  suis  minis  efl5cere  ac 
consequi  posse,  atque  sis  animo  obfirmato,  non  te  prius 


210        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE       [1550 

the  work  of  a  man  who  now  emphatically  de- 
clared that  there  was  no  hope  of  salvation  out 
of  the  Church.^  Sainte-Marthe,  in  fact,  looked 
for  no  censure  except  from  those  whose  habit  it 
was  to  mahgn  every  production,  "  qui  scripta 
trahunt  in  calumniam  omnia."  ^ 

Sainte-Marthe,  as  we  learn  from  his  dedicatory 
letter  to  Olivier,  was  still  in  Paris  in  early  July.^ 
He  had,  however,  left  it  by  September  when  his 
patroness,  the  Duchess  of  Beaumont,  died  at  La 
Fleche.*  Evidently  Sainte-Marthe  was  present. 
He  reports  with  particularity  the  peace  of  that 
departure.  About  midnight  the  Duchess  sent 
for  all  her  officers  and  principal  servants,  and 
thus  addressed  them :  ''  Mes  amis,  dorenavant  n'y 
aura  plus  de  difference  entre  vous  et  moy;  j'ay 

toilet  e  medio  quam  tentaverit  blanditiis  ad  suas  partes 
allicere.  Proponet  enim  honores  tibi  ac  populi  applausus, 
pingues  proventus,  atque  vitam  inter  prsestabiles  pacifi- 
cam.  Ac  simul  te  adscribet  in  numerum  filiorum  aeternsB 
vitae.  Addet,  sese  commodi  salutisque  tuae  adeo  studio- 
sum  esse,  ut  te  a  tua  opinione  in  suam  pertrahere,  nisi 
summo  tuo  bono  non  velit.  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medi- 
tatio,  fol.  29  r°  and  v°. 

'  Ibid.,  fol.  14  r°. 

^  Letter  to  Olivier,  ibid.,  fols.  3  v°  and  4  r°. 

*  The  letter  to  Olivier  is  dated  thence  quarto  Idus  lulij. 

*  On  September  the  4th,  cet.  59. 


1550]  LAST   YEARS  211 

este  grande,  je  ne  suys  plus  que  la  plus  petite 
de  vous.  Je  sens  que  c'est  faict  de  moy;  je  vous 
prie  me  pardonner  &  prier  Dieu  pour  moy."  The 
interview  over,  and  the  last  rites  performed, 
Frangoise  told  her  physicians,  chief  among 
them  Jacques  Hibou,  from  whom  her  panegyrist 
doubtless  got  this  information,  that  they  might 
do  what  lay  in  them  for  the  good  of  her  body, 
but  that,  as  for  her  soul,  that  was  ready  to  de- 
part; and  turning  on  her  side  she  gave  up  the 
ghost  in  sweet  sleep.^ 

Sainte-Marthe  composed  a  funeral  oration 
for  this  patroness  which  is,  with  all  its  merits, 
inferior  to  that  for  the  Queen  of  Navarre. 
An  apologist,  not  this  time  for  opinion  but  for 
faults  of  conduct  hard  to  condone,  the  panegyrist 
of  a  character  wholly  different  from  that  of  the 
Queen,  Sainte-Marthe  had,  in  fact,  a  less  conge- 
nial task  before  him.  And  the  later  Oration, 
although  a  learned,  vigorous,  and  picturesque 
performance,  lacks  altogether  that  touch  of 
spirituahty  almost  mystic,  which  informs  the 
Oration  for  Marguerite.  Like  the  latter,  this 
Oration  too  was,  it  is  probable,  never   deliv- 

1  Or.  Fun.  de  .  .  .  Fr.  d'A.,  fols.  42  v°^3  v". 


212         CHARLES   DE   SAEsTTE-MARTHE        [1550 

ered/  but  was  published  at  Paris  in  the  course 
of  the  year. 

Sainte-Marthe  himself,  however,  went  to  Alen- 
9on  and  thence  dated  the  avis  au  lecteur  on  the 
12th  of  October.  He  felt  that,  with  the  death 
of  his  patroness,  he  had  lost  all  hope  of  prefer- 
ment, "veu  qu' Avarice  ha  ce  iourd'huy  telle- 
ment  occupe  domination  au  cceur  d'aucuns 
Princes  que  les  lettres  ny  doivent  plus  attendre 
des  Mecoenes  nes  des  Augustes."  ^  These  senti- 
ments did  injustice  to  Antoine  de  Bourbon, 
"la  fleur  de  la  tresnoble  &  tresillustre  maison 
de  Vendosme,  fleur  de  bonte,  de  candeur,  de 
liberalite,  d'humilite,  &  de  toutes  les  vertus  qui 
sont  necessaires  a  la  decoration  d'un  vray 
Prince,"  according  to  Sainte-Marthe's  not  too 
disinterested  tribute.^  The  young  prince  had 
reason  for  attachment  to  Sainte  Marthe,  no  less 
on  his  wife's  account  than  on  his  mother's;  and, 
despite  the  weakness  and  vanity  which  had  made 

^  No  mention  is  made  on  the  title-page  of  its  having 
been  delivered.  The  Gen^alogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte- 
Marthe,  fol.  27  r°,  describes  it  as  "  prononc6e  en  la  villa 
d'Alengon,  au  mois  d'octobre  1550,  et  peu  apres  publi6e 
en  frangois  par  nostre  Charles."  This  testimony  should, 
however,  be  received  with  caution. 

2  Or.  fun.  de  .  .  .  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  8  r°.    »  IbU.,  fol.  38  r°. 


1550]  LAST  YEARS  213 

the  Queen  of  Navarre  so  averse  to  her  daughter's 
marriage  with  him,  he  seems  to  have  had  a 
genuine  Hking  for  the  society  of  men  of  letters. 
So  much  is  indicated  by  the  tradition,  however 
ill-founded,  which  would  have  him  carouse  at  Pre- 
patour  with  young  Ronsard  and  old  Rabelais.^ 
It  may  have  been  to  his  good-will  that  Sainte- 
Marthe  owed  his  continuance  in  office  as  Lieu- 
tenant Criminel  of  Alengon,  a  post  he  still  held 
in  1553  when  he  succeeded  to  the  estates  of 
Chasserat  and  I'lsle  Bremant,  and  the  fief  of 
Noguette:  his  share  of  the  property  left  by  his 
father,  Gaucher,  who  died  in  1551.^  It  was 
certainly  to  Antoine  that  he  owed  his  reappoint- 
ment as  Procureur  General  of  the  duchy  of 
Beaumont,  a  post  carrying  with  it  a  revenue  of 
a  hundred  and  forty-nine  livres  a  year.  The 
patent  of  Sainte-Marthe's  reappointment  to 
this  office  is  of  the  January  following  the 
Duchess's  death,  and  confers  upon  him  also  the 
title  of  Conseiller  to  the  Duke.^    The  document 

*  Cf.  L'abb6  Simon,  Hist,  de  Venddme  &  ses  environs, 
Vend6me,  1834,  Vol.  I,  p.  304. 

^  Cf.  Genealogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Marthe,  fol. 
41  v°;  A.  Lefranc,  loc.  cit.,  pp.  346  and  347. 

'  It  is  dated  January,  1550,  i.e.  1551.    Cf.  p.  590  et  seq. 


214         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1550 

not  only  speaks  of  the  "bonne  et  entiere  con- 
fiance"  which  Antoine  placed  in  Sainte-Marthe, 
and,  as  usual,  of  his  sense,  sufficiency,  literature, 
and  fidelity,  but  also  of  the  services  which  he 
had  rendered  to  his  former  mistress. 

A  copy  of  one  of  the  Procureur  General's  early 
official  acts  under  his  new  lord  has  been  pre- 
served. In  the  summer  of  1550,  Henri  II.  had 
appointed  two  commissioners  to  sell  the  waste 
lands  and  commons  of  Anjou  and  Maine.  In 
November  these  commissioners,  Frangois  Boyleve 
and  Julien  Teste  "diet  de  Bretagne,"  in  pursu- 
ance of  their  commission,  proclaimed  the  sale 
of  various  waste  lands  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  duchy  of  Beaumont.  Sainte-Marthe's  duty 
required  that  he  should  remonstrate  on  behalf 
of  the  Duke.  He  prepared  a  brief,  demanding 
a  stay  of  proceedings  until  the  case  could  be 
heard,  and  putting  on  record  the  remonstrance 
of  the  Duke  and  the  formal  announcement  of 
his  appeal  to  the  courts.  He  attempted  to  plead 
the  cause  at  the  very  moment  the  commissioners 
were  proceeding  to  the  allotment  of  the  com- 
mons; but  such  was  the  clamor  of  the  people, 
and  the  impatience  of  the  commissioners,  that 


1550]  LAST  YEARS  215 

he  was  unable  to  proceed.  He  therefore  de- 
livered the  brief  to  Boyleve  and  Teste  as 
they  were  coming  out  from  dinner  next  day, 
November  the  7th,  at  the  inn  at  Fresnoy,  in  spite 
of  their  objection  that  it  contained  more  than 
he  had  pleaded.  They  completed  their  sales  on 
the  following  day,  although  as  late  as  the  18th 
of  the  month  Sainte-Marthe  again  approached 
Boyleve  to  object  on  technical  grounds;* 
and  within  the  next  five  years  all  the  common 
lands  of  Maine  were  inventoried  and  sold.^  Yet 
another  official  procedure  of  Sainte-Marthe's, 
"une  procedure  qu'il  fit  sure  les  Articles  de  la 
Vicomt6  de  Domfront,"  has  left  its  traces  in  the 
family  biography,  but  no  information  about  it  is 
available.^ 

*  For  these  details,  c/.  pp.  593  and  594. 

'  "  Etat  des  Landes  du  Maine  appartenant  au  domaine, 
1553-54."  "  Ventes  des  Landes  du  Maine  1554-1555." 
These  two  documents  are  noted  in  Anjubault's  catalogue, 
as  in  the  municipal  archives,,  Ziasse  38. 

^  Genealogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Marthe,  fol.  27  v°. 
It  must  be  this  passage  which  M.  de  Longuemare  ex- 
pands into  "prenant  toujours  avec  une  grande  ardeur 
I'interfet  de  son  prince,  aussi  que  nous  le  prouve  la  fa5on 
dont  il  s'occupa  de  certaines  difBcult^s  survenues  dans  le 
vicomt6  de  Domfront,  difficult^  qui  ne  furent  r^solues 
que  gr^ce  au  zble  du  procureur  g^n^ral,"  op.  cit.,  p.  47. 


216         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE        [1555 

However  much  his  official  duties  may  have 
taken  him  into  the  duchy  of  Beaumont,  Sainte- 
Marthe's  last  years  were  probably  mostly  spent 
at  Alengon,  and  it  was  there  that  he  died  quite 
suddenly  in  1555,  at  the  early  age  of  forty-three. 
"Mais  peu  de  temps  apres,"  thus  Colletet,  em- 
broidering Scevole's  account,  "il  se  sentit  presse 
luy  mesme  de  suivre  sa  bonne  Maitresse.  Car, 
comme  il  estoit  d'une  humeur  extremement  san- 
guine, une  abondance  de  sang  sortie  de  ses  veines 
avec  \'iolence  et  impetuosite  malgre  les  vaisseaux 
qui  le  contenoient  ayant  esteint  sa  chaleur  natu- 
relle,  il  en  f  ut  suff  oque  tout  a  coup  &  en  mourut  en 
la  fleur  de  son  aage,  I'an  1555."  *  He  was  buried 
in  Alengon.^  He  left  no  children.^  His  widow, 
sought  in  marriage  by  Rene  Rouxal  Sieur  de 
Baville  &  d'Aubry,  left  a  son  who  became, 
as  Captain  Jullien,  a  soldier  of  repute.  The 
legitimacy  of  the   son   was    contested   by  the 

» Cf.  p.  518. 

^  The  G^nealogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Marthe, 
fol.  29  v° ;  Dreux  du  Radier,  op.  cit. ;  and  the  Biographie 
Universelle,  are  authorities  for  the  fact  of  his  death  at 
Alen9on.  The  Gen^alogie  alone  states  that  he  was  buried 
there. 

'  So  Moreri,  loc.  cit.,  and  the  Ginialogie  de  la  Maison 
de  Sainte-Marthe,  fol.  29  v°. 


1555]  LAST  YEARS  217 

family  of  Medavy,  and  one  of  the  reasons  ad- 
duced has  its  interest  as  showing  the  leanings  of 
Sainte-Marthe's  entourage.  It  was  that  the 
parents'  marriage  took  place  in  the  "protestant 
church."  ^  Sainte-Marthe's  wife,  then,  had  evi- 
dently more  definite  affiliation  with  the  reformers 
than  her  husband. 

Whatever  his  position  may  have  been  with 
regard  to  these,  there  is  no  uncertainty  as  to 
Sainte-Marthe's  place  among  the  savants  of  his 
time.  He  was,  as  we  have  seen,  the  friend  of 
many  of  the  learned.  The  family  genealogist 
indeed,  represents  him  as  praised,  not  only  by 
Scdve,  Dolet,  and  Faucher,  as  we  know  in  fact 
that  he  was,  but  by  Marot,  whom  it  would  be 
pleasant  to  think  of  as  expressing  his  appreciation 
of  his  disciples'  admiration,  as  well  as  by  Bude, 
Faber  (?),^  Vatable,  Tussaint,  Pierre  Paschal, 
and  de  Thou,  adding  that  he  is  mentioned  in 
the  History  of  the  University  of  Paris.^  Much 
of  this,  however,  if  possible  to  believe,  is  diffi- 

'  Odolant  Desnos,  loc.  cit.,  is,  however,  the  only 
authority  for  these  facts,  and  his  testimony  must  be 
received  with  caution. 

2  Op.  cit.,  fol.  30  r°. 


218        CHARLES  DE   SAEsTTE-MARTHE 

cult  to  verify*  and  probably  exaggerated.  De 
Thou's  mention  of  Sainte-Marthe  is  too 
casual  to  count  as  "praise";  Du  Boulay's,  while 
fuller,  is  scarcely  important.^  Sainte-Marthe's 
reputation  appears,  then,  on  the  whole,  to  have 
been  brilliant  in  certain  narrow  circles,  but  little 
extended.  He  had  no  place  at  Court  like  Colin, 
Marot,  La-Maisonneuve,  Macault,  La  Borderie, 

*  I  have  made  every  effort  to  do  so  without  avail,  ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  de  Thou  and  Du  Boulay.  The  gene- 
alogist probably  spoke  loosely.  Re  Marot,  cf.  supra, 
p.  108,  note  3.  In  Bud^'s  case  the  genealogist  may  have 
confused  Charles  with  his  brother  Jacques,  but  even  here 
the  praise  was  on  the  other  side.  Cf.  p.  12,  n.  1.  M.  de 
Longuemare,  op.  cit.,  p.  48,  repeats  the  whole  list,  ap- 
parently without  verification. 

^  "  Mortuam  funebri  orationelaudavitCarolusSammar- 
thanus."  Thus  de  Thou  (p.  209)  in  the  London  Edition 
(1733)  of  his  History  which,  in  this  locus,  gives  no  vari- 
ants. He  does  not  even  mention  Sainte-Marthe  in  the 
preceding  passage  dealing  with  the  Hecatodistichon,  "quod 
Joan.  Auratus,  Joachimus  Bellaius,  Joan.  Antonius 
Baifius,  Nic  Denisot,  praeclara  Galliae  nostrae  ingenia, 
.  .  .  expresserunt."  The  passage  stands  thus  also  in  the 
Orleans  ed.  of  1620  (p.  177).  In  editions  of  1604  and 
1609  it  does  not  occur  at  all. 

Du  Boulay's  account  runs  as  follows :  "  Ex  eadem 
Gente  Carolus  Sammarthanus,  Scevolae  Patruus,  luris 
consultus,  plurimas  laudationes  habuit  &  scripsit.  Edidit 
quoque  libros  tresdePoesi  (a)  Gallica  &  floruit  ab  an.  cir- 
citer  1540."     Hist.  Univ.  Paris,  Vol.  VI,  p.  972. 


LAST  YEARS  219 

Salel,  Herberay ;  ^  he  is  not  mentioned  by  Pas- 
quier^  among  that  "infinite  de  bons  esprits  que 
I'exemple  de  Frangois  premier  excita  a  bien 
faire,"  nor  by  Sibilet  in  his  Art  PoMique,  nor  yet 
by  Des  Masures  in  his  ode  to  Joachim  du  Bellay,' 
nor  by  the  humble  Paul  Angier  in  his  address  to 
his  betters,  "  tres-scientificques  poetes,  Marot, 
Sainct  Gelais,  Heroet,  Sabel  (sic),  Borderie, 
Rabelais,  Sceve,  Chapuy,  &  aultres  poetes,"* 
published  only  two  years  after  Sainte-Marthe's 
death,  although  its  author  names  poets  of  both 
the  old  and  new  schools.  Again,  in  Fontaine's 
Etrennes  to  his  fellow-poets  for  the  year 
1555,^  Sainte-Marthe  is  omitted  from  a  com- 
pany catholic  enough  to  include  Saint-Gelais, 
Sceve,  Ronsard,  du  Bellay,  Jodelle,  Pontus 
de  Thyard,  Olivier  de  Magny,  Remy  Belleau, 
Claude  Chappuis,  Tahureau,  and   Bonaventure 

*  All  mentioned  by  Claude  Chappuis  in  his  Discours 
de  la  Court. 

^  Recherches  de  la  France,  Chaps.  V  and  VI. 

'  A  Joachim  du  Bellay  Ang.,  (Euvres,  pp.  15-21.  Saint 
Gelais,  Herberay,  Rabelais,  Jacques  Pelletier,  Salel, 
Marot,  Macrin,  Carles,  Colin,  Jean  Martin,  and,  finally, 
Ronsard  are  there  named. 

*  he  mespris  de  la  Cour,  (1544)  fol.  [hv]  v°. 

*  Les  Ruisseaux  de  Fontaine,  pp.  198-203. 


220         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

du  Tronchet.  It  was  indeed  the  year  of  Sainte- 
Marthe's  sudden  death,  but  even  if  that  antici- 
pated the  publication  of  Fontaine's  volume, 
the  omission  of  all  mention  of  it  appears  a  little 
singular.  On  the  other  hand,  we  find  his  por- 
trait in  a  collection  of  engraved  portraits  of 
famous  men ;  Portraitz  de  pludeurs  hommes 
Ulustres  qui  ont  flory  en  France  depuis  Van  1500 
jusques  a  present.  This  presentment  brings  out 
that  contemplative  austerity  which,  for  all  his 
eloquence,  even  for  all  his  impulsiveness,  must 
have  been  Sainte-Marthe's  prevailing  character- 
istic. Extremely  small,  it  represents  a  man  of 
about  forty  with  a  pointed  beard,  of  a  decidedly 
severe  cast  of  countenance,  the  nose  long,  the 
forehead  high  and  slightly  bald.  Among  the 
descriptive  marginal  notes  accompanying  the 
portraits,  Briefs  eloges  des  hommes  Ulustres  des- 
quels  les  pourtraits  sont  icy  representez.  Par 
Gabriel    Michel    Angevin,   adv.    en    Parlement,^ 

'  Gabriel  Michel  de  la  Rochemaillet.  So  Leiong  and 
the  Genealogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-M arthe  (fol.  3)  name 
Michel.  He  was  probably  the  father  of  Rene  Michel  de 
la  Rochemaillet.  Cf.  p.  2.  The  extremely  rare  folio 
sheet  containing  one  hundred  and  forty-six  portraits,  and 
Michel's  brief  biographies  was  made  in  1622.     No  name 


LAST  YEARS  221 

that  devoted  to  Sainte-Marthe  thus  simply 
describes  him :  "Charies  de  Saincte  Marthe, 
Poitevin,  oncle  de  ce  grand  Sc^vole  de  Saincte 
Marthe  lumiere  de  nostre  siecle,  fut  Lieutenant 
Criminel  d'Alengon,  Poete  Latin  et  frangois 
beaucoup  renomm^/  qui  mourut  environ  Taage 
de  40  ans,  1555." 

of  artist  or  engraver  appears  on  the  portraits,  but  the 
ornamental  border  is  signed  /.  le  Clerc.  excu.  Leclerc 
dedicates  his  work  to  Jacques  de  la  Guesle.  The  copy  in 
the  Bibliotheque  Nationale  is  included  (folded)  in  a  vol- 
ume entitled  Diverses  Pieces.  Recueil  Giniral  des  Pieces 
detachees,  &  Figures  qui  regardent  La  Ligue,  La^^b.  The 
sheet,  under  its  title  of  Briefs  Eloges,  is  mentioned  by  the 
Pfere  Lelong,  not  however  by  Brunet.  There  is  a  copy 
in  the  Chatsworth  library  inserted  in  the  Chronologic 
generate  or  Thidtre  d'Honneur,  a  sort  of  album  of  portraits 
and  descriptions  cut  out  of  other  books  and  pasted  to 
form  new  pages. 

'  The  word  is  illegible  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale 
copy. 


Part  II 

CHAPTER  I 
La  Poesie  Francoise 

IMITATION   OF   MAROT   AND   PETRARCHISM 

It  is  almost  a  platitude  that  the  word  "  fore- 
runner "  should  be  used  with  caution.  Ideas,  it 
has  been  said,  belong  to  those  who  develop 
them,  yet  ideas  are  often  afloat  in  the  minds  of 
a  generation  before  they  find  adequate  or  tell- 
ing expression,  and  a  mind  incapable  of  causing 
them  to  germinate  may  be  the  first  to  give 
evidence  of  their  influence.  "II  n'y  a  rien  de 
plus  frequent  que  cette  espece  d'inconscience 
ou  d'ingenuite ; "  a  great  critic  has  written, 
"nous  en  verrons  de  nombreux  exemples  dans 
rhistoire  de  la  litterature  fran9aise,  meme 
classique;  et  tous  les  jours  un  ^crivain  effleure 
en  passant  une  idee,  dont  ce  n'est  pas  lui,  mais 
un  plus  heureux  ou  un  plus  habile  qui  verra 
222 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  223 

sortir  les  consequences."  ^  Sainte-Marthe  offers 
a  case  in  point.  An  intelligence  assuredly  not 
of  the  first  rank,  a  poet  more  than  mediocre,  he 
yet,  in  his  Poesie  Francoise  seized  upon  ideas 
which  the  members  of  the  P16iade  were  to  make 
famous,  and  gave  them  such  expression  as  he 
could. ^  So  far  as  theories  are  concerned,  it  is 
not  difficult  to  prove  Sainte-Marthe  in  more 
than  one  particular  a  true  forerunner  of  that 
group  which  set  what  seemed  so  new  a  standard 
for  the  French  language  and  literature.  Du 
Bellay  and  Ronsard  were  concerned  to  enrich 
and  illustrate  their  mother  tongue;  nine  years 
before  them,  Sainte-Marthe  showed  the  same 
concern.  The  poets  of  the  Pleiade  owed  much 
to  that  Platonism  which  left  profound  traces  in 
their  work  even  though  they  forsook  and  denied 
it ; '  Sainte-Marthe  in  1540  showed  the  influence 

*  F.  Brunetifere,  Hist,  de  la  liit.  frangaise  class.,  Vol.  I, 
p. 185. 

*  "  L'avfenement  de  la  P16iade,  succ^dant  k  I'ecole  de 
Marot,  ne  s'explique  que  si  I'on  tient  compte  de  revolution 
qui  s'etait  accomplie  anterieurement  dans  la  manifere  de 
penser  et  de  sentir  des  classes  eclairees."  A.  Lefranc, 
Le  Platonisme  et  la  Litterature  en  France  a  I'ipoque  de  la 
Renaissance,  Rev.  d'Hist.,  litt.  Jan.  1891,  p.  2. 

^  W.  A.  R.  Kerr,  tracing  out  the  influence  of  Renais- 


224         CHARLES   DE    SAINTB-MARTHE 

of  Platonism  at  its  very  dawn  in  France,  and  ten 
years  afterward  produced  what  has  been  called 
a  magnificent  monument  of  the  Platonism  of 
the  French  Renaissance.^  Petrarchism  was  an 
essential  element  of  the  new  poetry;  in  1540 
Sainte-Marthe  was  already  a  Petrarchist.  New 
meters  were  the  pride  of  the  Pleiade;  ten  years 
before  them,  Sainte-Marthe  made  use  of  one  at 
least,  and  dabbled  besides  in  Alexandrines.^  Du 
Bellay  in  the  Deffence  paid  a  tribute  to  the  in- 
dustrious translators  of  the  previous  reign  who 
had  made  the  French  language  a  ''fidele  inter- 
prete  de  tous  les  autres,"  even  though  he  felt 
that  translation  could  never  be  a  means  "unique 
et  suffisant,  pour  elever  nostre  vulgaire  a  Tegal 
et  parangon  des  autres  plus  fameuses  langues; "  ' 

sance  Platonism  on  each  poet  of  the  P16iade  (except 
Daurat,  a  negligible  quantity),  has  shown  that  Ronsard, 
despite  certain  concessions  to  it,  found  it  in  the  main 
antipathetic,  as  did  Belleau,  Baif,  and  Jodelle,  while 
Du  Bellay  definitely  reverted  from  it,  and  Pontus  du 
Thyard's  interest  in  it  was  soon  spent.  The  Pleiade  and 
Platonism,  Modern  Philology,  Vol.  V,  pp.  407-421. 

*  A.  Lefranc,  Marguerite  de  Navarre  et  le  Platonisme  de  la 
Renaissance,  Bib.  de  I'Ecole  des  Chartes,  Vol.  LIX,  p.  754. 

2  C/.  infra,  pp.  232  and  n.  2. 

'  Deffence  et  Illustration  de  la  Langue  Francoyse,  pp. 
78  and  82. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  225 

and  Sainte-Marthe  anticipated  him  in  the  very 
sentiment.^  He  himself  was  also  among  these 
translators ;  for,  although  his  work  was  not 
published  or  has  not  survived,  we  know  from 
the  dedication  of  his  poems  to  the  Duchess 
of  Etampes  that  he  intended  to  publish  parts 
of  Theocritus  which  he  had  translated.^  The 
humanism,  indeed,  in  which  the  Pleiade  steeped 
itself,  and  which,  in  France,  had  been  growing 
with  the  century,  had  no  more  ardent  disciple 
than  Sainte-Marthe : 

"  Homme  scavant  estre  dire  ne  m'ose, 
Mais  mon  esprit  sur  les  lettres  repose, 
Sa  vie  est  1^,  1^  est  tout  son  soulas, 
D'y  travailler  ne  sera  jamais  las. " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  149. 

Such  is  the  modest  account  he  gives  of  his  learn- 
ing, and  learning,  in  Sainte-Marthe's  parlance, 
could  mean  nothing  but  knowledge  of  the  clas- 

1  Cf.  infra,  p.  257. 

^  "Auquel  si  aggreablement  elle  {i.e.  "ceste  mienne 
vaine  et  jeune  fatigue")  se  veoit  quelque  foy  pervenue,  te 
pourra  mettre  [hers  ?]  plus  haulte,  non  toute  foy  sienne, 
invention,  qui  est  partie  de  la  traduction  de  ce  Bucco- 
liquain  Theocrite,  elegante  imitation  de  nostre  grand 
Poete. "     P.  F.,  p.  5.     Cf.  p.  563. 

Q 


226        CHARLES  DE  SAESfTE-MARTHE 

sics.  These  instances  are  hardly  needed  to 
prove  Sainte-Marthe  extraordinarily  receptive  to 
the  intellectual  currents  of  his  time.  We  have 
seen  with  what  eagerness  he  took  his  share 
in  the  "Querelle  des  femmes,"  how  facile  was  his 
inclination  to  the  doctrines  of  the  new  Reform ; 
and  it  is  not  surprising  that  he  should  be  as 
quick  to  reflect  the  influences  which,  even  at  this 
date,  were  making  themselves  felt  in  the  litera- 
ture of  France.  Had  his  quick  response  to  the 
impulses  of  his  time  found  its  earliest  expres- 
sion in  prose,  Sainte-Marthe  might  have  left  a 
greater  mark  upon  his  generation,  for  in  prose  he 
showed  himself  talented  even  to  a  supreme 
degree;  but  it  was  unfortunately  in  verse  that 
he  first  chose  to  express  himself,  and  there  his 
gifts  were  lamentably  small,  even  judged  by  the 
performance  of  his  contemporaries. 

Although  Sainte-Marthe  had  put  forth  some 
fugitive  verse  in  Latin,  and  probably  also  in 
French,  before  1540,  his  volume  of  that  year,  La 
Poesie  Francoise  de  Charles  de  Saincte-Marihe, 
was  his  first  elaborate  publication.  An  appre- 
ciative friend  —  a  certain  Chevalier  Grenet  — 
thus  expressed  his  admiration  of  it : 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  227 

"  Le  vray  Poete  a  deux  conditions 
En  ses  escripts,  par  lesquels  il  est  rare : 
C'est  de  n'user  de  maledictions, 
Qui  monstrent  bien  que  de  meurs  est  Barbare, 
Puis  de  n 'avoir  invention  avare 
Sur  le  desir  de  la  Concupiscence.  ' 

Avec  ces  deux,  une  grande  Science 
Rend  le  Poete  entierement  facund. 

Si  nous  voulons  les  escripts  fonder  en  ce 
En  France  n'a  Saincte  Marthe  second. " 
—  Le  Chevalier  Grenet,  sur  la  Poesie  de  S.  Marthe.    Livre 
de  ses  Amys,  P.F.,p.  237. 

Grenet,  however,  —  aptly  illustrating  in  this 
dixain  the  Renaissance  confusion  of  learning  and 
creative  power  no  less  than  its  puristic  con- 
ception of  art,  —  somewhat  hastily  credits  with 
freedom  from  "maledictions"  a  poet  who  is  at  his 
best  when  inclining  to  these ;  but  he  is  exact  in 
the  last  two  respects.  The  chastity  of  Sainte- 
Marthe's  verse  is  marked,  even  —  for  his  age  — 
singular;  and  of  his  learning,  as  his  reputation, 
and  indeed  his  later  work,  witnesses,  there  is 
equally  little  doubt,  though  his  display  of  it  in 
this  first  essay  is  small.  Apart  from  Plato, 
with  whose  ideas  he  seems  to  have  been  already 
familiar,  the  list  of  classic  authors  with  whom 
he  here  shows  acquaintance  is  no  more  extended 


228         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

than  to  include  Theocritus,  Ovid,  Horace, 
Homer,  Plutarch,  the  invaluable  ^lian*  and 
Stobaeus,^  with  perhaps  Pausanius  or  Strabo.^ 

The  Poesie  Francoise  is  divided  into  three 
books.  The  first*  contains,  according  to  its 
heading,  epigrams:  a  title  which,  if  it  may 
reasonably  be  made  to  include  a  virelay,  A  un 
usurier,  Virlay;  triolets,  A  un  grand  prometteur 
sans  effect;  and  an  Epitaphe  de  feu  Monsieur 
maistre  Foulcaud  Mosnier  procureur  de  Fonte- 
vrauU,^  is  somewhat  strained  by  the  insertion 
of  a  Paraphrase  du  Pseaulme  120  of  seven  four- 
lined  stanzas;    a  poem  of  fourteen  four-lined 

'  Translated  extracts  from  ^lian  had  appeared  in 
Lyons  seven  years  earlier,  and  gone  into  a  second  edition 
in  1535.  Ex  ^.  Historia  per  P.  Gyllium  Latine  Facti, 
itemque  ex  Porphyrio,  Heliodoro,  Oppiano  .  .  .  Libri  xvi, 
Lyons,  1533.  Sainte-Marthe  was  chiefly  indebted  to  this 
volume  (the  only  edition  of  iElian  so  far  issued)  for  his 
description  of  the  Vale  of  Tempe,  P.  F.,  p.  197. 

*  Trincavelli's  ed.  Venice,  1536.  For  Sainte-Marthe's 
later  debts  to  Stobaeus  cf.  infra,  pp.  369-374.  The  refer- 
ences in  the  P.  F.  are  an  interesting  indication  of  the 
rapidity  with  which  an  Italian  edition  could  become 
accessible  to  scholars  in  France  —  at  least  in  Lyons. 

»  Cf.  P.  F.,  p.  24,  32,  61,  134,  200,  et  passim. 

*  Le  Premier  Livre  de  la  Poesie  Francoise  de  Charles  de 
Saincte  Marthe,  contenant  les  Epigrammes,  P.  F.,  pp.  7-80. 

*  P.  F.,  pp.  64,  63,  53. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  229 

stanzas  entitled  Le  Philalethe,  c'est  adire  Amy 
de  verite,  blazonne  son  Amye;  and  another  of 
five  seven-lined  stanzas,  which  might  well  have 
been  included  among  the  elegies:  A  la  Ville 
d' Aries  en  Provence,  d'ou  est  natifve  Madamoiselle 
Beringue  s'Amie.  En  forme  de  complainte}  The 
second  book  contains  rondeaux  and  ballades/ 
one  a  balade  double^  and  one  Couplets  unisonants, 
avec  refrain,  en  maniere  de  Balade.*  The  third 
book/  which  forms  the  bulk  of  the  volume,  con- 
sists of  epistles  (one  of  them  &  coq  h  I'dne^)  and 
elegies,  the  elegies  being  sharply  divided  from 
the  epistles  by  a  separate  avis  au  lecteurJ    The 

1  P.  F.,  pp.  48,  40,  25. 

*  Le  Second  Livre  de  la  Poesie  Francoise  de  Charles 
de  Saincte  Marthe,  contenant  Rondeaux,  Balades  &  chant 
Royaulx,  P.  F.,  pp.  81-112.  The  Au  Lecteur,  p.  223,  directs 
"oste  chant  royaulx." 

^  Balade  double,  contenant  la  promesse  de  Christ,  sa 
Nativite,  Passion,  Resurrection,  &  precieux  sacrement  de 
son  Corps,  icy  a  nous  delaissi  pour  gaige  de  Salut,  P.  F., 
p.  110. 

*  Scavoir  se  complaint  qu'aujourdhuy  soit  ainsi  vili- 
pendi,  P.  F.,  p.  106. 

*  Le  Tiers  Livre  de  la  Poesie  Francoise  de  Charles 
de  Saincte  Marthe,  contenant  Epistres  et  Elegies,  P.  F., 
pp. 113-224. 

'  A  Jean  Ferron,  Coq  a  Lasne,  P.  F.,  p.  141. 
■>  Ibid.,  p.  197. 


230        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

volume  concludes  with  a  collection  of  poems 
contributed  by  the  author's  friends,  entitled 
Livre  de  ses  Amys,^  of  which  mention  has  been 
made. 

It  will  be  seen  that  —  with  the  exception  of 
chants  royaulx  and  chansons  —  Sainte-Marthe, 
like  his  master  Marot,  used  all  those  "episseries 
qui  corrumpent  le  goust  de  nostre  langue  et 
ne  servent  si  non  a  porter  temoingnaige  de  notre 
ignorance."^  However,  if  he  was  not  the  first 
poet   to   imitate   Marot   in   a   sonnet,^  nor   to 

"  It  has  a  separate  title-page,  P.  F.,  p.  225.  It  is  com- 
prised within  pp.  226-237. 

2  Du  Bellay,  Defence,  pp.  202-203. 

'  Sainte-Marthe  published  two  sonnets  in  1549  and 
1550.  Cf.  pp.  193  and  197.  According  to  M.  Vaganay  (Le 
sonnet  en  Italic  et  en  France  au  XV I"^'  siecle)  the  intro- 
duction of  the  sonnet  into  France  proceeded  as  follows 
(omitting  hypotheses  and  re-editions) : 
1539     Marot  (1). 

1544  (Whether  published  before  1574  unknown)  Saint- 

Gelais,  (1). 

1545  Marot  (7)  (6  trans.  Petrarch). 

1546  Saint-Gelais  (1). 

1547  Peletier  (14). 
Marguerite  of  Navarre  (1). 
M.  Sceve(2). 

1548  VasquinPhilieul  (196). 
Jean  Charrier  (1). 
Ferrand  Debez  (1). 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  231 

anticipate  Du  Bellay's  advice  and  follow  his 
master  in  the  composition  of  a  "plaisante  ec- 

1548  Sibilet(l). 

Saint-Gelais  (whether  pub.  before  1574  unknown) 

(1). 

1549  DuBellay  (50). 
Des  Autelz  (1). 
Pontus  de  Tyard  (70). 
Thierry  de  la  Mothe  (1). 

A.  Tilley's  account  of  the  sonnet  in  France  (Lit.  of  the 
French  Ren.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  152  and  153)  offers,  in  a  note, 
certain  modifications  of  this  list: 

1539  Marot's  sonnet  is  given  as  of  1538  (and  as  written 

not  later  than  1532) .    Another  sonnet  is  credited 
to  Marot  with  this  one. 

1540  Saint-Gelais  (with  Des  Essarts's  Amadis)  (1). 
1545     Marot's   translation  of    Petrarch  is  given  as  of 

1544. 
1547  Saint-Gelais  (1). 

The  number  of  Jacques  Peletier's  sonnets  is  given 
as  13. 

At  least  as  early  as  1548  Jacques  Colin  mentions  as 
some  time  past  his  composition  of  sonnets.  In  an  inter- 
esting passage  he  enumerates  the  new  Italian  and  the 
older  forms  of  verse : 

..."  Chansons,  balades,  triolets, 
Mottetz,  rondeaux,  servantz  et  virelaiz,- 
Sonnetz,  strambotz,  barzelotes,  chapitres, 
Lyriques  vers,  chantz  royaux  et  epistres, 
Ou  consoler  mes  maux  jadis  souloye 
Quand  serviteur  des  dames  m'appeloye." 
—  Epistre  a  une  Dame,  he  Livre  de  plusieurs  pieces,  fol. 
103  r°. 


232         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

clogue  rustique/'  ^  he  at  least,  like  Marot,  made 
essay  with  the  still  rare  Alexandrine/  and  the 
reader  will  divine  the  older  poet's  influence 
in  certain  other  timid  experiments  in  meter.^ 

*  Defence,  pp.  225  and  226.  The  eclogue  in  question 
was  of  course  of  a  later  date,  but  the  phrase  applies  equally 
to  Marot's  earlier  ones. 

^  Marot  made  use  of  the  Alexandrine  ten  times,  CEuvres, 
Vols.  II,  pp.  224,  230,  231,  234,  III,  pp.  9,  10,  15,  113,  IV, 
p.  55.  He  named  it  five  times,  but  as  Pasquier  says,  every 
time  "  comme  si  c'eust  este  chose  nouvelle  et  inaccous- 
tume  d'en  user  pource  qu'^  toutes  les  autres  il  ne  bailie 
point  cette  touche."  Recherches  de  la  France,  (Euvres, 
p.  711.  This  was  precisely  Sainte-Marthe's  procedure,  as 
though  proud  of  the  innovation.    He  uses  it  six  times,  i.e. 

(1)  A.  P.  Tolet,  Medicin  du  grand  Hospital  de  Lyon,  Sur 
L'amitie  de  luy  et  de  Dolet.    Vers  Alexandrins.  P.  F.,  p.  11. 

(2)  Le  Cueur  reprend  L'odl  de  regard  trop  vollaige,  et  le  prie 
de  s'en  retirer.  Vers  Alexandrins.  P.  F.,  p.  36.  (3)  A 
Maurice  Sceve  Lyonnois,  homme  treservdit.  Vers  Alex- 
andrins. P.  F.,  p.  50.  (4)  De  la  transportation  d' Eloquence, 
.  .  .  Vers  Alexandrins.  P.  F.,  p.  61.  (5)  A  Maurice 
Chausson,  vers  Alexandrins.  P.  F.,  p.  66.  (6)  Elegie,  de 
I'Ame  parlante  au  Corps,  &  monstrante  le  profjit  de  la  Mort. 
Vers  Alexandrins.  P.  F.,  p.  214.  Three  of  these  (1),  (2), 
and  (4),  are  dixains  (ababbccdcd);  one  (3)  a  huitain 
(a  B  A  B  B  c  B  c) ;  and  one  (5)  a  dixain  of  five  couplets. 

'  For  instance,  the  Elegie,  Du  vray  bien  &  nourriture  de 
VAme,  P.  F.,  p.  210.  This  consists  of  rhyming  ten-syl- 
labled triplets  followed  by  a  four-syllabled  line  which 
gives  the  rhyme  for  the  following  triplet  (aaab,  bbbc,  cccd, 
etc.).  This  is,  as  has  been  observed,  the  principle  of  the 
terza  rima.     Faguet,  Seizieme  Siecle,  p.  70.     Marot  used 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  233 

The  spell  of  the  famous  poet's  manner  lies,  in 
fact,  upon  much  of  the  younger  man's  work. 
Sainte-Marthe  was  the  first  to  acknowledge  his 
extensive  debt  to  his  "  pere  d'alience: " 

"  Que  dirk  Ton,  de  me  veoir  si  hardy 
De  composer  apres  toy,  6  Clement  ? 
Mon  cerveau  n'est  en  cor  tant  estourdy 

this  meter  four  times,  Vols.  II,  pp.  100,  112,  121,  and  III, 
p.  97.  Sainte-Marthe  has  also  a  quatrain  of  alternating 
nine  and  ten  syllabled  lines  (a  b  a  b),  Du  mesme,  avec 
allusion  h  son  Nom,  P.  F.,  p.  47.  This  Marot  did  not  use. 
Sainte-Marthe's  arrangements  of  his  rhymes  also  offers 
some  variety.  Aside  from  the  ten-syllabled  couplets  of 
the  epistles  and  elegies  (he  uses  the  eight-syllabled  couplet 
only  three  times),  the  commonest  Isababbccdcd 
for  both  ten  and  eight-syllabled  lines  (ten-syllabled  fifty- 
eight  times,  eight-syllabled  six  times) ;  next  in  number 
are  the  arrangements  ababbcbc  (ten-syllabled  lines 
nineteen  times,  —  once  two  stanzas,  —  eight-syllabled 
twice ;  A  B  a  B  b  c  c  (ten-syllabled  lines  seven  times,  — 
once  five  stanzas,  —  eight-syllabled  once)  ;  quatrains 
A  B  A  B  (ten- syllabled  lines  five  times,  —  once  fourteen 
stanzas,  once  seven  stanzas,  —  eight-syllabled  twice). 
One  of  the  arrangements  in  decasyllabic  septains,  a  b  a  b 
B  c  c,  A  Za  ville  d' Aries,  P.  F.,  p.  25,  and  the  poem  of 
fourteen  quatrains,  Le  Philalethe,  P.  F.,  p.  40,  are  noticed 
by  M.  Laumonier  among  early  lyrics  probably  inspired  by 
Marot's  example.  JSonsard,  p.  660.  The  following  arrange- 
ments occur  only  once :  in  ten-syllabled  lines :  a  b  a  a  b  b 
cc;ababbccb;  ababb;  aabaabbcc;aab 
aabbccded;  ababbccdd;  abaab;  abbaab; 
in  eight-syllabled  quatrains :  a  b  b  a. 


234        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Que  ton  pareil  me  dye  aulcunement. 
Car  davant  tous  je  confesse  haultement 
Que  seulement  ton  aprentif  je  suis, 
J'escris,  j'invente,  &  fais  ce  que  je  puis. 
On  ne  me  peut  tourner  k  impropere 
Si  escrivant  totalement  t'ensuis. 
Qui  reprendr^  I'enfant  qui  suit  son  Pere  ?  " 
—  A  Clement  Marot  son  Pere  d'alience,  P.  F.,  p.  55. 

Thus  loudly  proclaiming  his  allegiance,  Sainte- 
Marthe  did  follow  Marot  very  close,  close  as  an 
almost  total  lack  of  poetic  talent  would  allow. 
Like  Marot  he  writes  verses  on  his  ''  soeur  d'ali- 
ence," ^  dwells,  like  him,  upon  the  charm  of  his 
mistress'  laugh,^  boasts  his  unshaken  love  in  the 
face  of  slander,'  rebukes  an  inconstant  love,* 

*  Marot,  D' alliance  de  sceur,  CEuvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  56; 
Sainte-Marthe,  A  Madamoiselle  d'E stable  sa  seur  d'alience, 
P.  F.,  p.  159;  A  Madame  Magdaleine  de  la  Tour,  sa  Saeur 
d'alience,  P.  F.,  p.  70. 

^  Marot,  Du  rys  de  Madame  d'Allebret,  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  23 ;  Sainte-Marthe,  A  Madamoiselle  Gacinette  Loytaulde, 
Mere  de  Beringue  s'Amye,  P.  F.,  p.  88. 

'  Marot,  Chanson,  "  Vous  perdez  temps  de  me  dire  mal 
d'elle,"  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  192 ;  Sainte-Marthe,  De  s'Amie 
&  de  soy,  P.  F.,  p.  60;  D'aulcuns  mesdisans  luy  faisans 
reproche  de  la  paouvreti  de  s'Amye,  P.  F.,  p.  33. 

*  Marot,  Chanson,  "  Ma  Dame  ne  m'a  pas  vendu," 
(Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  183;  Sainte-Marthe,  A  une  dame  in- 
constante,  P.  F.,  p.  19. 


MAROT   AND   PETRARCHISM  235 

or  accompanies  with  verses  a  present  of  gloves.* 
And,  in  the  latter  instance,  Sainte-Marthe,  al- 
though not  dealing  with  that  particular  subject 
as  Marot  does,  and  even  borrowing  his  material, 
not  from  Marot,  but  from  Saint-Gelais '  A 
un  gand,^  successfully  approaches  his  master's 
manner : 
Pour  un  Gentil  homme  qui  envoyoit  des  Gans  h  sa  Dame 

"  Gans,  advantaige  k  ce  que  j'ay  perdu, 
AUez,  soyez  au  coiflfes  recompence. 
Si  je  n'ay  bien  la  pareille  rendu 
Parlez  pour  moy,  excusez  rimpuissance. 
Guardez  de  froid,  et  de  toute  nuisance, 
Ces  blanches  Mains  tant  dedans  que  dehors. 
O  pleust  k  Dieu  que  j'eusse  la  puissance 
De  vent  et  froid  guarder  tout  son  gent  Corps." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  17. 

Marot's  translations  of  the  psalms  were  in  great 
vogue  at  court,  though  as  yet  unpublished ; ' 

'  Marot,  A  une  jeune  dame,  laquelle  un  veillard  mari6 
vouloit  espouser  et  decevoir.  (Euvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  175,  at 
end;   Sainte-Marthe,  loc.  cit.  infra. 

*  (Euvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  56. 

'  It  will  be  remembered  that  in  1541  thirty  of  Marot's 
Psalms  were  printed  in  Paris,  the  complete  fifty  only 
in  1543;  but  they  had  been  presented  to  the  king  and 
had  begun  to  circulate  in  manuscript  the  year  before 
Sainte-Marthe  published  his  Poesie  Francoise.  Twelve 
had  even  been  printed  with  five  of  Calvin's  in  the  Stras- 


236        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Sainte-Marthe,  too,  must  needs,  like  their  author, 

"accompagner  sur  son   flageolet   la   harpe   du 

Prophete"  ^  with  a  rhymed  paraphrase  of  the 

One  hundred  and  twentieth  Psalm,  ^  which  the 

elder  poet  had  not  rendered.   Marot's  Epistle,  Au 

Roy  pour  avoir  este  derobe  ^   was  justly  famous ; 

Sainte-Marthe  matched  it  with  a  dixain  to  his 

master,  A  Marot,  d'un  sien  valet  qui  Vavoit  desrobe, 

playing  rather  feebly  upon  its  subject-matter: 

"  Ton  Serviteur  le  mien  avoit  apris, 
Ou  tous  deux  ont  este  k  une  Escholle. 
J'y  ay  este,  comme  toy,  si  bien  pris, 
Qu'il  ne  m'est  pas  demeure  une  obolle. 
Le  tien(t)  estoit,  de  faict  &  de  ParoUe, 
Un  vray  Gascon ;  si  le  mien  ne  I'estoit, 
A  tout  le  moins  bonne  mine  portoit 

burg  Psalter  in  1539.  A  translation  of  the  Sixth  Psalm 
had  been  published  with  Marguerite  of  Navarre's  Miroir 
de  I'Ame  pecheresse,eis  early  as  1533.  Cf.  F.  Frank,  Mar- 
guerites de  la  Marguerite,  Vol.  I,  pp.  Ixxxvii,  Ixxxviii,  and 
150;  and  Tilley,  op.  cit.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  70  and  71.  Brunet 
mentions  an  edition  of  1535  as  reported  but  vainly 
searched  for  in  the  public  library  of  Geneva. 

*  Sainte-Beuve  of  Marot,  Tableau  de  la  Poesie  Fran- 
gaise  au  XVI'  siecle,  p.  24. 

'  Paraphrase  du  Pseaulme  120,  P.  F.,  p.  48.  Sainte- 
Marthe  uses  the  quatrain  of  ten-.syllabled  lines  with 
alternating  rhymes  which  serves  Marot  for  his  trans- 
lation of  Psalms  ii,  xi,  xii,  and  cvi. 

^CEuvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  195. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  237 

D'estre  de  Meurs  au  tien  fort  alli^. 
Gascon  ne  fut  mais  son  Gascon  sentoit : 
Jouant  un  tour  d'un  Moyne  resnie." 

—  P.F.,  p.  13. 

Nor  can  there  be  any  doubt  that  the  Ballade, 

De  Frere  Lubin,^  was  in  the  disciple's  mind  when 

he  penned  his  huitain,  D'un  frere  Doemonique 

hlasmant  Vescripture  saincte: 

"  Si  Dsemonique  contredit 
Tousjours  a  I'Escripture  saincte, 
Si  Dsemonique  trop  mesdit 
Des  bons,  sans  avoir  de  Dieu  craincte, 
Si  Dsemonique  k  langue  saincte 
Et  poursuit  tous  les  Gentz  de  bien, 
Ce  n'est  pas  merveilleuse  attaincte, 
Car  Dsemonique  ne  vault  rien." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  27. 

It  was  Marot's  dixain,  De  la  ducM  d'Estampes,^ 
with  its  far-fetched  pun  upon  the  name  of  the 
duchy  and  the  Val  de  Tempe,  which  undoubt- 
edly suggested  to  Sainte-Marthe  his  most  ambi- 
tious poem,  an  Elegie.  Du  Temp 6  de  France,  en 
Vhonneur  de  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Esiampes,^ 
wherein  he  expands  to  great  length  the  com- 
parison made  by  Marot,  whose  translation  of  the 
Metamorphoses  also,  it  is  significant  to  note,  in- 

*  Marot,  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  63. 

*  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  45.  ^  p  p  ^  p  197. 


238        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

eluded  the  passage  relative  to  the  vale  of  Tempe.^ 
Moreover,  whatever  the  poet's  description  of 
that  happy  valley  may  derive  from  iElian  and 
perhaps  also  from  Lorenzo  de'  Medici/  it  appears 
to  owe  something,  at  least,  in  general  style, 
to  the  descriptions  in  the  Temple  de  Cupidon. 
The  reader  will  recall  the  "  joye  et  deduyt "  of 
Marot's  "oyselets,"  his  "arbres  verdoyans"  and 
"buyssons  de  verd  boscage"  when  he  reads 
Sainte-Marthe's  account  of  Tempe: 

"L^,  y  avoit  grands  diversity 
De  toutes  flceurs,  et  verdoyants  bocaiges 
Ou  Ton  oyoit  les  beaulx  et  doulx  ramaiges 
Des  oisillonts,  chantants  souefvement. 
L^,  florissoyent  touts  Arbres  noblement, 
Si  tresespests  qu'ilz  sembloyent  forets  fortes, 
Et  produysoyent  des  fruicts  de  toutes  sortes, 
Amoenit^  leur  umbraige  rendoit 
Et  de  Phoebus  tresestuant  gardoit. " 

—  P.F.,p.  198. 

From  Marot's  epistle,  Le  Despourveu  h  madame 
la  duchesse  d'Alengon  et  de  Berry,  soeur  unique 
du  Roy'  Sainte-Marthe  borrowed  ideas  for  two 

»  CEuvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  188. 

^  A  description    occurs  in  the  Silva  d'Amore,  Opere, 
Vol.  II,  p.  89  et  seq. 

»  CEuvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  134. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  239 

of  his  addresses  to  the  duchesse  d'Estampes. 
In  the  first,  the  prose  dedication  of  his  whole 
volume,^  he  elaborates  Marot's  simple  image 
of  himself  as  saved  from  the  sea  of  misfortune 
by  Marguerite  into  a  description  of  his  own 
"vaine  &  jeune  fatigue,  laquelle  non  aultrement 
que  apres  longue  &  griefve  tempeste,  le  palle  et 
travaille  Nocher,  descouvrant  de  loing  la  Terre, 
a  laquelle  avec  tout  estude  il  s'efforce  de  se 
saulver,  recueille  le  mieux  qu'il  peut  tous  les  frag- 
ments de  sa  navire  rompue,  j'ay  amascee  pour  a 
ton  Port  tresdire  la  dinger.  .  .  .  Tu  doncques," 
he  continues,  ''une  entre  nostre  siecle  des  belles 
tresenidite,  des  erudites  tres  belle,  .  .  .  recep- 
vras  benignement  les  tables  de  mon  naufrage  par 
divers  cass  de  la  fortune  conduitte,  finablement 
en  petits  faiz  reduittes,  et  maintenant  en  ce  tien 
Havre,  ou  de  long  temps  les  Muses  commodement 
se  retirent,  assurement  arrivees,  etc."  ^  Again, 
Sainte-Marthe,  emulating  Marot's  use  in  the  same 
epistle  of  the  personifications  of  the  older  poetry, 
introduces  Honte  and  Hardiesse  in  the  roles  which 

*  Epistre  A  Tresillustre  et  Tresnoble  Princesse,  Madame 
la  Duchesse  d'  Estampes  et  Contesse  de  Poinctieure,  P.  F., 
pp.  3-5.     Cf.  p.  563  et  seq. 

^  P.  F.,  pp.  4,  5. 


240        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Marot  had  given  to  Crainte  and  Bon  Espoir,  Honte 
endeavoring  in  twenty-four  rhymed  couplets  to 
dissuade  him  from  addressing  the  Duchess,  while 
Hardiesse  in  seventeen  successfully  encourages 
him  to  the  attempt/  Finally,  Sainte-Marthe 
even  imitates  from  Marot  a  certain  cynicism  in 
the  matter  of  love  wholly  different  from  his 
own  usual  view,  as  in  two  epigrams,  De  VinegaUe 
&  injiiste  recompense  du  service  d' Amours  and 
Que,  sans  Argent,  Amour  est  mal  asseur?  In  one 
poem  of  this  order,  in  fact,  he  so  closely  ap- 
proached Marot 's  manner  as  to  deceive  at  least 
three  modem  editors: 

A  une  Daine,  qui  contentoit  ses  servants  de  paroUe. 

"Dame  vous  avez  beau  maintien 
Et  grand  grace  en  vostre  langaige, 
Mais  tous  cel^  est  peu  ou  rien, 
Si  vous  ne  faictes  davantaige. 
J'accorde  bien  que  c'est  un  gaige 
De  pouvoir  jouir  quelque  jour, 
Si  ce  n'est  pas  le  perfaict  tour 
Qu'il  fault  pour  achever  I'affaire : 
Pour  avoir  le  deduit  d 'Amour 
Vault  mieux  peu  dire  et  beaucoup  faire. " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  68. 

*  A  Madame  la  Duchessed'Estampes,  P.  F.,  pp.  125-129. 

*  P.  F.,  pp.  18  and  65. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  241 

This  is  not  the  only  one  of  Sainte-Marthe's  pro- 
ductions which  found  a  place  among  the  works 
of  a  man  who  expressed  a  lively  dislike  of  such 
intrusions.^  Marot  had  composed  a  rondeau, 
Sur  la  devise  de  Madame  de  Lorraine,  Amour  et 
Foy?  Sainte-Marthe  imitated  this  with  another, 
A  Salel,  valet  de  chambre  du  Roy,  Sur  sa  divise,^ 
and  this  imitation  has  also  found  its  way  into 
standard  collections  of  Marot's  works.  And 
the  same  is  the  case  with  four  other  poems.* 

*  Cf.  his  preface  to  the  1538  edition  of  his  works. 
Clement  Marot  a  Etienne  Dolet,  (Euvres,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  194- 
196.  Pasquier's  remark  seems  applicable  to  Marot's 
editors  of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth,  as  of  the  six- 
teenth, century.  "S'il  se  presente  quelque  epigramme, 
ou  autre  trait  de  gentille  invention  dont  on  ne  scache 
le  nom  de  I'autheur,  on  ne  doute  de  le  luy  attribuer  et 
I'inserer  dedans  ses  csuvres  comme  sien."  Recherches 
de  la  France,  (Euvres,  p.  714. 

*  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  162. 

3  "Honneur  te  guide,"  P.  F .,  p.  90. 

*  The  others  were:  (1)  the  second  of  the  two  eight- 
lined  stanzas  composing  thfe  poem  A  noble  Seigneur, 
Monsieur  Francois  de  Muillion,  seigneur  de  Ribbiers,  en 
le  remerciant  des  biens  qu'il  luy  a  faictz,  P.  F .,  p.  34; 
(2)  A  ma  Damoiselle  Beringue,  Quel  martyre  c'est,  brusler 
d'affection  &  n'oser  parler  pour  la  descouvrir,  Dixain,  P.  F ., 
p.  75;  (3)  A  Monsieur  de  S.  Remy,  luy  estant  en  necessite 
h  Vincence,  Rondeau,  P.  F.,  p.  92;  (4)  A  Thomon  Pitrel, 
que  c'est  grand  richesse  d'estre  content,  Rondeau,  P.  F., 


242         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Yet  these   poems  do  not  exemplify  Sainte- 

p.  105.  These,  as  well  as  those  mentioned  above,  were 
incorporated  by  Lenglet  Dufresnoy,  with  various  poems 
by  other  hands,  in  his  edition  of  Marot's  works,  The 
Hague,  1731,  under  the  general  heading.  Poesies  Nouvelles 
Pour  les  deux  premiers  Tomes  des  CEuvres  de  Clement 
Marot.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  493-522.  Dufresnoy,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  493, 
expressly  declines  to  vouch  for  the  authorship  of  one  of 
the  poems,  Heroet's  Douleur  et  Volupte,  identified  by 
Georges  Guiffrey,  Marot,  Vol.  II,  p.  503,  —  and,  by  his 
heading,  casts  a  doubt  also  upon  that  of  the  others.  Ex- 
cept in  the  case  of  the  Rondeau  to  Salel,  he  also  states, 
Vol.  Ill,  pp.  504,  506,  the  source  to  which  he  is  indebted 
for  the  poems  by  Sainte-Marthe  and  others,  attributed  to 
Marot,  and  from  which  he  drew  also  Sainte-Marthe's 
epigram  on  the  news  of  Marot's  death,  Epigramme  de 
Saincte  Marthe  a  Clement  Marot  sur  le  bruit  de  sa  mort,  here, 
p.  521,  attributed  to  Gaucher  de  Sainte-Marthe,  besides 
the  Douleur  et  VoluptS  and  various  other  poems,  some, 
no  doubt,  actually  by  Marot. 

This  source  is  a  collection  of  poems  published  by  Denis 
Janot  in  1544  entitled  (according  to  Dufresnoy) :  Recueil 
de  vraye  Poesie  Frangoise  prinse  de  plusieurs  Poetes.  In 
spite  of  Dufresnoy's  disclaimer,  the  six  poems  in  question 
reappeared  in  Lacroix'  edition  of  Marot's  works  published 
by  Rapilly,  Paris,  1824,  without  any  question  of  their 
authenticity;  and  Pierre  Jannet,  Bib.  Elzevirienne,  Paris, 
1883,  followed  this  lead,  merely  classifying  Sainte- 
Marthe's  poems  with  others,  according  to  their  various 
genres  as  Rondeaux  tires  d'autres  editions,  Vol.  II,  p.  167; 
Epigrammes  tirees  de  diverses  autres  editions,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  101,  other,  i.e.  than  those  upon  which  he  based  his 
own,  viz. :  Dolet's,  Lyons,  1538,  that  of  the  Enseigne  du 
Rocher,  Lyons,  1544,  and  Portau's,  Niort,  1596.    Certain 


MAROT  AND   PETRARCHISM  243 

Marthe's  closet  imitation  of  Marot.     It  is  in  his 

of  the  six  appeared  also  in  Despres'  CEuvres  choisies  de 
CUment  Marot,  Paris,  1826,  as  Pieces  attributes  a  Marot; 
in  Hericault's  (Euvres  de  Clement  Marot,  Paris,  1867;  and 
in  Voizard's  (Euvres  Choisies  de  Clement  Marot,  Paris, 
1888. 

The  titles  of  Sainte-Marthe's  poems  in  the  Recueil 
and  in  the  editions  mentioned  vary  from  those  of  the 
Poesie  Francoise:  the  dixain  cit.  supra,  A  une  Dame  qui 
contentoit  ses  servants  de  parolle,  appears  in  the  Recueil, 
p.  56,  and  in  Jannet's  ed..  Vol.  Ill,  p.  114,  as  D'une 
qui  contentoit  ses  servans  de  paroles;  in  Dufresnoy's  ed., 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  512,  and  Rapilly's,  Vol.  II,  p.  473,  its  title 
is,  A  une  Dame  qui  fasoit  force  promesses  a  ses  amans. 
The  rondeau  to  Salel  is  entitled  in  the  Recueil,  p.  45, 
Rondeau  sur  la  Devise  de  Salet  (sic)  varlet  du  chambre 
du  Roy;  Despres,  p.  45,  gives  it  as  Sur  la  devise  de 
Hugues  Salel;  Dufresnoy,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  507,  Rapilly's  ed.. 
Vol.  II,  p.  139,  Jannet,  Vol.  II,  p.  171,  and  Voizard,  p. 
315,  add  valet  de  chambre  du  Roy  Frangois  I,  Dufresnoy 
prefixing  Autre  Rondeau.  The  whole  of  the  poem  num- 
bered (1)  supra  appears  in  the  Recueil,  p.  71,  divided  into 
two  poems,  Non  estre  ingrat  des  biensfaitz,  and  Huictain. 
Only  the  second  half  appears  in  the  editions  of  Lenglet 
Dufresnoy,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  517,  Rapilly,  Vol.  II,  p.  370, 
Jannet,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  117,  and  Despres,  p.  451,  as  Autre 
Epigramme,  Epigramme  and  Huictain,  respectively.  The 
poem  numbered  (2)  supra  is,  in  the  Recueil,  p.  53,  and 
in  Jannet,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  113,  Dixain  de  n'oser  descouvrir 
son  affection;  Dufresnoy,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  511,  and  Rapilly's 
ed..  Vol.  II,  p.  473,  give  it  as  Amours  qu'on  n'ose  decouvrir, 
Dufresnoy  prefacing  Autre  Epigramme.  The  poem 
numbered  (3)  supra,  appears  in  the  Recueil,  p.  42,  simply 
as  Rondeau,  and  as  Autre  Rondeau  in  Dufresnoy's  ed., 


244        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

use  of  the  mordant  epigram,  where  indeed  he  is 

Vol.  Ill,  p.  505;  Rapilly's  ed.,  Vol.  II,  p.  132,  Jannet, 
Vol.  II,  p.  168,  and  Voizard,  p.  314,  have  A  un  pour 
avoir  de  I'argent.  Lenglet  Dufresnoy  remarks  in  a  note, 
"  Ce  Rondeau  sent  bien  son  Marot  qui  manque  d'argent  k 
tout  moment,  &  qui  en  demande  k  un  grand  Seigneur." 
The  poem  numbered  (4)  supra  becomes,  in  the  Recueil, 
p.  44,  Rondeau  sur  chascun  soil  content  de  ses  biens,  qui 
n'a  suffisance  il  n'a  rien  ;  Dufresnoy,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  506, 
Rapilly's  ed..  Vol.  II,  p.  133,  Jannet,  Vol.  II,  p.  167, 
Despr6s,  p.  450,  H^ricault,  p.  206,  and  Voizard,  p.  313, 
give  it  as  Sur  ces  mots  : 

Chacun  soit  content  de  ses  biens, 
Qui  n'a  suffisance  n'a  riens. 

Paul  Lacroix  (Bibliophile  Jacob)  reprinted  the  Recueil 
in  question.  He  describes  the  original  as  a  small  8vo 
of  56  fols.  unpaginated,  in  italics,  and  accompanied  by 
woodcuts  or  a  woodcut  {avec  fig.  sur  bois),  credits  it  with 
four  editions,  and  gives  its  title-page  as  Recueil  de  vraye 
Poesie  Francoise  prinse  de  plusieurs  Poetes,  les  plus  ex- 
cellentz  de  ce  regne.  Avec  privilege  du  Roy  pour  cinq  ans, 
1544.  De  I'imprimerie  de  Denys  Janet,  imprimeur  du 
Roy,  en  langue  francoyse,  et  libraire  jure  de  V  University  de 
Paris.  On  les  vend  au  Palais  en  la  gallerie  par  oii  Von  va 
h  la  chancellerie,  es  bouticqu^s  de  Jan  Longis  et  Vincent 
Sertenas  libr aires.  The  Bib.  de  1' Arsenal  contains  two 
copies  of  the  second  edition :  Le  Recueil  de  Poesie  Fran- 
coyse, Prinse  de  plusieurs  Poetes,  les  plus  excellentz  de  ce 
regne.  A  Lyon.  Par  Jean  Temporal  1550.  Unpaginated. 
Typographic  mark  no.  186  (Silvestre),  both  on  title  and 
final  pages.  Only  one  copy  is  complete.  The  Bib.  de 
I'Arsenal  contains  also  a  copy  of  the  fourth  edition  which 
has  a  different   title.      Poesie   Facecieuse,   extraitte   des 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  245 

at  his  best,  that  he  most  resembles  his  model. 

OBUvres  des  plus  fameux  Poettes  de  nostre  siecle.  ImprimS 
nouvellement.  A  Lyon.  Par  Benoist  Rigaud,  1559.  Typo- 
graphical mark  no.  1302  (Silvestre).  The  references 
supra  have  been  made  to  this  edition,  which  has  the  ad- 
vantage of  pagination.  It  was  upon  this  that  Lacroix 
based  his  reprint.  He  gives  its  title-page,  omitting  the 
words  des  aeuvres.  Lacroix  evidently  confuses  the  fourth 
edition  with  the  second  copy  of  the  second  edition.  He 
adds  an  appendix  containing  the  eleven  pieces  —  none  of 
them  Sainte-Marthe's  —  occurring  in  the  first  and  second 
editions  and  omitted  in  the  fourth,  and  gives  in  his  pref- 
atory notice  a  list  of  six  pieces,  one  of  them  by  Saint- 
Gelais,  added  in  the  fourth  edition,  none,  however,  by 
Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe. 

The  Recueil,  at  least  in  its  first  two  editions,  con- 
tains one  hundred  and  twenty-five  poems,  of  which  all  but 
five  are  anonymous.  Of  these  five,  one  is  by  Sainte- 
Marthe,  A  Marot,  dufaulx  bruict  de  sa  mort,  P.  F.,  p.  59. 
Of  the  anonymous  poems,  twenty-four  are  by  Sainte- 
Marthe,  one  at  least,  Douleur  et  VolupU,  by  Heroet, 
one  at  least  by  Rabelais,  and  a  fair  number  perhaps 
actually  by  Marot.  This  hardly  warrants  Dufresnoy's 
remark.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  493:  "Ce  recueil  ne  contient  gueres 
autre  chose  que  des  poesies  de  Marot  &  de  son  amy  Saint 
Gelais,"  nor  Lacroix's  reference  to  it,  op.  cit.,  p.  vi, 
as  "compose  pour  la  plus  grande  partie  de  pieces  in- 
edites  ou  nouvellement  imprim^es  de  Clement  Marot." 
Lacroix  adds  indeed  that  the  editor,  —  whom  he  in- 
clines to  identify  with  Des  Essarts,  —  "a  gliss6  dans 
son  Recueil  quelques  pifeces  qui  n'6taient  pas  de  Clement 
Marot " ! 

I  should  have  supposed  that  Jannet  had  not  con- 
sulted Lacroix's  Reprint,  since  he  adds  nothing  to  Lenglet 


246         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 
Here,  undoubtedly  through  Marot,  he  owed  much 

Dufresnoy's  selection  of  poems  from  the  Recueil  were  it 
not  that,  in  two  instances  (c/.  supra),  he  goes  back  to  the 
titles  in  the  Recv^il  where  Dufresnoy  has  departed  from 
them.  If  he  did  consult  it,  it  is  remarkable  that  he 
neither  added  to  Dufresnoy's  selection  nor  cast  any 
doubts  upon  Marot's  authorship  of  the  poems  attributed 
to  him.  It  is  no  less  curious  that  Dufresnoy  was  not 
struck  by  the  omission  of  Sainte-Marthe's  six  poems 
from  the  early  editions  of  Marot;  especially  in  the  case 
of  those  editions  subsequent  to  the  publication  of  the 
Recueil,  considering  the  number  published  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  and  the  variety  of  their  editors. 

The  other  poems  of  Sainte-Marthe  included  in  the 
Recueil  are,  in  addition  to  the  six  already  dealt  with 
(Lacroix'  reprint,  pp.  50,  40,  66,  48,  38,  40) : 

(1)  Le  Cueur  reprend  I'oeil  de  regard  trop  vollaige,  &  le 
prie  de  s'en  retirer.  Vers  Alexandrins,  P.  F.,  p.  36.  In 
the  Recueil,  p.  19,  —  Lacroix,  17  — ,  the  last  eight  words 
are  omitted. 

(2)  A  Marot.  Du  faulx  bruict  de  sa  Mart,  P.  F.,  p.  59. 
(Cf.  p.  530)  In  the  Recueil,  p.  77,  —  Lacroix,  73 — ,  its 
title  is  Saincte-M arthe  a  Marot.  Lenglet  Dufresnoy  in- 
cludes this  with  Marot's  works  as  Epigramme  de  Saincte 
Marthe  a  Clement  Marot  sur  le  bruit  de  sa  mort,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  521,  but  attributes  it  to  "Scevole  du  Gaucher  de 
Sainte-Marthe,  premier  Medecin  du  Roi  Frangois  premier, 
et  contemporain  de  Clement  Marot." 

(3)  A  Monsieur  le  Baron  de  Bressieux,  D'un  qui  mesdisoit 
de  luy  en  son  absence,  P.  F.,  p.  59.  In  the  Recueil,  p.  47,  — 
Lacroix,  42  — :  Dizain  d'un  qui  mesdisoit  d'un  autre  en 
son  absence. 

(4)  De  s'Amie  &  de  soy,  P.  F.,  p.  60.  In  the  Recueil,  p. 
76,  —  Lacroix,  72  — :  Autre  (i.e.  quatrain)  des  Mesdisantz. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  247 

to  Martial,  and  many  instances  might  be  adduced 

(5)  A  un  grand  prometteur  sans  effect,  P.  F.,  p.  63. 
The  Recueil,  p.  73,  —  Lacroix,  68  — ,  omits  the  word  grand 
and  adds  Triolet. 

(6)  A  un  Maistre  d'hostel  d'un  Abb^  detractant  de  luy, 
P.  F.,  p.  64.  In  the  Recueil,  p.  48,  —  Lacroix,  43  — :  Du 
Maistre  d'hostel  de  Monsieur  de  Boessieux  (i.e.  Bressieux) 
qui  detractoit  d'autruy. 

(7)  A  un  v^urier.  Virlay,  P.  F.,  p.  64.  Altered  in 
the  Recueil,  p.  78,  —  Lacroix,  74 — ,  to  D'un  usurier.  Vire- 
lay. 

(8)  Que,  sans  Argent,  Amour  est  mal  asseuri,  P.  F., 
p.  65.  In  the  Recueil,  p.  56,  —  Lacroix,  51  — :  Amour  est 
mal  asseure  sans  argent. 

(9)  A  un  ord  Villain  qui,  en  compaignie  de  Dames, 
jactoit  la  grosseur  de  son  Membre.  P.  F.,  p.  35.  In  the 
Recueil,  p.  70,  —  Lacroix,  65 — ,  the  words  "ord  villain" 
are  omitted. 

(10)  A  un  brave  qui  m^naceoit  chascun,  P.  F.,  p.  69. 
The  same  in  the  Recueil,  p.  53,  —  Lacroix,  50. 

(11)  A  noble  Edmond  Odde,  Seigneur  de  Triors. 
Du  cloistre  de  la  Langue.  P.  F.,  p.  72.  In  the  Recueil, 
p.  19,  —  Lacroix,  17  — ,  simply  Du  cloistre  de  la  Langue. 

(12)  Qu'on  ne  doibt  desister  de  poursuivre  son  entreprise, 
quoy  qu'on  ayt  des  competiteurs,  P.  F.,  p.  75.  In  the 
Recueil,  p.  55,  —  Lacroix,  49 — ,  De  ne  desister  de  pour- 
suivre son  entreprise. 

(13)  D'un  qui  avoit  reveU  son  secret,  P.  F.,  p.  76. 
The  same  in  the  Recueil,  p.  54,  —  Lacroix,  49  — ,  with 
slight  alteration  in  line  6. 

(14)  A  un  estant  jaloux  de  s'Amye,  P.  F.,  p.  77.  In 
the  Recueil,  p.  53,  —  Lacroix,  48  — ,  Dizain  d'un  jaloux  de 
s'Amye.     The  third  line  altered. 

(15)  A  Andre  Tardivon,  Courrier  de  Romans,  P.  F.,  p. 


248         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

of  his  skill  in  imitations  of  this  order/  Two  or 
three  must  suffice,  however.  Sainte-Marthe,  like 
other  liberals,  must  needs  have  his  fling  at  the 
monks,   and   especially   the    Franciscans.      Of 

89.  In  the  RecueU,  p.  44,  —  Lacroix,  39  — ,  Rondeau,  Mai 
sur  Mai  estre  sanU.  Punctuation  —  and  sense  —  of  the 
ninth  line  altered. 

(16)  A  R.  Pere  en  Dieu  Monseigneur  Anne  de  GroUe, 
Abbe  de  S.  Pierre  de  Vienne,  P.  F .,  p.  166.  In  the 
Recueil,  p.  27,  —  Lacroix,  24  — ,  A  Monsieur  de  Boessieux, 
Abb6  de  Saint  Pierre  de  Vienne. 

(17)  A  un  superbe  Detracteur,  P.  F.,  p.  176.  The  same 
in  the  Recueil,  p.  22,  —  Lacroix,  20. 

(18)  A  une  Dame  ingrate,  Pour  un  Gentilhomme, 
prenant  cong6  d'elle,  P.  F .,  p.  186.  In  the  Recueil, 
p.  25,  —  Lacroix,  23  — ,  Epistre  d'un  Gentilhomme  a  une 
dame  en  prenant  cong6  d'elle.     Change  in  line  28. 

'  There   are   thirty-seven   such   epigrams  in  Sainte- 
Marthe's  volume.     The  most  worthy  of  note,  in  addition 
to  those  given,  are  the  following : 
A  Ren6  le  Fevre,  Que  sur   toutes  bestes,  I'homme   est   a 

craindre,  P.  F.,  p.  12.     Cf.  p.  531. 
Au  Painctre  qui  avoit  portraict  un  Moyne  au  vif,  P.  F., 

p.  19. 
De  la  variable  &  diverse  signification  de  ce  nom  Escot.    P. 

F.,  p.  45. 
D'un  Moyne  et  de  lafemme  d'un  Libraire,  P.  F.,  p.  67. 
D'une  Dame  qui  mal  parloit  de  luy,  apres  avoir  est4  par 

luy  extollee  jusqu'au  del,  P.  F.,  p.  50. 
D'aulcuns  siens   Parents   mais   maulvais  Amys,    P.  F., 

p.  52. 
A  un  superbe  Detracteur,  P.  F.,  p.  176. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  249 

several  epigrams  to  their  address,  the  best  is 
the  following: 

Du  mesme  {i.e.  "  un  Cordelier" )  parlant  apres  sa  Mort 
h  ses  Freres. 
Sus,  lisez  tous,  Freres,  diligemment 
Que  dit  I'Escot  du  merite  condigne, 
Car  Ton  ma  dit  icy  apertement 
A  me  saulver  mon  Merite  estre  indigne. 
Mais  j  'ay  monstr^  a  Jesu  Christ,  par  signe, 
Qu'il  ne  debvoit  me  faire  tel  exces. 
Lisez,  lisez  en  ce  Docteur  tresdigne, 
Car  j'ay  espoir  d'en  gagner  mon  proces. 

—  P.F.,p.  46. 

In   another  epigram   Sainte-Marthe  jests   after 

Rabelais : 

D'un  Evesque  portatif. ' 

"  Monsieur  I'Evesque  portatif, 
Oster  un  R  vous  fauldra. 
Puis,  si  le  nom  est  potatif, 
Cast  ce  que  mieulx  vous  conviendra." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  28. 

Rabelais  himself  may,  not  impossibly  have  sat 
for  a  satiric  picture  of  a  bibulous  Franciscan: 

A  un  Docteur  seraphique  par  compotations  vespertines. 
Monsieur  le  Docteur,  par  ta  Foy, 
As  tu  tant  estudi6  que  beu  ? 

*  I.e.  Bishop  in  partibus.  Rabelais  in  the  catalogue 
of  the  library  of  St.  Victor  names  "Les  potingues  des 
evesques  potatifs, "  CEuvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  249. 


250         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Si  respondz  que  non  je  t'en  croy, 
Aussy  I'avois  je  tousjours  creu. 
Long  temps  y  k  que  I'ay  cogneu 
A  la  couleur  de  ta  medalle : 
Car  I'estudiant  advient  tout  palle, 
Et  par  estude  extermin6 ; 
Mais  celuy  qui  bon  vin  avalle 
Est  (comme  toy)  illuming. 

—  P.  F.,  p.  71. 

A  punning  huitain,  of  this  epigrammatic  sort  but 
by  no  means  in  Sainte-Marthe's  best  vein,  was 
rather  unkindly  quoted  by  Du  Verdier  ''pour 
montrer  seulement  le  style  de  Fauteur": 

A  un  quidem,  qui  se  disoit  homme  de  bien. 
"  Tu  te  fais  tant  homme  de  bien, 
Siainsi  est,  n'est  peu  de  chose; 
Ce  neantmoins  je  n"en  croy  rien 
Quoyque  ton  Cerveau  te  propose : 
Car  le  Sainct  Evangile  expose 
Que  nul  n'est  bon,  fors  seuUement 
Le  Seigneur  Dieu,  certainement 
Tu  n'es  pas  Dieu,  mais  pecheur.     Doncques 
Je  te  diray  tout  haultement 
Qu'homme  de  bien  tu  ne  fuz  oncques." 

—  P.F.,p.l6. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that,  of  set 
purpose,  Sainte-Marthe  followed  closely  in  the 
steps  of  "le  poete  scavant,"  as  he  chose  to  call 
Marot.     His   discipleship  was  not  confined  to 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  251 

manner  and  subject.  He  was  eagerly  receptive 
of  the  ideas  of  his  model.  Marot,  for  instance, 
was  concerned  for  the  glory  of  his  mother-tongue. 
Following  the  example  set  by  his  publisher, 
Geoff roy  Tory/  he  wished  to  do  his  share  towards 
enriching  his  own  language,  —  his  translation 
of  the  Metamorphoses,  for  example,  was  to  be  a 
"decoration  grande  en  nostre  langue";^  Sainte- 
Marthe,  after  him,  deprecated  the  idea  that  he 
could  wish  to  "deprimer  1' exercise  de  la  mienne 
Langue  Vulgaire,"  and  proclaimed  in  his  dedica- 
tion to  the  Duchesse  d'Estampes  the  conviction 
that  he  could  offer  no  "plus  louable  sacrifice  k 
ma  Nation  que  d'illustrer  sa  Langue  selon  mon 
rudde  Esprit," '  And  this  was  at  a  time,  — 
Sainte-Marthe  himself  is  our  witness,  —  when  to 
compose  verse  in  the  vernacular  was  regarded 
as  unworthy  the  attention  of  a  learned  man. 
"Que  direz  vous,"  thus  he  addresses  his  father: 

"Que  direz  vous  quand  vous  viendrez  k  lire 
L'cEUvre  Francois  de  celuy,  qui  escrire 

*  In  his  Champ  fleury.  Cf.  Tilley,  Lit.  of  the  French 
Renaissance,  Vol.  I,  pp.  32  and  33. 

'  Marot  au  Roy,  touchant  la  Metamorphose,  CEuvres,  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  154. 

3  P.  F.,  p.  3. 


252        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Selon  raison,  et  vostre  jugement, 

Pour  s'acquitter,  debvoit  tout  aultrement  ? 

4e  *  *  4:  * 

Si  demarides,  pourquoy  doncques  ma  Muse 
(Veu  qui  puis  plus)  a  ces  Fatras  m'amuse, 
Et  que  soubdain  je  ne  mets  en  avant 
(Euvre  sentant  homme  qui  soit  scavant : 

Avec  le  temps  (sans  de  rien  se  jacter) 
On  verra  bien  cel^  qu'il  (mon  esprit)  scait  traiter." 
—  A  son  Seigneur  et  Pere,  etc.    P.  F.,  pp.  148 
and  149. 

If  Sainte-Marthe  does  not,  in  the  poem  from 
which  these  Hnes  are  taken,  attempt  the  defense 
of  poetry  in  the  vernacular  upon  any  grounds 
other  than  that  of  its  charm  as  a  pleasant 
recreation,  elsewhere,  as  we  shall  see,  he  comes 
vigorously  enough  to  the  defense  of  the  French 
language. 

In  this  regard  Marot  was  not  Sainte-Marthe's 
only  inspiration.  Dolet  had  just  published  his 
Maniere  de  bien  traduire  d'une  langue  en  aidtre,^ 
intended  as  earnest  of  a  larger  work  already 

*  The  dedication  to  de  Langey  is  dated  ce  dernier  jour 
de  May.  A  modern  reprint  by  Techener,  cit.  Tilley,  Vol. 
I,  p.  33  n. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  253 

composed,  the  Orateur  Francoys,^  and  Sainte- 
Marthe  had  immediately  proclaimed  his  admira- 
tion in  a  dixain  published  with  it.^  Now,  Dolet 
gives  his  desire  to  ''illustrer"  the  French  tongue 

*  It  was  the  existence  of  this  book  which  Du  Bellay 
offered  as  one  reason  for  not  treating  of  the  orator  as 
well  as  of  the  poet,  Deffence,  p.  161.  He  was,  perhaps, 
ignorant  of  the  fact  that  the  work  contained  a  chapter 
on  L'art  poetique  as  well  as  on  L'art  oratoire.  In  view  of 
Du  Bellay's  approval,  the  following  passage  has  its  inter- 
est :  "  II  te  fault  garder  d'usurper  mots  trops  approchants 
du  Latin ;  et  peu  usites  par  le  pass6 ;  mais  contente  toy 
du  commun,  sans  innover  aulcunes  dictions  follement,  et 
par  curiosity  reprehensible.  Ce  que,  si  aulcuns  font,  ne 
les  ensuy  en  cela :  car  leur  arrogance  ne  vault  rien  et  n'est 
tolerable  entre  les  gens  scavants.  Pour  cela  n'entends 
pas  que  je  dy,  que  le  traducteur  s'abstienne  totallement 
de  mots  qui  sont  hors  de  I'usage  commun:  car  on  scait 
bien  que  la  langue  Grecque,  ou  Latine  est  trop  plus  riche 
en  dictions  que  la  Francoyse.  Qui  nous  contrainct  souvent 
d'user  de  mots  peu  frequentes.  Mais  cela  se  doibt  faire  k 
I'extreme  necessite,  etc."    Maniere  de  bien  traduire,  p.  14. 

'  In  the  Maniere  de  bien  traduire,  p.  33,  it  is  entitled 
Au  Lecteur  Francoys,  Dixain  de  Saincte  Marthe.  Re- 
printed in  the  Poesie  Francoise,  p.  78,  it  became  Aux 
Francois,  du  Litre  de  Dolet,  de  la  langue  Francoise. 
The  versions  differ  only  in  the  spelling  of  three  words, 
which  in  Dolet's  book  are  Francoys,  langage  and  v^age. 
M.  Chamard  quotes  it,  recognizing  in  its  author  one  of 
Du  Bellay's  precursors,  Joachim  du  Bellay,  p.  10;  and 
refers  to  it  again  in  his  review  of  P.  de  Longuemare's 
work.  Rev.  d'Hist.  Litt.,  1903,  p.  349.  It  is  reprinted 
by  Copley  Christie,  Etienne  Dolet,  p.  357. 


254         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

as  one  reason  for  composing  his  book  in  French, 
and  it  was  probably  from  him  that  Sainte- 
Marthe  borrowed  a  phrase  which  Du  Bellay  was 
to  render  famous.  ''L'une  (raison)  est  que  mon 
affection  est  telle  envers  I'honneur  de  mon  pais 
qui  je  veulx  trouver  tout  moyen  de  Tillustrer;" 
writes  Dolet,  "et  ne  le  puis  mieulx  faire  que  de 
celebrer  sa  langue  comme  ont  faict  Grecs  et 
Romains  la  leur."  ^  In  the  dizain,  which  Sainte- 
Marthe  republished  in  the  Poesie  Francoise,  his 
own  enthusiasm  for  the  French  language  is  no 
less  clear  than  his  admiration  of  Dolet : 

"Pourquoy  es  tu  d'aultruy  admirateur 
Vilipendant  le  tien  propre  langaige  ? 
Est  ce  (Francois)  que  tu  n'as  instructeur, 
Qui  d'iceluy  te  reraonstre  I'usaige? 
Maintenant  as,  k  ce,  grand  advantaige, 
Si  vers  ta  Langue  as  quelque  affection. 
Dolet  t'y  donne  une  introduction 
Si  bonne  en  tout,  qu'il  n'y  a  que  redire, 
Car  il  t'enseigne  (6  noble  invention) 
D'escrire  bien,  bien  tourner  et  bien  dire. " 

A  long  epistle,  Aux  Francois,  en  recommendation 
du  Livre  de  Dolet,^  however,  brings  out  Sainte- 

*  Op.  di.,  pp.  3  and  4. 

2  P.  F.,  p.  177.       The  full   title    is,   Aux    Francoys, 
en  recommendation  du  Livre  de  Dolet,  de  la  maniere  de 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  255 

Marthe's  own  attitude  even  more  clearly  than 
does  the  dizain.  Dolet  by  his  efforts,  says  the 
poet, 

"  L'immortel  bruict  de  sa  Langue  procure  — 
Pour  au  Francoys,  Francois  habituer ; " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  177. 
the  purpose  of  his  book  is, 

"6  noble  esprit  Francoys, 

AflBn  que  tien  (non  plus  S,  aultruy)  sois;  " 

—  Hid. 
the  book  itself 

"te  sert  de  perfaict  exemplaire, 
Non  seulement  en  ta  Langue  vulgaire, 
Pour  bien  parler  ou  escrire  (combien 
Que  cela  seul  te  soit  nompareil  bien) 
Mais  .  .  . 

.  .  .  k  plain  entendre  la  Latine. " 

—  Ibid.,  p.  178. 

Further  on,  Sainte-Marthe  thus  exhorts  his 
countrymen : 

"  Parquoy,  Francoys,  si  dans  ton  cueur  tu  aymes 
Ta  nation,  ton  honneur  et  toy  mesmes 

traduire,  punctuer  &  accentiier,  en  nostre  Langue.  Avec- 
ques  exhortation  a  tous  lettres  Francoys,  s'aymer  et  soub- 
tenir  I'un  I'aultre.  It. will  be  observed  that  both  this 
poem  and  the  Dixain  distort  the  title  of  Dolet's  book. 
The  poem  is  noticed  by  M.Chamard.  Rev.  d'Hist.  Litt., 
loc.  cit.,  p.  349.  Copley  Christie  surprisingly  omits  any 
reference  to  it. 


256        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Demonstre  toy  du  Bien  recognoissant 
Qui  est  moyen  que  ton  bruit  va  croissant,"  etc. 
—  Ibid.,  p.  179  and  180. 

Dolet,  he  says,  has  shown  the  language  to  be 
full  of  "graves  mots,  tennes  et  dictions,"  as  well 
as  in  itself  "tresantique  et  noblement  fam6e." 
He  grows  eloquent  as  he  continues : 

"  Ce  labeur  est  k  nostre  Langue  lustre 
Pour  I'advancer,  et  rendre  tresillustre, 
Pour  I'advancer  et  poulser  en  avant 
En  luy  gardant  le  los  qu'avoit  davant. 
Ne  veulx  tu  donq',  6  Francois,  y  entendre? 
Ne  veulx  tu  done  virilement  contendre 
Cbntre  quelcuns  Barbares  estrangiers,* 
Qui  les  Francoys  disent  estre  legiers?  "  etc. 

—  Ibid.,  pp.  180  and  181. 

Again  he  takes  up  the  cudgels  for  France  in 
comparison  with  other  nations : 

"Qu'^  ritalie,  ou  toute  TAUemaigne 
La  Grece,  Escoce,  Angleterre  ou  Hespaigne 
Plus  que  la  France  ?  est  ce  point  de  tons  biens  ? 
Estce  qu'ilz  ont  aux  Arts  plus  de  moyens  ? 
Ou  leurs  Esprits  plus  aiguz  que  les  nostres  ? 

*  Here  Sainte-Marthe  neatly  turns  the  tables  on  the 
foreigners.  Dolet  had  written  of  his  book  :  "  pars  le  moins 
pense  que  c'est  commencement,  qui  pourra  parvenir  k  fin 
telle,  que  les  estrangiers  ne  nous  appellent  plus  Barbares. 
p.  6. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  257 

Ou  bien  qu'ilz  sont  plus  scavants  que  nous  aultres  ? 
Tant  s'en  f  auldra  que  leur  vueillons  cedder, 
Que  nous  dirons  plus  tost  les  excedder. " 

—  Ibid.,  p.  181. 

This  is  not  the  only  passage  of  the  poem  which 

faintly  strikes  notes  more  vigorously  sounded 

nine  years  later  by  Du  Bellay/     "  Que  sert  il," 

exclaims  Sainte-Marthe 

"  Langue  estrange  tourner 
Si  la  tournant  tu  ne  la  scays  orner  ?  "  ^ 

—Ibid.,  p.  178. 
And  again: 

"  II  ta  monstre  tresfacille  maniere, 
Comment  pourras  getter  ton  fondement 
Sur  le  latin,  puis  bastir  bellement : 
Donnant  k  ce,  la  matiere  propice, 
Pour  eslever  en  I'Air  ton  edifice. " ' 

—  Ibid.,  p.  180. 

The  most  noteworthy  passage  however  is   the 

following,  with  its  reminiscence  of  Horace :  * 

"Quelcun  pourra  Paintre  de  nom  se  faindre, 
Mais  s'il  ne  peut  aulcune  image  paindre 

*  Cf.  Du  Bellay's  Deffence,  Bk.  I,  first  four  chapters, 
esp.  pp.  50-52,  63-64,  73-74,  76,  80-81. 

»  Cf.  Du  Bellay,  op.  cit.,  pp.  84-89. 
3  Cf.  Du  Bellay,  op.  cit.,  pp.  99-102. 

*  Cf  A.  P.  86, 

"Descriptas  servare  vicas  operumque  colores 
Cur  ego  si  nequeo  ignoroque  poeta  salutor?" 


258         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Ou,  la  paignant,  s'il  n'accomode  point, 

Ainsy  qu'il  fault,  les  couleurs  a  leur  poinct, 

Le  debvons  nous  painctre  penser  ou  dire  ? 

Rien  n'est  aussi,  en  quelque  Langue  escrire, 

Sans  y  avoir  des  mots  variety, 

Et  en  user  en  leur  propriete. 

II  faut  avoir  avecques  cast  usaige 

Bon  jugement  &  doulceur  de  langaige, 

Y  ajouxtant  (pour  la  perfection) 

Ordre  d'accents  et  punctuation. " 

—  Ibid.,  p.  179. 

If  it  were  rash  to  claim  that  this  passage  antici- 
pates the  theory,  disseminated  by  Pleiade,  that 
the  poet  must  have  both  native  gifts  and  train- 
ing, must  be  "porte  de  fureur  et  d'art,"  at  least 
it  contains  the  idea  of  art,  —  the  gift,  it  has  been 
said,  of  Italy  to  the  French  Renaissance,^  —  and 
proves  its  author  well  abreast  of  the  new  ideas 
of  his  time. 

If  Sainte-Marthe  can  lay  no  just  claim  to  such 
honors  as  were  thrust  upon  him  by  Dolet,  who 
repaid  his-  friend's  admiration  by  crediting  him 

with  such  a  style 

"  touchant  nostre  parler, 
(Parler  Francoys,  plaisant  k  touts  humains), 
Que  jusqu'au  Ciel  on  veoit  ton  loz  aller,  "* 

*  Gustave  Lanson,  Hist,  de  la  Litt.  frangaise,  pp.  218 
and  219. 

^  Etienne  Dolet,  A  S.  Marthe.  Livre  de  ses  Amys, 
P.  F.,  p.  232.     Cf.  p.  544. 


MAROT  AND   PETRARCHISM  259 

he  at  least  deserves  credit  for  having,  at  so  early 
a  date,  made  even  a  faint  approach  to  theory  in 
criticism.  He  had  theories  also,  it  appears,  on 
questions  of  rhyme  as  of  morphology:  "Tu 
pourras  aussi  redarguer, "  he  writes,  in  his  au 
Lecteur  which  deals  with  errata,  "que,  en  la 
rhythmie,  je  semble  ne  faire  deue  observation  des 
terminations :  comme  rythmant  tant  &  tent;  ance 
&  ence;  ante,  ente;  aistre,  estre;  aire,  ere;  ange, 
enge;  cer,  ser;  ouse,  ose;  n6,  n'ay;  &  semblables. 
Mais  je  te  pry  ne  t'advancer  a  m'en  reprendre 
jusques  a  ce  qu'auras  sceu  ma  fantaisie.  Je 
n' observe  aussi  la  termination  des  premieres 
personnes  des  verbes:  comme  dys,  dy;  veois, 
veoy;  &  semblables:  m'accommodant  au  commun 
usaige,  jusqu'a  ce  que  plus  amplement  en  ays 
traict6  en  mon  Livre  de  la  conjunction  des 
quatre  Langues,  lequel  je  te  prepare."  ^ 

Sainte-Marthe's  enthusiasm  for  his  mother 
tongue  and  his  elementary  ideas  in  regard  to 
composition,  rhymes  or  terminations  are  of 
less  moment  for  his  place  in  the  history  of  the 
French  Renaissance  than  his  early  imitation  of 
Italian  models.  Petrarchism  has  been  said  by 
1  P.  F.,  p.  224. 


260        CHARLES    DE    SAINTE-MARTHB 

M.  Faguet  to  consist  of  a  collection  of  formulae, 
perfectly  defined  and  consecrated,  into  which 
the  poet  may  dip  at  leisure.  In  the  same 
passage  ^  that  author  notes  that  the  program  of 
the  perfect  Petrarchist  can  hardly  be  better 
described  than  by  Du  Bellay  hi  his  satire  Contre 
les  petrarquistes : 

"Ce  n'est  que  feu  de  leurs  froides  chaleurs, 
Ce  n'est  qu'horreur  de  leurs  feintes  douleurs, 
Ce  n'est  en  cor  de  leurs  soupirs  et  pleurs, 

Que  vent,  pluie,  et  orages ; 
Et  bref,  ce  n'est  k  ouir  leurs  chansons 
De  leurs  amours,  que  flammes  et  glacons, 
Fldches,  liens,  et  mille  autre  facons 
De  semblables  outrages. 
***** 

De  vos  beautfe,  ce  n'est  que  tout  fin  or, 
Perles,  cristal,  marbre  et  ivoire  encor, 
Et  tout  I'honneur  de  I'indique  tr^sor, 

Fleurs,  lis,  oeilet,  et  roses ; 
De  vos  douceurs  ce  n'est  que  sucre  et  miel 
De  vos  rigeurs,  n'est  qu'alo^s  et  fiel, 
De  vos  esprits,  c'est  tout  ce  que  le  ciel 

Tient  de  graces  encloses. 

The  phenomenon  here  indicated  appeared  in 
France  only  after  the  best  intelHgences  of  the 

*  Desportes.    Rev.  des  Cours  et  Conferences.    Vol.  I, 
p.  418.     Cf.  also  Seizibme  SUcle,  p.  301. 


MAROT  AND   PETRARCHISM  261 

country  had  been  absorbing  Italian  influences 

for  some  forty  years,  and  may  be  fairly  said  to 

date  from  the  supposed  discovery  of  Laura's 

tomb  in  1533.    That  incident  interested  Francois 

I,   who   ordered   a   sumptuous   tomb   built   at 

Avignon  and  even  composed  for  the  occasion 

verses  *  which  naturally  aroused  the  poets  of  his 

realm   to    emulation   and    compliment.    Marot 

took  the  occasion  to  pay  a  tribute  to  the  king: 

"O  Laure,  Laure,  11  t'a  est6  besoing 
D'aymer  I'honneur  &  d'estre  vertueuse 
Car  Frangois  Roy  sans  cela  n'eust  prins  soing 
De  t'honorer  de  tumbe  sumptueuse,"  etc. 

—  Du  Roy  et  de  Laure,  CEuvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  39. 

Saint-Gelais  was  ready  with  a  dixain  and  a 
huitain  on  the  same  subject,  doubting  in  the 
latter  whether  his  subjects,  or  Laura,  or  Petrarch 
owed  most  to  the  king.^  Macrin  went  further, 
and,  in   Latin  verses,^  debated  whether  Laura 

*  They  are  reprinted  by  Blanchemain  as  part  of 
La  Monnoye's  note  on  a  poem  of  Saint-Gelais  cit.  infra, 
(Euvres  de  Melin  de  Sainet-Gelays,  Vol.  II,  p.  166.  It 
was  La  Monnoye  who  attributed  them  to  Francois  I. 
Blanchemain  suggests  that  they  may  actually  be  by 
Saint-Gelais.     Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  p.  44,  note. 

=>  (Euvres,  Vols.  II,  p.  165,  and  III,  p.  3. 

'  Included  in  Benedicti  Theocreni  .  .  .  Poemata,  fol. 
Ei^  r°. 


262         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

herself  owed  her  fame  most  to  Petrarch  or  to 
the  king,  and  the  subject  was  equally  welcome 
to  smaller  poets  like  Tagliacame,  bishop  of  La 
Grasse,  who,  also  in  Latin,  represented  Phoebus 
as  congratulating  himself  that  Francis  would 
revive  the  glory  of  his  laurel  tree.^  It  is  signifi- 
cant to  find  the  effusions  of  the  two  latter  in- 
cluded in  a  volume  containing  also  a  poem  show- 
ing the  Itahan  sympathies  of  another  poet,  Colin, 
who  shorjtly  afterwards  translated  the  Cortigiano :  ^ 
lacobi  Colini  ad  Federicum  Fregosium  Musa 
loquitur.^  The  fact  that,  in  this  very  year,  a 
French  press  put  forth  a  work  steeped  in 
Petrarch,  the  Opere  Toscane  of  Luigi  Alemanni,* 
dedicated  to  the  king,  may  have  given  intensity 
to  the  current  of  thought  already  directed 
towards  Italy.  In  any  case,  from  this  time  on, 
interest  in  Petrarch  remained  aUve,  and  imita- 

*  Benedicti  Theocreni  .  .  .  Poemata.  In  the  last  of 
three  poems  on  the  subject  by  him :  De  rege  Francisco  & 
Laura  Francisci  Pelrarchce  arnica;  De  eadem,  fol.  Ej  v°; 
De  eadem,  fol.  Eij  r°. 

^  In  1537,  the  year  after  the  publication  of  the  volume 
in  question. 

'  Op.  cit.,  fol.  G  iiij. 

*  On  the  title  page  under  the  King's  salamander  is 
the  legend,  "Sovr'  6gni  uso  mortal  m'  6  dato  albergo." 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  263 

tions  of  him  —  clumsy  indeed  at  first  —  con- 
tinued to  appear  until  the  poets  of  the  P16iade 
set  upon  the  movement  the  seal  of  their  genius. 
By  1535  Petrarch's  name  was  sufficiently  in 
the  mouths  of  men  for  Saint-Gelais  to  refer  to 
him  as  a  matter  of  course : 

"Car  il  (amour)  est  trop  rus6 
Et  n'en  croyez  Petrarque  ny  Ovide;" 

—  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  5. 

In  1537,  Almanaque  Papillon  writes  of  him  as  the 
poet  of  love  par  excellence.  Argent  addresses 
Cupid : 

"  Mays  en  premier  de  toy  triumpheray 
Et  deshonneur  de  vaincu  te  feray, 
Et  si  auray  d'un  nouveau  dieu  la  marque 
Pour  en  ton  lieu  estre  mys  en  Petrarque. " 
—  La  Victoire   et   Triumphe   d' Argent  contre  Cupido, 
fol.  A  viij ,  v°. 

In  1540,  Dolet  quotes  Aretino,  Sannazar,  Petrarch, 
and  Bembo  as  authorities  for  composition  in  the 
vernacular,^  and,  by  1542,  imitation  of  the  Italian 
poet  was  so  frequent  that  Heroet  could  write : 

"Ne  recevez,  Dames,  aulcune  craincte 
Quand  vous  oyez  des  doloureux  la  plaincte. 
Tous  les  escripts  et  larmoyants  autheurs, 

*  Op.  cit.,  p.  4. 


264        CHARLES  DB   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Tous  le  Petrarcque  et  ses  imitateurs, 
Qui  de  souspirs  et  de  froydes  querelles 
Remplissent  I'air  en  parlant  aux  estoilles, 
Ne  facent  point  soupsonner  qu'^  aymer 
Entre  le  doulx  il  y  ayt  de  Tamer. " 

—  La  parfaicte  amye,  p.  70  et  seq. 

Before  Heroet  penned  these  lines,  the  chief 
imitators  of  Petrarch  and  of  the  modem  Italian 
Petrarchists  were  Marot,  Saint-Gelais  and  Salel. 
Although  Marot's  Six  Sonnetz  de  Petrarque  were 
still  in  the  future,  he  had  already  composed  the 
only  two  sonnets  so  far  published  in  France,  and 
his  Visions  de  Petrarque,  a  translation  of  one  of 
the  Canzoni,^  had  appeared  as  early  as  1534  in 
the  Fleurs  de  Poesie  Francoyse?  Nor  are  other 
traces  of  the  influence  of  the  great  Italian  poet 
lacking  in  Marot's  early  work.  In  1536  he  had 
written  an  epigram  to  Saint-Gelais,  A  soy  mesmes, 
De  Madame  Laure,^  and,  even  before  1533,  he, 
whose  native  vein  is  better  expressed  in  the 
cynical  Chanson,  "Le  cueur  de  vous  ma  presence 

*  Sonetti  e  Canzoni,  no.  cccxxiii. 

*  Hecatomphile.  .  .  .  Les  Fleurs  de  Poesie  Francoyse. 

3  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  36.  Due  allowance  must,  how- 
ever, be  made  for  the  preconceived  ideas  of  Lenglet 
Dufresnoy,  whose  dates  I  have  used  for  this  and  the  other 
poems  referred  to. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  265 

desire,"  ^  attempted  poetical  expression  of  that 
purer  love  touched  with  imagination  to  which 
Petrarch  introduced  the  French  poets  of  the 
Renaissance.  His  delicate  Chanson,  "  J'ayme  le 
cueur  de  m'amye,"  ^  his  epigram,  De  V amour 
chaste,^  with  its  etherealized  conclusion  "Je 
I'ayme  tant  que  je  ne  I'ose  aymer,"  are  evidences 
of  this,  and  his  huitain,  " Sur  la  Devise:  Non 
ce  que  je  pense,"*  strikes  a  true  Petrarchistic 
note.  The  more  conceited  aspect  of  Petrarchism 
appears  in  the  early  elegy  assuring  his  mistress 
that  he  can  bum  his  letter  by 

"I'amoureuse  flamme 
Que  mon  las  cueur  pour  voz  vertus  enflamme." 
—  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  37. 

For  such  imagery  as  this,  Marot  was  undoubt- 
edly more  indebted  to  contemporary  Italian 
Petrarchists  than  to  Petrarch's  own  poems. 

M.  Vianey  has  observed  ^  that  Marot  probably 
owed  his  fondness  for  the  huitain  no  less  than  his 
use  of  conventional  Italian  imagery  to  the 
strambottists,  especially  Tebaldeo,  whose  temper 

'  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  186.  *  Ibid.,  Vol.  II,  p.  190. 

3  Ibid.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  38.  *  Ibid.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  16. 

^  Le  Pitrarquisme  en  France  au  xvi*  sibde,  pp.  45  and 
46. 


266         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

was  far  nearer  to  his  own  than  was  Petrarch's. 
Several  of  the  examples  adduced  by  M.  Vianey 
are  of  an  early  date ;  for  instance,  A  Anne,  qu'il 
regrette,  "a  true  Sicilian  strambotto, "  Du  parte- 
ment  d'Anne,  De  son  feu,  et  de  celluy  qui  se 
print  au  Bosquet  de  Ferrare}  But  Marot's  early 
work  contains  many  other  examples  of  Italian 
influence.  He  describes  the  sun  as  shining 
when  he  sees  his  mistress,  while  when  he  looks 
elsewhere,  all  is  black  night;  he  thanks  Venus 
for  making  him  love  a  mistress  so  fair  that, 
should  Cupid  unbandage  his  eyes,  the  god  would 
fall  in  love  with  her  himself,  and  declares  again, 
that  Cupid  has  exchanged  bows  with  Diana  ;^ 
he  represents  Cupid  as  mistaking  his  lady  for 
Venus,^  and  he  makes  her  the  promise  of  immor- 
tality through  his  verse,  so  characteristic  of 
Renaissance  poetry.^  To  multiply  examples 
were  useless.  It  is  clear  that  Marot  in  his  early 
compositions  sacrificed  to  the  coming  poetical 
fashion. 

Saint-Gelais   was   hardly    less    prompt   than 

>  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  16,  31,  and  60. 

*  Ibid.,  Vols.  Ill,  pp.  84  and  28,  and  II,  p.  180. 
3  Ibid.,,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  44. 

*  A  Anne  tencie  pour  Marot,  Ibid.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  62. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  267 

Marot  in  drawing  inspiration  from  the  same 
sources;  and  M.  Vianey  has  noted  the  extent  of 
his  debt/  All  the  examples  which  that  critic 
cites  are  of  about  1535  ;^  so  is  Saint-Gelais' 
rendering  of  Ariosto:  0  doulce  nuit,  0  nuict 
heureuse  et  belle  ;^  so  is  an  imitation  of  Bembo's 
twenty-second  Sonnet ;  *  and  the  famous  trans- 
lation from  Sannazaro,  or  from  Wyatt's  version 
of  Sannazaro/  Voyant  ces  monts  de  veue  ainsi 
lointaine,  was  written  not  later  than  1540.  As 
early  as  1534,  some  half  dozen  of  Saint-Gelais' 
poems  were,  like  Marot's  Visions,  printed  in  the 

»  Op.  cit.,  pp.  104-107. 

^  I.e.,  drawn  by  their  editor,  Blanchemain,  from  the 
MS.  de  la  Rochetulon,  which  he  dates  1535.  CEuvres, 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  1.  M.  Vianey,  op.  cit.,  p.  52,  merely  remarks 
that  this  MS.  probably  contains  the  earliest  examples  of 
Saint-Gelais'  borrowings.  In  fact,  all  the  instances 
quoted  by  him  (except  those  from  Sannazaro  and  Berni) 
are  from  that  MS. 

^  Nuict  d' Amour.  CEuvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  99.  Cf.  Vianey, 
op.  cit.,  p.  52  and  note. 

*  (Eumes,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  84. 

*  CEuvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  78.  J.  M.  Berdan,  The  Migrations 
of  a  Sonnet,  Mod.  Lang.  Notes,  Vol.  XXIII,  pp.  33-36, 
suggests  that  the  translation  was  from  Wyatt's  as  yet 
unpublished  version,  basing  the  supposition  on  strong 
internal  evidence.  His  theory  makes  it  the  result  of  a 
meeting  between  Wyatt  and  Saint-Gelais  in  1539  or  1540. 


268         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Fleurs  de  Poesie  Francoyse,  a  collection  published 
as  a  suite  to  a  translation  of  the  Hecatomphile  of 
Leon  Battista  Alberti.^  The  combination  is  in 
itself  proof  of  the  progressing  interest  in  Italian 
poetry.  The  king  did  not  disdain  to  collaborate 
in  the  volume,  which  contained,  interspersed 
among  verses  of  a  purely  ''Gaulois"  type,  ex- 
amples of  conventional  Petrarchistic  imagery  and 
echoes  of  Petrarch  himself,  —  verbal,  as  in  the 
refrain  of  a  Chant  Royal, 

"Desbender  Tare  ne  guerit  pas  la  playe,  "^  — 

*  Eleven  of  the  poems  included  in  it  are  to  be  found  in 
Blanchemain's  edition  of  Saint-Gelais,  i.e.  (1)  Vol.  I, 
p.  82;  (2)  Rondeau,  Vol.  I,  p.  302;  (3  and  4)  two  Dixains, 
Vol.  Ill,  pp.  48  and  49 ;  (5)  Dixain,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  37 ;  (6  and 
7)  two  Huitains,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  285;  (8  and  9)  Huitains  and 
Dixain,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  280  and  281;  (10)  Huitain,  Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  7  and  8;  (11)  Dixain,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  2  and  3.  Four 
of  these,  (nos.  6,  7,  8,  and  9)  —  already  claimed  by 
Champollion-Figeac  for  Francis  I  —  are  merely  tenta- 
tively included;  another  (1)  is  positively  attributed  to 
Saint-Gelais,  as  it  had  been  to  Francis  I. 

*  Chant  Royal  d'ung  Amant,  Hecatomphile,  etc.,  p.  73. 
The  refrain  translates  the  last  line  of  a  sonnet  of  Petrarch, 
no.  xc  of  the  Sonnetti  e  Canzoni. 

"  Piaga  per  allentar  d'  arco  non  sana." 

The  words  of  the  refrain  conclude  Salel's  paraphrase 
of  this  sonnet  (c/".  infra),  and  were  probably  borrowed 


mAuOT  and  PETRARCHISM  269 

more  substantial  in  the  poems  entitled :  Le  plus 
perfaict  des  amans  confortant  sa  Dame  malade, 
Le  perfaict  des  Amans  a  sa  Dame  definissant  quelle 
est  le  vraye  Amour, ^  Corroboration  du  ferme  propos 
de  la  dame;^  or  the  poem  which  called  forth  that 
"propos,"  Je  n'au^e  estre  content  de mon  contente- 
ment.^  The  book  in  fact  is  one  of  the  first  land- 
marks in  the  progress  of  Petrarchism. 

Hugues  Salel,  third  of  the  Petrarchizing  trio, 
may  be  best  described  as  a  purely  external 
imitator  of  Petrarch.  Evidently  interested  in 
the  Petrarchian  manner  and  subject-matter,  he 
was  quite  untouched  by  its  spirit.  His  (Euvres, 
published  early  in  1540,  a  very  type  of  the 
more  pagan  aspects  of  the  Renaissance,  contain, 
besides  a  translation  and  a  paraphrase  from 
Petrarch,*  many  a  reminiscence  of  that  poet. 

from  that  version.  Salel's  poems  were  in  circulation  for 
some  time  before  their  pubHcation  in  1540;  and  the  ex- 
istence of  this  quotation  in  the  Fleurs  de  Poesie  Francoyse 
fixes  the  date  of  at  least  one  of  them.  It  is,  naturally, 
improbable  that  the  debt  was  on  the  other  side. 

'■  Op.  cit.,  pp.  89  and  91.  Attributed  to  Francis  I  by 
Champollion-Figeac . 

2  Op.  cit.,  p.  93. 

^  Op.  cit.,  p.  92.  Attributed  to  Francis  I  by  Cham- 
pollion-Figeac. 

*  He  translated  a  sonnet,  no.  ccxxiv  of  the  Sonnetti  e 


270        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MAI^THE 

Such  is  the  treatment  of  the  well-worn  glove 
theme/  or  the  promise  —  made,  it  is  true,  only 
by  one  of  the  poet's  friends  and  not  by  the  poet 
himself  —  that  his  mistress,  exceUing  Laura  in 
virtue,  shall  equal  her  in  fame.^  This  antici- 
patory commonplace  of  the  French  as  of  the 
English  Renaissance,  indicates  clearly  the  pre- 
occupation of  Salel's  circle  with  subjects  to  be 
found  in  Petrarch.  Salel  even  begins  a  huitain 
in  the  tone  of  a  true  disciple  of  Petrarch : 

"La  beault^  du  corps  n'est  que  monstre 
De  la  Vertu  qui  est  en  Tame ; " 

—  (Euvres,  fol.  52  v. 

but  the  epigrammatic  ending  is  in  true  "  Gaulois  " 
style.      Salel,    pagan   when   he   philosophizes,' 

Canzoni  (TirS  de  Petrarqrie),  (Euvres,  fol.  47  r°,  and  para- 
phrased another,  no.  xc  of  the  Sonnetti  e  Canzoni  (Dixain 
Tir6  de  Petrarqv^) .    Ibid.,  fol.  48  v°,  cf.  supra,  p.  268,  n.  2. 

*  Envoys  avecqiLes  une  paire  de  gantz,  (Euvres,  fol.  46  r°. 
It  recalls  Petrarch's  sonnet,  no.  cxcix  of  the  Sonnetti  e 
Canzoni. 

*  Claude  de  Plays,  secretaire  de  Madame  la  Daulphine, 
d.  la  Marguerite  de  Salel.    (Euvres,  fol.  51  r°. 

*  Cf.  De  la  misere  et  inconstance  de  la  vie  humaine, 
ibid.,  fol.  21  v"  et  seq.,  which  concludes : 

"  U  sembleroit  en  suyvant  la  sentence 
De  plusieurs  Grecz,  que  n'avoir  print  naissance 
Seroit  meilleur  pour  I'homme  miserable, 
Ou,  estant  ne  en  ce  monde  muable, 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  271 

sensual  when  he  deals  with  love,  is,  in  fact,  totally 
unable  to  reproduce  Petrarch's  idealism.  His  in- 
herent predisposition — despite  a  vein  truly  poetic 
—  is  clearly  evidenced  by  a  translation  from 
Pontanus  ^  of  sentiment  more  than  "natural"; 
by  his  "Blasons,"  de  I'Anneau  and  de  I'Espingle; 
even  by  his  coarse  and  cynical  A  la  Veille  Amou- 
reuse,  or  his  Souhaits  a  une  Dame  Rigoureuse.^ 
He  is  far  better  fitted  to  ape  the  Italian  stram- 
bottists  than  their  so-called  model;  and  it  is 
only  natural  to  come  upon  descriptions  of  Cupid 
tormented  by  Venus,  or  the  lover  tormented  by 
Cupid,  of  the  heart  betraying  the  body  by  letting 
in  love,  or  Cupid  setting  up  in  a  lady's  breast 
the  forge  to  sharpen  his  arrows.^  There  are, 
besides,  complaints  of  the  hardness  and  coldness 
of  the  heart  of  the  poet's  mistress,  verses  on  a 

Soudain  par  mort  aller  au  lieu  prospere 
Que  tout  vivant  apres  la  mort  espere." 

—  fol.25r°. 
*  Les  troys  degrez  de  la  misere  d' amour  tiri  de  pontan, 
(Euvres,  fol.  49  v°. 

2  CEuvres,  fols.  58  r°,  59  r°,  43  r°,  49  v°. 

'  Cf.,   for  these   respective   conceits,   Chant   poetique 

oitquel  Cupido  est  tourmente  par  Venus,  ibid.,  fol.  34  r°; 

Epistre,  fol.  39  v° ;    Du  cueur  qui  a  trahy  le  corps  y  mettant 

amour,  fol.  46  v°;  Z)e  Za  gorge  d'une  damoyselle,  fol.  45  v°. 


272        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

bracelet,  addresses  to  a  sigh,  and  declarations 
that  the  poet  would  die,  but  fears  that  the  flame 
of  love  will  consume  him  after  death/  The  chief 
composition  of  the  book,  the  Eclogue  Marine  on 
the  death  of  the  Dauphin  with  its  musical  re- 
frains, "  Chantez  mes  vers,  chantez  melancolie," 
and  "  Chantez  mes  vers,  chantez  dueil  &  tris- 
tesse,"  ^  is  but  another  evidence  of  Salel's  Italian 
sjanpathies. 

If  Marot,  Saint-Gelais,  and  Salel  were  the 
earliest  imitators  of  Petrarch,  they  were  also  the 
poets  whom  Sainte-Marthe  would,  naturally, 
most  eagerly  emulate.  We  have  seen  his  feeling 
for  Marot;  his  admiration  for  Saint-Gelais,  if 
less  abounding,  was  still  marked.  He  expressed 
it  in  the  lines : 

"  Chascun  n'a  pas  son  esprit  tant  fertile 
Que  Sainct  Gelays, " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  52. 

and  elsewhere  describes  Saint-Gelais  as 

"  Chantant  des  sons  de  sa  sonante  Lyre 
Plaisants  k  tous  &  utiles  k  lire. " 

—  P.F.,  p.  202. 

*  C/.,  for  these  conceits,  Du  cueur,  ibid.,  fol.  44  v°,  and 
Huictain,  fol.  53  r°;  Du  brasselet,  fol.  50  v°;  Huictain,  fol. 
52  r°;  L'amant  passion^,  fol.  45  r°. 

'  Ibid.,  fol.  25  r"  et  seq. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  273 

For  the  substance  of  one  of  his  happiest  imita- 
tions of  Marot's  manner,  he  was  indebted  to 
Saint-Gelais'  epigram  A  un  Gand,  and  one  of  his 
own  epigrams  was  close  enough  to  the  court 
poet's  manner  to  procure  its  insertion  by  a 
critic  Hke  La  Monnoye  among  Saint-Gelais' 
poems/  As  for  Salel,  if  he  and  Sainte-Marthe 
took  a  common  view  of  the  Querelle  desfemmes,' 

^  Au  Seigneur  de  Parnans,  Qu'au  hien  d' Amour, 
rien  n'est  plus  nuysant  que  jouyssance,  P.  F.,  p.  13.  In 
Saint-Gelais'  CEuvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  296,  it  is  simply  entitled 
Autre.  Blanchemain  adds  a  severe  note,  "Ceci  est  un 
pur  galimatias."  The  real  title  shows  it  actually  to  be 
a  somewhat  clumsy  attempt  to  express  a  platonic  idea. 
The  last  word  also  of  the  last  line,  diminue,  is  changed  in 
Blanchemain's  Saint-Gelais  to  continue,  which  completely 
spoils  the  sense.  Cf.  p.  319.  Blanchemain  took  the 
poem  from  the  1719  edition  of  Saint-Gelais  published  by 
Coustellier,  and  is  authority  for  the  fact  that  La  Monnoye 
supplied  the  new  material  of  that  edition.  Op.  cit.,  Vol.  I, 
p.  39. 

^Cf.  Salel: 

"  O  noble  Sexe  en  ce  monde  produict 
Pour  conserver  nature  humaine  en  estre, 
Sexe  sans  qui  I'homme  seroit  mal  duyct, 
Bien  qu'il  se  die  aucunesfois  le  maistre, 
Que  ne  ma  Dieu  &  Nature  faict  naistre 
Plein  de  sea  voir  pour  dignement  escripre 
Les  grand  z  Vertus  que  je  voy  apparoistre 
En  vos  espritz  comme  je  le  desire?" 

—  CEuvres,  fol.  39  r*>. 


274         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

this  was  not  their  only  point  of  sympathy. 
Sainte-Marthe's  rondeau  to  the  older  poet,  on  the 
subject  of  his  "  divise/'  is  full  of  admiration  of  his 
"grand  sens"  and  "  science,"  as  of  the  "prudence" 
which  he  had  acquired  in  the  school  of  Apollo  his 
master/  Although  Salel's  poems  were  but  just 
published,  his  epigrams  and  longer  poems  must 
have  been  current  for  some  time,  and  Sainte- 
Marthe,  no  doubt,  was  familiar  with  them  even 
before  the  king  ordered  them  printed.^  It  was 
probably  to  Salel  that  Sainte-Marthe  owed  the 
idea  of  inspiring  himself  from  ^lian  for  his 
Tempe  de  France,  as  had  the  former  for  his  poem 
De  la  misere  &  inconstance  de  la  vie  humaine.^ 
His  tribute  of  imitation,  in  fact,  was  marked 
enough  to  confuse  contemporaries  as  to  the 
authorship  of  certain  of  Salel's  poems,  which 
were  credited  to  Sainte-Marthe/ 

It  was  natural,  then,  that,  in  what  must  have 
been  his  first  attempts  at  Petrarchism,  Sainte- 
Marthe  should  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  three 

'  A  Salel,  valet  de  chambre  du  Roy,  Sur  sa  divise. 
P.  F.,  p.  90;  cf.  supra,  p.  241  and  n.  3. 

^  Sensuyvent  les  epigrammes  qu'on  a  peu  recueillir, 
faictz  par  ledict  Salel.     (Euvres,  fol.  45  r°. 

»  Op.  cit.,  fol.  21  r°  et  seq.       *  Cf.  supra,  p.  196,  n.  1. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  275 

older  poets  and  occupy  himself  rather  with  the 
conceits  than  with  the  idealism  of  Petrarch. 
When  he  writes  of  Cupid's  arrows  in  his  mistress' 
eyes;*  of  the  prison  of  love  or  the  prison  of  her 
heart;  ^  of  Fortune  personified  and  envious  of 

•  "  Je  ne  scay  point  lequel  plus  me  martyre, 
Son  doulx  parler,  ou  son  picquant  regard, 
De  son  parler  comme  enchesne  m'attire, 
Dedans  ses  yeulx  est  Cupido,  qui  tire 
Contre  mon  cueur,  d' Amour  le  mortel  dard." 
—  De  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  P.  F.,  p.  54. 
Cf.  Petrarch,  Sonnets  nos.  xlvi,  cxxxiii,  cxliv,  cli,  civil 
of  the  Sonnetti  e  Canzoni,  also  no.  Ixxxvii ;  Bembo,  Sonnet 
xiii,   and    Saint-Gelais,   Vol.   Ill,   pp.   46  and   69,   nos. 
Ixxxviii,   cxxix.      In  other  respects   the  epigram  may 
possibly  be  a  reminiscence  of  Giusto  dei  Conti,  La  Bella 
Mano,  Sonnet  cviii,  lines  5  et  seq.  : 

"  II  bel  parlar  che  sorridendo  move, 
E  tra  il  vezzoso  sguardo  i  bei  sospiri, 
II  cor  m'  infiamman  s\,  che  fra  i  martiri 
Di  abbandonarmi  ha  fatto  mille  prove." 

*  "  Ceste  prison,  c'est  vostre  noble  Cueur 

Lequel  du  mien  vaillamment  fut  Vainqueur." 
—  A  Madamoiselle  Beringue  De  leur  honneste  &  irrepre- 
hensible  Amour,  P.  F .,  p.  147. 
"  Or  maintenant  m'est  force  que  je  vive 
(Quoy  vive?)  mais  languisse  sans  raison, 
Le  Corps  aux  Champs  &  le  Cueur  en  prison." 
—  Ala  Ville  d' Aries  en  Provence.    P.  F.,  p.  26. 
Cf.  Petrarch,  Sonnet  no.  Ixxxix  of  Sonnetti  e  Canzoni; 
Bembo,  Sonnet  no.  xcvi ;  Seraphino,  Sonnet  no.  x.    Also 
Saint-Gelais,  Vol.  II,  pp.  95  and  99,  nos.  xix  and  xxv. 


276        CHARLES   DB   SAINTE-MARTHE 

his  love;*  even  when  he  represents  the  lover  as 
preferring  his  mistress'  will  to  his  own;^  he  is 
using  the  commonplaces  of  Italian  Petrarchism 
which  the  French  poets  had  already  assimilated. 
When  he  treats  that  Petrarchian  theme,  the 
lover's  inability  to  express  himself  in  the  pres- 
ence  of   the   beloved,'   which    attracted    both 

*  Contre  Fortune,  fait  au  departir  de  luy  &  Madamoi- 
selie  Beringue,  P.  F.,  p.  52.  Cf.  Petrarch,  Sonnets,  nos. 
ccliii  and  cclix  of  Sonnetti  e  Canzoni,  and  also  Saint- 
Gelais,  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  49. 

' "  Et  non  pourtant,  si  les  (i.e.  other  lovers)  me  preferez, 
J'accorde  &  veulx  tout  ce  que  vous  ferez. 
De  vostre  Amour  mon  cueur  est  tant  ardent 
Qu'avecques  vous  est  en  tout  accordant. 
Ne  vueillez  donq'  aulcun  cas  qui  me  plaise, 
Ou  bien  vueillez  chose  qui  me  desplaise, 
Ce  que  ne  veulx  alors  bien  me  plaira, 
Ce  que  je  veulx  soubdain  me  desplaira, 
Car  en  tout  cas,  par  consent  uniforme 
Mon  vouloir  est  au  vostre  tout  conforme." 
—  Pour  un  Gentilhomme  h  une  Dame.      P.  F.,  p.  133. 

Cf.  Castiglione,  Cortegiano,  Bk.  Ill  (p.  27  of  Hoby's 
translation);  Seraphino,  Sonnet  no.  cvii,  and,  among 
Sonnetti  di  duhbia  attrihuzione,  no.  xx ;  Bembo,  Sonnet  no. 
vi;  Marot,  (Euvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  16,  and  Saint-Gelais, 
(Euvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  73,  no.  cxxxvi. 

'  Cf.  Petrarch,  S.  e  C,  nos.  clxix,  clxx  and  Ixxiii  (at 
end),  "Solemente  quel  nodo,"  etc.;  Chariteo,  Sonnet 
no.  xcv. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  277 

Salel  *  and  Saint-Gelais,  the  very  title  he  chooses 
is  reminiscent  of  the  latter's  douzains  on  the 
subject.    Saint-Gelais'  epigram  begins  as  follows : 

"  Le  cueur  qui  fut  si  longuement  trouble, 
Ne  vous  osant  descouvrir  mon  martyre, 
Ap res  avoir  commence  k  le  dire 
A  de  mes  maux  le  nombre  redouble."' 

—  CEuvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  151. 
Sainte-Marthe  writes : 

A  ma  Damoiselle  Beringue,  Quel  martyre  c'est,  brusler 
d' affection  &  n'oser  parler  pour  la  descouvrir. 

"  Force  d  'Amour  me  veult  souvent  contraindre 
A  declarer  mon  Cueur  apertement, 
Mais  un  reffus,  (pour  honte)  tant  k  craindre, 
M'a  tousjours  fait  un  grand  empeschement. 
Mon  mal  ainsy  nourrys  couvertement 
Dissimulant  I'ennuy  tant  que  je  puis. 
D'aultre  cost^,  du  bien  que  je  poursuis 


'  "  Puis  que  I'esprit  ne  p>eult  &  langue  n'ose, 
Je  vous  supply  de  vous  mesmes  entendre 
L'ardent  desir  de  celuy  qui  propose 
Tant  qu'il  vivra  vostre  esclave  se  rendre." 

—  A  Marguerite,  (Euvres,  fol.  47  v". 

*  And  cf.  the  immediately  following  poem  on  the  same 
subject,  beginning : 

"  Mille  fois  le  jour  je  pense 
A  vous  compter  mon  martyre ; " 

Cf.  also  Ibid.,  Vols.  II,  p.  6,  and  III,  p.  71. 


278        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Le  soubvenir  renforce  mon  martyre. 
Veoyez  (helas)  le  tourment  ou  je  suis, 
Voulant  parler,  un  seul  mot  ne  puis  dire." 

—  P.  F.,  pp.  75-76. 

The  poet  continues  in  a  second  dizain : 

A  elle  mesme,  Sur  le  mesme  propos. 

"  Voulant  parler,  un  seul  mot  ne  puis  dire, 
Si  tresfort  est  mon  Cueur  espris  d'angoisse, 
Le  jour  &  nuict  pour  mon  mal  je  souspire, 
Et  ne  puis  fin  trouver  k  mk  tristesse. 
Seule  pouvez  (O  Madame  &  Maistresse) 
Mon  mal  mortel  entierement  guerir. 
Vous  plaise  done,  (pour  Dieu)  me  secourir, 
Et  que  par  vous,  sant^  me  soit  rendue; 
Vostre  servant  guarderez  de  perir, 
Et  luy  rendrez  la  paroUe  perdue. " 

—  P.F.,  p.  76. 

The  element  of  common  sense  in  the  first  of 
these  productions,  no  less  than  the  epigrammatic 
close  of  the  second,  show  that  Sainte-Marthe 
had  probably  got  at  his  Italian  models  through 
a  French  medium.  In  another  place  he  plainly 
imitates  Marot's  manner  even  when  varying  a 
conventional  Italian  conceit: 

D'une  Dame  h  merveilles  froidde  h  son  Amant. 
"Cupido  veit  une  Dame  fourree 
Un  jour  d'hyver  &  luy  dist,  helas,  belle, 
Je  suis  toute  nud,  donnez  moy  la  entree 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  279 

Pour  m'eschauflfer.     Je  le  veulx,  (respond  elle), 

Mais  mettez  bas  I'Arc,  qu'avez  soulz  I'ecelle. 

L'enfant  le  fait,  puis  se  fourre  dedans. 

Ha  qu'il  fait  bon  (dist  lors)  estre  ceans, 

Mais  tost  apres  il  vuidda  bien  la  place. 

Comment,  (fist  il)  qui  dureroit  leans? 

Le  lieu  y  est  plus  froid  que  n'est  la  Glace. " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  31. 

Again,  when  Sainte-Marthe  writes  of  his  love's 

"beaulx  &  plaisantz  yeulx. 
Son  doulx  parler,  sa  soubrainte  Face, 
Son  beau  maintien,  sa  tresperfaicte  grace, 
Et  les  Vertuz,  qu'on  peut  en  elle  veoir, " 

—  Ibid.,  p.  32. 
the  description  recalls  Petrarch's 

"E  CO  I'andar  e  co'l  soave  sguardo 
S'  accordan  le  dolcissime  parole, 
Et  r  atto  mansueto,  umile  et  tardo ; " 

Sonnetti  e  Canzoni,  Sonnet  no.  clxv. 

but  Salel  had  been  beforehand  with  him  describ- 
ing 

"  Ton  noble  esprit  de  si  beau  corps  convert. 
Ton  oeil  riant  k  tons  cler  &  ouvert. 
Ton  doux  accueil,  ta  faconde  elegante." 

—  (Euvres,  fol.  42  r". 

Sainte-Marthe  twice  treats  that  Petrarchian 
conceit,  universally  appropriated  by  Petrarch's 
disciples,  according  to  Mr.  Sidney  Lee/  of  an 

*  Elizabethan  Sonnets,  Vol.  I,  p.  xli. 


280         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

address  or  dialogue  in  which  the  poet's  heart  or 
eyes  are  concerned.^  In  both  cases,  it  is  curious 
to  note,  Sainte-Marthe  anticipates  Ronsard^  in 

'  Cf.  Petrarch,  S.  e  C,  nos.  xiv,  Ixxxiv,  cl,  cciv,  cclxxiii- 
cclxxv,  etc. 

'  Odes,  Book  IV,  no.  xxii.  Mr.  Sidney  Lee,  in  two 
notes  on  this  conceit  {loc.  cit.,  note^  and  A  Life  of  William 
Shakespeare,  p.  133,  note),  names  Ronsard  alone  as  thus 
treating  the  subject.  I  have  found  one  earlier  instance 
of  it  among  Renaissance  poets,  viz.  in  Tebaldeo: 

"  Spesso  il  cor  mesto  e  gli  occhi  lite  fanno : 
II  cuor  si  duole  e  dice  che  il  lor  lume 
E  causa  del  suo  mal :  ma  per  costume 
Al trove  gli  occhi  volgersi  non  sanno. 
II  cor  che  crescer  sente  il  grave  affanno, 
Di  lagrime  un  corrente  e  largo  fiume 
A  gli  occhi  drizza  acciocchfe  si  consume 
La  visiva  virtil  che  gli  fa  danno. 
E  cosl  il  faretrato  e  cieco  Iddio 
Che  mosso  ha  fra  lor  lite  per  disfarme 
Lieto  ride  fra  se  del  danno  mio. 
Omai  io  non  so  pivl  di  chi  fidarme : 
Come  sperar  salute  mai  poss'  io 
Se  i  miei  contro  di  me  prendono  1'  arme?" 

—  Parnaso  Italiano,  Vol.  VI,  p.  307. 
This  form  of  the  conceit  occurs,  however,  as  early  as  the 
thirteenth  century  in  a  sonnet  by  Guido  Guinizelli : 
"  Dice  Io  core  agli  occhi :  Per  voi  moro. 
Gli  occhi  dicono  al  cor :  Tu  n'  hai  disfatti. 
Apparve  luce  che  rendfe  splendore 
Che,  passato  per  gli  occhi,  il  cor  ferio; 
Ond'  io  ne  sono  a  tal  condizione." 

—  D'  Ancona  e  Bacci :  Manuale,  Vol.  I,  p.  109. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  281 

making  heart  and  eye  the  interlocutors.  In  the 
dixain,  Du  debat  de  Vceil  &  du  Cueur,  voyant  la 
perplexite  de  luy  qui  languit  en  attente,  heart  and 
eye  bandy  reproaches  to  this  conclusion : 

"Mais,  dit  le  Cueur,  toy  &  moy  as  surpris, 
Maulvais  Garcon,  par  ton  regard  vollage, 
Si  n'en  doibs  je  (fait  I'oeil)  estre  repris 
Ce  que  j'ay  fait,  I'ay  fait  comme  messaige." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  23. 

The  second  poem,  Le  Citeur  reprend  I'oeil  de 
regard  trop  vollaige,  &  le  prie  de  s'en  retirer,  is 
plainly  reminiscent  of  Saint-Gelais'  epigram  on 
a  similar  subject  beginning: 

"Cesse  mon  oeil  de  plus  la  regarder 
Puisque  ton  mal  proc^de  de  son  bien."  * 

M.  Laumonier,  treating  of  this  conceit,  notices  Sainte- 
Marthe's  Debat  de  I'oeil  et  du  cceur,  and  remarks  that  it 
was  a  subject  not  uncommon  among  pre-Ronsardian 
French  poets.  He  cites  an  instance  from  a  collection  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  the  Jardin  de  Plaisance  (pub.  1500), 
and  another  from  Baude  de  la  Carrifere,  cit.  Claude  Fauchet 
(CEuvres,  ed.  of  1610,  p.  573),  Ronsard,  Pokle  Lyrique, 
p.  487  and  notes  2  and  3. 

1  CEuvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  48.  It  has  no  title  beyond  its 
number,  xc.  It  was,  however,  printed  in  the  Fleurs  de 
Poesie  Francoyse,  p.  80,  with  the  title,  Au  mesme  propos 
d'ung  Amoureux  ung  pen  marry.  Cf.  also  CEuvres,  Vol.  Ill, 
p.  37. 


282        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Sainte-Marthe's  dixain  follows  these  traces : 

"  Ne  pourrois  tu,  mon  (Eil,  un  petit  t'  engarder 
Te  getter  si  souvent  sur  son  luysant  visaige  ? 
Plus  la  regardes,  plus  tu  la  veulx  regarder, 
Et  par  ton  fol  regard  je  suis  en  une  raige. 
Je  te  pry  que  tu  sois  dorenavant  plus  saige 
Et  que  ta  legiert6  n'augmente  ma  douleur. 
EUe  est  un  Parangon,  mais  quoy,  tu  n'es  pas  seur 
De  I'attirer  k  toy,  ce  dangier  est  k  craindre. 
Parquoy,  pour  ne  tumber  en  un  plus  grand  mal- 

heur, 
N'allumes  point  le  feu  que  ne  pourras  estaindre. " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  36. 

Saint-Gelais'  dixain  was  published  in  the 
Flews  de  Poesie  Francoyse,  with  which  Sainte- 
Marthe  appears  to  have  been  acquainted.  The 
latter's  involved  and  pretentious  prose  dedication 
of  his  poems  to  the  duchesse  d'Estampes^  may 
even  have  been  modeled  upon  the  execrable  style 
of  its  Prologue  du  disciple  de  L'archipoke  Fran- 
coys.^  The  collection,  as  we  have  seen,  contained 
several  poems  in  the  more  ideahstic  Petrarchian 
tone  sympathetic  to  Sainte-Marthe's  tendencies; 
and  "  le  vraye  amour, "  as  described  by  the 
"Perfaict  des  Amans,"  found  more  than  one 

'  Cf.  p.  562  et  seq. 

*  Hecatomphile,  .  .  .  Les  Fleura  de  Poesie  Francoyse, 
pp.  49-51. 


MAROT  AND  PBTRARCHISM  283 

echo  in  his  book  of  poems.  It  is  clear,  however, 
that,  whatever  his  indebtedness  to  French  inter- 
preters, Sainte-Marthe  soon  struck  the  Petrarch- 
istic  note  without  recourse  to  them.  Petrarch's 
references  to  the  net  or  snares  of  love,^  for  ex- 
ample, had  been  imitated  by  Saint-Gelais ;  but 
when  Sainte-Marthe  uses  this  image,  he  comes 
nearer  to  Bembo,  who  compares  his  struggles  to 
those  of  a  bird  in  a  net.^  "  Desire,"  writes  Sainte- 
Marthe  : 

"A  Tenviron  de  moy  ses  fillets  tend, 
Ses  fillets  tend  pour  m'y  poulser  &  prendre, 
M'advertissant,  si  je  veulx  y  entendre, 
Environn^  par  ainsi  &  surpris, 
Evidemment  me  cognois  estre  pris. 
Par  ce  moyen,  plus  ses  fillets  je  lasche. 
Plus  il  me  tient,  &  plus  fort  il  m'attache." 
—  A  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  de  lew  honneste  &  irre- 
prehensible  Amour,  P.  F.,  p.  146. 

The  eyes  of  Petrarch's  Laura  could  make  night 
clear,   but  they  also    obscured    the    noonday.' 

*  S.  e  C .,  Sonnets  nos.  clxxxi,  cc,  cclxxi. 
'  Sonnet  no.  xcvi,  and  cf.  Sonnet  no.  civ. 
'  (S.  e  C,  Sonnet  no.  ccxv.     Cf.  Chariteo,  Sestina,  I,  1. 
12,  Vol.  II,  p.  18.     "  Et  per  me  il  di  serino  e  negra  notte," 
and  Maurice  Sc^ve,  Blazon  du  Sourcil,  Fleurs  de  Poesie 
Francoyse,  cit.  Baur,  op.  cit.,  p.  39 : 

"Sourcil  qui  rend  I'air  clair,  obscur  soudain 
Quand  il  froncit  par  yre  ou  par  desdain." 


284         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Marot  had,  as  we  have  seen,  borrowed  this 
image,  and  he  had  given  it  a  truly  Gaulois  tum.^ 
Sainte-Marthe  uses  the  figure  as  the  first  of  a 
series  of  conceits  which  are  not  found  in  his 
French  predecessors.  He  walks  in  darkness 
in  the  clear  noonday  because  of  his  mistress' 
glance  indeed,  but  he  adds  that  her  sweet  ut- 
terances are  his  death  warrants  and  that  he  is 
so  overcome  by  her  shadow  as  to  lose  sense, 
sight  and  speech  and  be  incapable  of  begging 
mercy.  Hence,  he  concludes,  she  must  have 
near  her  "quelque  divin  umbrage."  ^  It  was  a 
commonplace  with  Petrarch  and  still  more  with 
the  Petrarchists  that  the  poet  was  preordained  by 
fate  to  love  his  mistress ;  ^  Sainte-Marthe  exclaims : 

»  Cf.  supra,  p.  265. 

'  A  M adamoiselle  Beringue,  P.  F.,  pp.  22  and  23.  Cf. 
p.  536.  Cf.,  for  the  poet's  loss  of  consciousness,  Petrarch, 
no.  Ixxiii,  S.  e  C. 

^  Cf.  Petrarch,  S.  e  C .,  nos.  Ixix,  cciii,  Ixxiii;  Bembo, 
Sonnets  nos.  xxxi,  xcvi,  xcix  ;  Seraphino,  Sonnets  nos. 
vi,  xiii,  Ixxv,  cxiii.  Sainte-Marthe  is  verbally  nearer  the 
latter: 

"  N6  mi  biasmo  de  voi,  ma  de  mia  sorte 
Quel  mi  guid6  a  mirar  vostra  beltade, 
Che  allor  mi  tolse  el  cor  de  libertate. 
Onde  convien  che  in  pace  el  giogo  porte." 

—  Sonnet  xiii. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  285 

"La  liberty  qui  jadis  estoit  mienne 
Par  toy,  Belle,  est  mise  en  captivite. 
Doncques  il  fault  que  ton  serf  je  me  tienne 
Suyvant  le  Sort  de  ma  nativity. 
J'avois  longtemps  le  peril  evit6, 
Mais  vaincu  suis  par  fatale  ordonnance, 
Qui  me  promet  que  j'auray  allegeance 
Par  grand  doulceur  joincte  a  rigoeur  tres  rudde. 
Et  par  ainsy  j'obtiendray  delibvrance 
Par  mon  contraire.    O  doulce  servitude. " 
—  A  Madamoiselle  Beringue  de  la  servitude,  d'Amour 
P.  F.,  p.  17. 

Here  the  poet  may  well  have  been  inspired  by 
the  opening  lines  of  the  Selva  d'Amore  of  Lorenzo 
de'  Medici : 

"  O  dolce  servitd,  che  liberasti 
II  cor  d'  ogni  servizio  basso  e  vile, 

9|c  :|c  4!  :|c  9|e 

:|c  :|c  )|c  :|c  :fc 

Quant  6  dolce  e  beata  la  Fortuna 
Che  servo  a  si  gentil  signor  (i.e.  Amor)  mie  diede  1 
Et  servo  piil,  ch'  alcun,  libero  e  degno 
Servendo  a  tal,  il  cui  servir  e  regno." 

—  Opere,  Vol.  II,  p.  7, 

What  looks  like  even  a  clearer  echo  of  this  pas- 
sage occurs  in  the  quatrain,  Que  par  Amour 
estant  en  servitude,  on  pervient  h  liberty : 

"Servant  Amour,  serf  suis,  je  le  confesse; 
Mais  libra  m'est  telle  captivity, 


286        CHARLES  DE   SAESTTE-MARTHE 

Car  le  servir  est  une  seure  addresse 
Pour  parvenir  k  toute  liberie." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  74. 

Elsewhere  Sainte-Marthe  yet  again  repeats  the 

same  idea: 

"  Au  Monde  suis  Libre  &  serf,  tout  ensemble, 
Serf  par  le  Sort  &  Libre  de  Nature 
Serf  suis  d'amour,  etc. " 
—  A  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  De  Liberie  &  Servitude 
provenante  par  Amour,  P.  F.,  p.  78. 

Petrarch  made  frequent  use  of  paradoxical 
antitheses  extremely  tempting  to  his  imitators.* 
Bembo  emulated  him  with  enthusiasm,  and  it 
may  have  been  Bembo  whom  Sainte-Marthe 
followed  in  one  instance  at  least.    His 

"  Je  vy,  je  meurs,  je  ry,  je  pleure, 
En  esperant  je  vy  &  ry, 
Desesper^,  transy  demeure, 
Donq,  en  mourant,  fais  pitieux  cry, " ' 

suggests,  more  in  arrangement  than  in  actual 
words,  the  beginning  of  Bembo's  thirty-sixth 
Sonnet : 

*  For  example,  S.  e  C,  Sonnets  nos.  cxxxiv,  clxxviii, 
clxxxii,  cclii. 

'  En  la  personne  d'un  Amant  desesper4,  P.  F.,  p.  74. 
The  conceit  recurs  in  the  poem  A  Madamoiselle  de  haulte- 
ville,  Comment  Liberie  &  Servitude  {deux  contraires)  peu^ 
vent  durer  ensemble,  P.  F.,  p.  99. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  287 

"Lasso  me,  ch'  ad  un  tempo  e  taccio  &  grido, 
Et  temo  e  spero,  e  mi  rallegro  e  doglio. "  * 

He  is  nearer  Petrarch's 

"dolce  mia  pena, 
Amaro  mio  diletto, " 

—  S.  eC,  Sonnet  no.  ccxl. 
when  he  writes, 

"Langoreux  suis  pour  fermement  aymer, 
Mais  en  langoeur  mon  Esprit  se  contente, 
Le  mal  m'est  doulx,  si  m'est  grief  &  amer, 
Grief  pour  I'ennuy,  &  doulx  pour  une  attente." 
—  Sur  la  devise  des  brasselets  envoyes  h  une  Damoiselle, 
P.  F.,  p.  11? 

Petrarch  declares^  that  the  combined  emotions 
of  other  lovers  cannot  compare  with  his ;  one  of 
Sainte-Marthe's  lovers  is  of  the  same  opinion : 

"  Duquel  {i.e.  Amour)  je  suis  tenu  si  fermement 
Que  je  ne  saiche  avoir  leu  par  hystoire, 
Ou  sceu  par  faict  evident  &  notoire, 


*  The  nearest  thing  in  Petrarch  is : 

"  In  dubbio  di  mi  state,  or  piango,  or  canto; 
E  temo  e  spero ;   ed  in  sospiri  e'n  rima 
Sfogo  '1  mio  incarco." 

—  S.e  C,  Sonnet  no.  cclii. 
'  Cf.  also  Seraphino,  Sonnet  (XXI) : 

"CosI  el  tormento  un  tale  abito  ha  fatto 
Dentro  al  mio  cor,  che  '1  stento  li  par  gioco." 

^  S.  e  C,  Canzone  no.  Ixxii,  1.  46  et  seq. 


288         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MA  RTHE 

Un  cueur  lequel  Amour  si  fort  attise, 
Comme  le  mien  est  de  vous,  sans  faintise." 
—  Pour  un  Gentilhomme  a  une  Dame,  P.  F.,  p.  134. 

A  few  lines  further  he  adds: 

"  Impossible  est  veoir  en  homme  mortel, 
De  vif  Amour  un  remors  qui  soit  tel. " 

Petrarch^  finds  consolation  in  the  fact  that  his 

mistress  is  worthy  his  torments ;  so  does  Sainte- 

Marthe.     The  following  lines  conclude  a  dixaiQ 

Delle  mesme,  &  de  soy  full  of  the  woes  of  the 

lover: 

"Et  n'ay  comfort  si  non  que  je  poursuys 
Une,  sans  plus,  qui  vault  bien  la  poursuivre. " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  29. 

Petrarch,  and  Bembo  after  him,  represents  Beauty 
and  Chastity  as  inhabiting  the  heart  of  the  be- 
loved ;  ^  Sainte-Marthe  thus  expresses  himself 
about  the  duchesse  d'Estampes  ( ! ) : 

"  Pour  sa  tresgrande  &  bien  rare  Beault^, 
Elle  est  la  floeur  entre  toutes  nomm^e : 
Et  tant  pleine  est  de  grand  Honestet6 
Qu'elle  est  de  tons  entierement  aym^e. " ' 

—  P.  F.,  p.  20. 
^  S.  e  C,  Sonnet  no.  clxxiv. 

^Petrarch,  S.  e  C,  Sonnet  no.  ccxcvii;  Bembo,  Sonnet 
no.  V. 

^  Saint-Gelais  also  expressed  this  idea,  (Euvres,  Vol.  II, 
p.  22,  no.  xxxiv. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  289 

Petrarch  declares  that   Laura's   virtues  are  to 

blame  for  his  love : 

"  E  piu  '1  fanno  i  celesti  e  rari  doni 
Ch'  ha  in  se  Madonna ; " 

—  <S.  e  C,  Sonnet  no.  ccxxxvi. 

Sainte-Marthe  chooses  a  rondeau  as  the  form 

in  which  to  express  the  same  sentiment.     He 

concludes : 

"  Je  le  confesse,  que  vous  ayme, 
Mais,  si  vous  aymant  j  'ay  mespris, 
Je  n'en  doibs  pource  estre  repris, 
Mais  plus  tost  en  aura  le  blasme 
Vostre  vertu." 
—  A  une  Dame  au  nom  d'un  Gentilhomme,  P.  P.,  p.  85. 

Petrarch  set  a  fashion  for  the  poets  of  the 
Renaissance  by  references  to  Apollo  more  devout 
than  befit  mere  allusions  to  the  classical  patron 
of  poets. ^  Bembo,  for  example,  developes  the 
idea  into  a  prayer  to  Phoebus  for  the  recovery  of 
his  mistress  from  illness.^  It  may  well  have  been 
the  recollection  of  this  which  suggested  Sainte- 

*  "  E  che  '1  nobile  ingegno  che  dal  cielo 

Per  grazia  tien'  dell'  immortale  Apollo,  ..." 
—  S.  e  C,  Canzone  no.  xxviii,  I.  64.     And  cf.  Epistolae  de 
Rebus  Familiaribus,  x,  4. 

2  Sonnet  nos.  xcviii,  and  cf.  Ronsard,  Odes,  Bk.  I,  20; 
Amours  Diver ses,  ix. 
u 


290         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Marthe's  quite  sincere  prayer,  A  Jesu  Christ, 
Supplication  pour  ohtenir  guarison  a  Madamoiselle 
Beringue  estant  malade  des  Fiebvres}  After  such 
a  title  it  needs  an  appreciation  of  the  lengths 
to  which  the  Renaissance  could  carry  classical 
allusion  ^  not  to  be  startled  at  the  opening  lines : 

"O  Esculape,  O  Dieu  de  medicine 
Souverain  Dieu,  tresexpert  &  insigne 
Pour  tout  grand  mal  de  nos  Corps  deschasser, 
Et  en  sante  tout  vray  bien  pourchasser, 
O  d'ApoUon  seul  &  eternal  Filx 
Aux  langoureux  pour  refuge  prefixe, 
Filx  d'ApoUon,  largiteur  de  lumiere, 
Et  composeur  de  la  forme  premiere 
De  tout  le  monde,  en  qui  tous  nous  vivons, 
Et  de  qui  bien  (par  ton  moyen)  avons. 
Filx  d'une  Vierge  en  tout  immaculee 
Pour  nettoyer  Nature  maculee. 
O  bon  Jesus,  etc. " 

Here  Bembo's  outline  is  much  elaborated,  but 
other  similarity  is  not  lacking.  For  example, 
Bembo  writes  of 

»  P.  F.,  p.  183. 

'  Elsewhere  Sainte-Marthe  writes : 

"Puisque  m'aymer,  &  aymer  je  vous  veulx 
Nos  deux  vouloirs  {au  plaisirs  de  haultes  Dieux) 
Ensemble  joincts,  auront  toute  puissance." 
—  A  Mademoiselle  Beringue,  que  leur  Amour  ne  se  pourra 
minuer  pour  les  mesdisants,  P.  F.,  p.  86. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  291 

"...  la  mia  vita, 

Che  si  consuma  in  lei,  n6  meco  vuole 
Sol  un  di  sovrastar,  s'  ella  sen  fugge," 

and  is  matched  by  Sainte-Marthe's 

"  Je  suis  celuy,  qui  avec  le  tourment 
Ne  puis  avoir  aultre  contentement 
Que,  par  sa  Mort,  une  Mort,  qui  m'est  seure. " 
—  P.  F.,  pp.  184-185. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Sainte-Marthe's  direct 
borrowings  from  Petrarch  and  Bembo  —  who 
among  sixteenth  century  Italians  best  conveyed 
his  master's  spirit  —  are  few  in  number.  The 
same  is  probably  true  of  what  he  took  from  the 
more  extreme  Petrarchists.  Whether  or  not  he 
took  his  inspiration,  even  in  one  instance,  directly 
from   Seraphino,^  in   another   from   Giusto  de' 

*  Seraphinp,  Sonnet  no.  xlix : 
"  Mando  el  ritratto  mio  qual  brami  ognora, 
Ne  te  admirar  se  par  d'  un  altro  el  volto; 
Non  m'  ha  el  pittor  del  natural  gi^  tolto, 
Perche  el  mio  natural  teco  dimora. 
Lassando  te,  da  me  fu  el  spirto  fora 
E  intorno  agli  occhi  toi  rimase  involto. " 

Sainte-Marthe : 

"  Vous  me  direz,  n'estre  qu'une  semblance. 
Et,  quoy  que  soit  aulcune  vive  trace, 
Que  pour  cela  n'a  pas  grand  efficace, 
D'aultant,  que  c'est  seulement  chose  mue, 


292        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Conti/  whether  or  not  there  are  other  traceable 
sources  for  his  conceits,^  the  Petrarchist  influence 
upon  Sainte-Marthe's  general  manner  is  beyond 
question.  When  he  harps,  as  he  continually  does, 
upon  "libre  captivite"  and  "captive  liberte,"^ 
he  may  indeed  have  recalled  lines  of  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici's,  but  he  was  also  repeating  a  threadbare 
conceit  of  the  soimeteers.  When  he  regards  love 
as  a  means  to  arrive  at  freedom,*  or  declares,  all 
in  one  breath,  that  a  pleasant  languor  causes  him 
life  in  death;  that  the  more  he  resists  the  more 
helpless  he  is;  that  he  has  offended  without  guilt 
and  is  captive  though  free;  that,  without  mov- 
ing,' he  hastened  in  search  of  his  bane ;  that  his 
heart  has  escaped  from  his  body  and  bewails  its 
condition  with  joy;  that  he  flees  but  cannot 
escape  his  distress;  and  when  he  ends  by  apos- 

II  est  bien  vray,  mais  pour  la  paincte  Face 
Parle  mon  Cueur,  qui  dans  vous  se  remue." 
—  A  une  Dame,  Pour  un  Gentil  homme,  qui  luy  envoyoit 
sa  portraicture,  P.  F.,  p.  33. 
1  Cf.  supra,  p.  275,  n.  1. 

'  The  search  I  have  been  able  to  make  is  not  exhaustive. 
3  For  example,  P.  F.,  pp.  17  and  147. 

*  P.  F.,  p.  78. 

*  This  idea  occurs  also  in  Chariteo's  eighteenth  Sonnet : 

"  Per  r  aere  vo  volando,  &  son  portato 
Da  tempestosi  venti  &  non  mi  movo." 


MAROT  AND   PETRARCHISM  293 

trophizing  the  blessed  misery  which  causes  that 
Ufe  in  death/  we  recognize  the  wire-drawn  an- 
titheses of  the  hardened  Petrarchist,  even  though 
his  vehicle  of  expression  be  a  rondeau.  The  same 
influence  is  patent  in  the  poet's  warning  to  his 
mistress  not  to  drive  him  to  death,  because  he 
will  benefit  thereby,  whereas  she  will  lose  the 
pleasure  of  his  torments ;  ^  in  his  representation 
of  Juno,  Venus  and  Pallas  striving  for  the  posses- 
sion of  a  lady,'  or  in  his  use  of  the  image  of  the 
chase.*  Again,  his  question  why  Cupid  is  always 
painted  as  a  child;  the  explanation  that  the 
god  establishes  himself  in  youth  and  lives  longer 
and  more  hale  the  stronger  he  is  at  first;  his 
picture   of  Cupid  dipping  his  arrow  in  a  bath 

*  A  Jean  Benac,  De  soy,  P.  F.,  p.  93.  There  are  certain 
similarities  between  this  rondeau  and  Sonnet  no.  xv  of 
Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  but  not  enough  to  point  to  it  with 
any  certainty  as  anything  but  one  general  source  among 
others. 

'  A  une  Dame  aspre  &  cruelle  a  son  servant,  P.  F.,  p.  74. 
Cf.  p.  351. 

'  P.  F.,  p.  37.  Cf.  p.  531.  In  another  instance  the  god- 
desses dispute  the  possession  of  an  infant:  Sur  la  nais- 
sance  de  la  fille  de  Monsieur  le  Baron  d'  Entraigues,  P.  F., 
p.  30. 

*  Delle  mesme  {i.e.  Beringue)  et  de  soy,  P.  F.,  p.  29,  and 
A  une  Dame  pour  un  Gentilhomme,  P.  F,,  p,  190. 


294         CHARLES    DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

of  chastity  and  keeping  it  still;  ^  his  surprise 
that  all  the  water  at  Vaucluse  could  not  quench 
Petrarch's  love,^  and  conclusion  that  either  the 
flame  was  divine  and  Laura's  beauty  super- 
natural, or  else  that  Laura  was  cruel  not  to 
throw  the  water  of  Vaucluse  upon  her  lover's 
flame;'  and  finally  Laura's  reply  that  water 
could  not  quench  this  because  it  was  invisible 
and  immortal;*  —  all  these  things  are  evidence 
that  Sainte-Marthe  is  using  post-Petrarchean 
imagery.  At  the  same  time,  these  very  conceits 
contain  an  ideal  element  which  derives  directly 
from  Petrarch  himself,  and  the  same  element 
appears  in  other  "conceited"  poems.  The  poet 
inquires  why  Venus  and  Cupid  are  represented 
in  painting,  since  love  "n'est  chose  corporelle," 
and  concludes : 

"Done  qu'est  ce  Amour?  (me  direz  vous  la  belle) 
Un  feu  secret,  qui  sans  touche  consomme. " 
—  A   Madamoiselle  de  Nuilly.     Que  c'est  d' Amour, 
P.  F.,  p.  9. 


'  P.  F.,  pp.  71  and  201.   Cf.  pp.  535  and  540. 
'  Sur  la  fontaine  de  Vaucluse  pres  laquslle  jadis  habita 
Petrarche,  P.  F.,  p.  21.     Cf.  p.  535. 

*  Sur  la  mesme  sentence  &  de  Laure  Amye  de  Petrarch, 
P.  P.,  p.  21. 

*  Dame  Laure  se  defend  &  monstre,  que  le  feu  d' Amour 
ne  s'estaint  par  Industrie  humaine,  P.  F .,  p.  22. 


MAROT  AND   PETRARCHISM  295 

Again,  he  sees  a  fire  which  does  not  bum  dry 
wood  and  asks  Venus  the  cause.  Is  not  the  wood 
as  corporeal  as  he  who  bums  at  a  single  glance? 
No,  replies  Venus,  it  is  not  a  natural  flame,  nor 
yours  material : 

"Ce  n'est  ton  Corps  qui  brusle,  mais  ton  Ame. " 
—  De  Beringiie  s'  Amye  &  de  soy,  P.  F.,  p.  14. 

This  spiritual  element  which,  far  more  than 
his  conceits,  was  Petrarch's  bequest  to  the  poets 
of  the  Renaissance,  although  many  of  his  most 
"conceited"  disciples  neglected  it,  is  constantly 
observable  in  Sainte-Marthe's  productions.  Love 
has  become  infused  with  imagination,  and  is  of  the 
heart  rather  than  of  the  senses.  It  is  in  his  in- 
terpretation of  this  view,  no  less  than  in  his  de- 
scription of  the  sufferings  of  the  lover,*  that  Sainte- 
Marthe  shows  himself  a  tme  follower  of  Petrarch : 

"Car  en  Amour,  un  Cueur  I'aultre  reveille, 
Et  entre  Amants  delaisse  un  soubvenir 
Pour  fermement  I'amour  entretenir,"  — 

—  P.  F.,  p.  132. 

'  "  Si  longuement  en  tel  estat  demeure 
Je  veoy  ma  fin,  qui  h.  moy  ne  se  cele." 

—  A  la  Ville  d' Aries  en  Provence.     P.  F .,  p.  26. 
"Car  maintenant  si  pris  d' Amour  je  suis 
Q'en  tel  estat  longuement  ne  puis  vivre." 

—  Delle  mesme  &  de  soy,  P.  F.,  p.  29. 


296         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

thus  he  makes  one  lover  express  himself : 

"A  mon  advis  aussi,  en  tel  affaire 
Le  bon  cueur  doibt  amplement  satisfaire. 
Car  le  seul  Cueur  est  principal  motif, 
En  esmouvant,  est  du  faict  attraictif, 
En  attirant,  plus  souvent  il  advient 
Qu'heureusement  k  sa  fin  il  parvient. 
Ma  fin  est  bonne,  &  loyalle,  &  honneste, 
Et  tout  ainsi  que  I'honneur  admonestre 
Le  poursuivant  son  enterprise  suivre,"  — 

—  P.F.,  p.  191. 

such  are  the  words  he  puts  into  the  mouth  of 
another.  A  lover's  duty  is  to  love  all  ladies, 
serve  only  one.*  The  poet  admires  the  goodness 
no  less  than  the  graces  of  his  mistress.  He  even 
goes  so  far  as  to  say: 

"Vostre  Beaulte  en  ce  n'y  a  rien  fait. 
Quoy  qu'Oeuvre  soit  de  Nature  perfaict, 
Oeuvre  divin  &  splendeur  Angelique, 
Encores  moins  Desir  qui  fust  lubrique.  "* 

The  lover  becomes  the  slave  of  his  mistress : 

"  Non  seulemeni  sa  personne,  Madame, 
Mais  la  moitie  de  son  immortel  Ame, 

'  P.  F.,  p.  147. 

^  A  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  De  leur  honneste  &  irrepre- 
hensible  Amour,  P.  F.,  p.  147. 


MAROT  AND  PETRARCHISM  297 

Pour  declarer  que  n'est  point  Amour  tel 
Que  de  vous  deux,  car  il  est  immortel. " ' 

And  here  we  are  upon  the  traces  of  Platonism, 
that  Platonism  without  taking  account  of  which, 
it  has  been  said,  we  cannot  understand  the 
Renaissance.^ 

'  Sainte-Marthe  says  it  of  Tolet.  A  la  Dame  &  bien 
aymie  de  M.  P.  Tolet,  Medicin  du  grand  Hospital  de  Lyon, 
son  singulier  Amy,  P.  F.,  p.  174. 

U.B.Fletcher,  Did  "Astrophel"  love  "Stella."  Mod. 
Phil.,  Vol.  V,  p.  257. 


CHAPTER  II 

La  Poesie  Frangoise 

Platonic  Influences 

The  doctrine  of  Platonic  love  as  the  Renais- 
sance understood  it  was  perhaps  never  better 
expressed  than  by  Giordano  Bruno  late  in  the 
century,  when  men's  thought  had  had  time  to 
form  and  ripen: 

"...  Quantunque  un  rimagna  fisso  su  una 
corporal  bellezza  e  culto  estemo,  puo  onorevol- 
mente  e  degnamente  trattenersi;  pur  che  de  la 
bellezza  materiale,  la  quale  6  un  raggio  e  splendor 
de  la  forma  ed  atto  spirituale,  di  cui  e  vestigio  ed 
ombra,  vegna  ad  inalzarsi  a  la  considerazion  e 
culto,  de  la  divina  bellezza,  luce  e  maestade;  di 
maniere  che  da  queste  cose  visibili  vegna  a 
magnificar  il  core  verso  quelle  che  son  tanto  pill 
eccellenti  in  se,  e  grate  a  V  animo  ripurgato, 
quanto  son  piu  rimosse  de  la  materia  e  senso. 
298 


PLATONISM  299 

Oime,  dira,  se  una  bellezza  umbratile,  fosca, 
corrente,  dipinta  nella  superficie  de  la  materia 
corporale,  tanto  mi  piace,  e  tanto  mi  commove 
r  affetto,  m'  imprime  nel  spirito  non  so  che 
riverenza  di  maestade,  mi  si  cattiva,  e  tanto 
dolcemente  mi  lega  e  mi  s'  attira,  ch'  io  non  trovo 
cosa,  che  mi  vegna  messa  avanti  da  li  sensi, 
che  tanto  m'appaghe;  che  sara  di  quello  che 
sustanzialmente,  originalmente,  primitivamente 
e  bello?  che  sara  de  Fanima  mia,  del'  inte- 
letto  divino,  de  la  regola  de  la  natura?  Con- 
viene  dunque,  che  la  contemplazione  di  questo 
vestigio  di  luce  mi  ammene  mediante  la  ripur- 
gazion  de  Fanimo  mio  a  Y  imitazione,  conformity 
e  participazione  di  quella  piii  degna  ed  alta,  in 
cui  me  trasforme,  ed  a  cui  me  unisca:  per  che 
son  certo,  che  la  natura,  che  mi  ha  messa  questa 
bellezza  avanti  gli  occhi,  e  mi  ha  dotato  di 
senso  interiore,  per  cui  posso  argumentar  bellezza 
piu  profonda  ed  incomparabilmente  maggiore, 
voglia,  ch'  io  da  qua  basso  vegna  promosso  a 
r  altezza  ed  eminenza  di  specie  piu  eccelenti. 
Ne  credo,  che  il  mio  vero  nume,  come  mi  si 
mostra  in  vestigio  ed  imagine,  voglia  sdegnarsi, 
che  in  imagine  e  vestigio  vegna  ad  onorarlo, 


300        CHARLES  DE   SAESTTE-MARTHE 

a  sacrificargli  con  questo,  ch'il  mio  core  ed  af- 
fetto  sempre  sia  ordinato,  e  rimirare  piu  alto. 

...  L'  amor  di  bellezza  corporale  a  color,  che 
son  ben  disposti,  non  solamente  non  apporta 
ritardarmento  da  imprese  maggiori,  ma  piii 
tosto  viene  ad  improntarli  1'  ale  per  venire  a 
quelle.  .  .  .  E  cosi  sempre  verr&,  tentando  il 
spirito  eroico,  sin  tanto  che  non  si  veda  inalzato 
a  desiderio  de  la  divina  bellezza,  in  s6  stessa, 
senza  similitudine,  figura,  imagine  e  specie,  se 
sia  possibile,  e  piu  si  sa  arrivare  a  tanto.  .  .  . 

,»h  4:  4:  :)(  :{: 

Essendo  che,  come  queste  basse  cose  derivano  da 
quelle,  ed  hanno  dipendenza,  cosi  da  queste  si 
pu6  aver  accesso  a  quelle  [piu  alte],  come  per 
propri  gradi.  Queste  [bellezze  corporaH]  se  non 
son  dio,  son  cose  divine,  sono  imagini  sue  vive, 
ne  le  quali  non  si  sente  offeso,  se  si  vede 
adorare."  ^ 

So  complete  a  conception  of  a  philosophy 
which  played  an  important  part  in  the  Renais- 
sance may  be  said  never  to  have  been  attained 

*  DegV  Eroici  Furori,  Pt.  II,  Dialog.  I,  Ed.  Sonzogno, 
Milan,  p.  7  et  seq. 


PLATONISM  301 

in  France.  There,  although  Platonism  became, 
from  1549  on,  a  growing  fashion  among  poets, 
it  lasted  less  than  two  decades  and  came  to  a 
sudden  conclusion  with  the  later  production  of 
the  Pleiade,  dispelled,  it  may  be,  by  that  firm 
hold  on  fact  which  has  distinguished  French 
literature  at  its  best  in  every  period.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  during  the  few  years  of  its  vogue,  many 
of  the  poets  to  whom  it  afforded  poetic  material 
failed  to  conceive  of  it  as  a  philosophy.  "Mais 
ce  qu'il  emprunte  k  P^trarque,"  writes  M.  Emile 
Faguet  of  Ronsard,  "  et  connait  bien,  et  exprime 
heureusement,  c'est,  plus  humainement,  les 
d61icatesses  de  I'amour  pur,  respectueux,  ^lev6 
sans  etre  sublime,  et  qui  est  une  admiration  et  une 
tendresse  sans  etre  un  desir.  .  .  .  C'est  je 
crois  le  degre  de  Platonisme  ou  les  Frangais,  qui 
ne  melent  presque  jamais  aucun  mysticisme 
k  leurs  sentiments,  peuvent  atteindre  .  .  ."* 
The  Platonic  ideal  of  love  as  an  expression  of 
the  search  for  perfiection  became  attenuated  to 
"  honnete  amour,"  which  —  if  the  analogy  be 
permitted  —  made  approaches  to  the  sentimen- 
taUties  of   certain  poets  of   our  own  day,  and 

'  Seizibme  sihcU,  p.  241. 


302        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

which  was  sometimes  expressed  with  wonderful 
charm,  as  for  instance  by  Corrozet: 

"L'amour  que  chacun  te  propose 
Dont  tant  d'escritz  sont  embellis 
Proprement  ressemble  k  la  Rose, 
Car  trop  poignans  sont  ses  d^litz  : 
Mais  l'amour  duquel  cy  tu  lis, 
Qui  en  coeur  chaste  s'enracine, 
Ressemble  au  blanc  et  tresbeau  Lis 
Qui  croist  sans  chardon  ny  espine. " 

—  Compte  du  Rossignol,  Au  lecteur,  fol.  Aj  v". 

At  the  time  Sainte-Marthe  published  his 
Poesie  Francoise  Platonism,  or  Neo-platonism, 
had  made  hardly  any  impression  upon  French 
Uterature,  but  everything  was  ripe  for  its  appear- 
ance. No  follower  of  Petrarch  could  remain 
unaware  of  an  element  at  least  akin  to  it  in  the 
poetry  of  his  master;  and  so,  even  the  most  arti- 
ficial Petrarchists,  however  incapable  of  actual 
Platonic  feeling,  must  needs  pay  it  the  homage 
of  empty  phrase;  while  poets  genuinely  respon- 
sive to  it  harmoniously  blended  Platonism  with 
Petrarchism.^       Among     Petrarch's     sixteenth 

*  "Or,  il  ne  faut  pas  perdre  de  vue  que  I'ideal  petrar- 
quiste  derive,  pour  une  large  part,  de  celui  du  platonisme 
et  que,  s'il  a  pu  former,  k  certains  moments,  un  courant 
en  quelque  sorte  parallfelle  et  independant,   il  s'est  a 


PLATONISM  303 

century  Italian  imitators,  Bembo  was  expressing 
Neo-platonic  ideas  only  less  in  his  sonnets  than 
he  had  in  the  Asolani ;  and  the  latter  work, 
although  not  yet  translated/  must  have  been 
current  in  Lyons  at  least,  as  was  also  probably 
the  case  with  the  Diologhi  d'  Amore  of  Leon 
Hebreo.  But  Bembo  had  been  made  the  mouth- 
piece of  an  exposition  of  Platonic  love,  far  more 
eloquent  than  any  his  own  works  contained,  in 
the  Cortegiano,  translated  three  years  earlier 
by  Jacques  Colin.  Indeed,  considering  the 
vogue  of  Castiglione's  work,  and  the  publication 
in  France,  four  years  before  this  translation 
appeared,  of  Alemanni's  poems,  all  instinct  with 
Platonism,  —  to  mention  no  more  than  two 
vivifying  forces,  —  it  is  matter  for  astonishment 
that  this  philosophy  made  no  earlier  appearance 
as  an  influence  in  French  literature.  Meanwhile 
Plato's  own  works  and  those  of  his  commen- 
tators had  for  years  been  becoming  more  and 

d'autres,  manifestement  confondu  avec  le  premier." 
A  Lefranc,  Le  Platonisme  et  la  Litt.  en  France,  loc.  cit., 
pp.  21-22. 

'  It  was  translated  in  1545  {dt.  Brunet  without  biblio- 
graphical details) ;  Leon  Hebreo  not  until  1551  by  Pontus 
de  Tyard  and,  in  the  same  year,  by  Denys  Sauvage. 


304         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

more  accessible  to  the  French  learned  public. 
Before  1540,  Ficino's  translation  of  the  complete 
works  had  been  already  three  times  published 
in   France,  the   last   time   in    1533/   although 

» 1518  (Jean Petit). 

1522  (JosseBade). 

1522  (Bade  and  Petit  with  collaboration  of  Gryphe). 
C/.  Lefranc,  Le  Platonisme  et  la  Litterature  en  France,  loc. 
dt.,  pp.  6,  7,  and  8,  which  contains  also  an  account  of  the 
progress  of  the  publication  in  France  of  Plato's  works  and 
works  re  Plato  before  the  close  of  1540.  The  following 
list  indicates  the  ground  covered,  apart  from  the  works 
mentioned  supra: 

Plato's  Works. 

1520  TinuBus;  Chalcidus'  trans, 

circ.  1520  Axiochus;  Latin. 

1527  Cratylus;  Greek. 

1532  Timoeus;  Greek. 

1533  Charmides;  Politian's  trans. 
1536  Timceus;  Greek. 

1536  Phcedo;  Fincino's  trans. 

1538  Laws;  Latin. 

1539  Apology  for  Socrates;    Greek. 

1540  Timceus;  Collated  fragments. 

Other  Authors. 
1489     Ficino,  De  triplica  vita. 
1494     Ficino,  Trans.  Trismegistes. 
1498     Ficino,  Trans.  Athenagoras  and  Xenocrates. 
1510     Ficino,  Liber  de  Christiana  religione. 
1530     Proclus,  Comment.    Timceus. 
1540     Gemistus  Plethon,  Comparatio  Platonis  et  Aris- 
totelis;  Greek. 


PLATONISM  305 

his  commentary  on  the  Banquet  was  only  trans- 
lated in  1546  by  Jean  de  la  Haye,  and  the 
separate  dialogue  itself  only  in  1559  by  Le  Roy. 
Nor,  apparently,  was  there  any  separate  edition 
of  the  Phcsdrus  or  the  Lysis  within  the  century. 
Already  in  1511,  however,  the  Disputationes 
Camaldulenses  of  Landini  had  been  printed  by 
Jean  Petit,  and  the  Doctrina  Platonis  of  Alcinous 
appeared  in  1531.  Finally,  to  the  diffusion  of 
Neo-platonic  ideas  through  Italian  sources  and 
of  a  first-hand  knowledge  of  Plato  likely  to 
temper  these,  and  to  the  enthusiastic  imitation 
of  Petrarch,  may  be  added,  as  an  element  in  the 
poetic  conception  of  Platonic  love,  that  marked 
strain  of  mysticism  which  still  survived  from  the 
middle  ages. 

Nevertheless,  before  Sainte-Marthe  published 
his  Poesie  Francoise  evidences  of  Platonic  ideas 
among  French  poets  were,  as  has  been  indicated, 
extremely  rare  if  not  altogether  absent.  In  his 
Tempe  de  France  Sainte-Marthe  pays  a  tribute 
to  ten  of  the  more  important  French  poets  of 
his  time,  each  of  whom  he  represents  as  inspired 
by  one  of  the  Muses.  Marot,  under  the  auspices 
of  Calliope,  heads  the  list  with  his 


306         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

"  Plume,  de  mots  &  sentences  fertille, 
Plume,  k  trouver,  &  k  coucher  subtile. " 

—  P.  F.,  pp.  202  &  203.» 

Next  follow,  Colin  patronized  by  Clio;  Saint- 
Gelais  by  Erato ;  Sc^ve  by  Thalia ;  Maisonneuve 
by  Melpomene ;  Brodeau  by  Terpsichore ;  Bouchet 
by  Euterpe;  Heroet  and  Fontaine,  "en  leur 
sons  une  personne  unie,"  by  Polyhymnia; 
while  Salel,  for  what  seems  an  ill-founded  reason, 
is  alloted  to  Urania.^  However  inept  this  may 
be  as  criticism,  the  list  of  names  is  a  clue  to 
Sainte-Marthe's  admirations  and  to  the  poets 
who  would  be  likely  to  weigh  with  him.^     Now, 

'  Cf.  p.  541.  «  Cf.  p.  541  et  seq. 

^  This  list  offers  interesting  points  of  comparison  with 
one  of  the  year  before  by  Dolet,  who  mentions  the  same 
names  with  the  exception  of  those  of  La  Maisonneuve 
(not  Heroet)  and  Bouchet,  and  with  the  addition  of 
those  of  Brodeau  the  Elder  and  of  a  certain  Moyne  de 
Vendosme  {L'avant  naissance  de  Claude  Dolet,  cit.  Copley 
Christie,  op.  cit.,  p.  347) ;  with  one  of  three  years  later 
by  Chappuis  who  mentions  Colin,  Brodeau,  Macault,  La 
Borderie,  Salel  and  Herberay  {Discours  de  la  Court,  fols. 
F.  iij  v°  et  seq) ;  with  one  of  1542  or  1544  by  Paul  Angier, 
"  A  tresscientifiques  Poetes  Marot,  Sainct  Gelais,  Heroet, 
Salel,  Borderie,  Rabelais,  Seve,  Chapuy  &  autres  Poetes, 
Paul  Angier  leur  humble  disciple  Salut."  {L' experience  de 
Maistre  Paul  Angier  etc.  Le  mespris  de  la  Cour  etc.  (ed. 
1544,  fol.  [Hv]  v°;  and  finally  with  Sibilet'^  continual 
harping  upon  the  names  of  Marot,  Saint-Gelais,  Salel, 
Heroet  and  Scfeve.     {Art  PoUique,  passim.) 


PLATONISM  307 

not  one  of  these  poets  was  seriously  influenced 
by  Platonism  before  this  date.  Marot  has, 
it  is  true,  an  early  ballade,  in  which  the  reader 
might  suspect  its  presence,  the  Chant  de  May 
et  de  vertu  where  "  vertu  "  is  the  beloved,'  but 
this  is  merely  a  reminiscence  of  the  comparison 
of  human  and  divine  love  common  in  earlier 
poetry  and  present,  for  example,  in  his  own 
youthful  description  of  ''Ferme  Amour"  in  the 
Temple  de  Cuyido?  Marot's  real  homage  to  the 
Platonic  ideal,  the  sonnet  beginning  Retirez  vous, 
hestiaulx  eshontez,  is  of  much  later  date.^  Colin, 
the  very  translator  of  the  Cortegiano,  seems  to 
have  been  scarcely  at  all  influenced  by  its  spirit 
in  his  own  views,  if  we  judge  by  his  Epistre  a 
une  dame  indignantly  advocating  the  rights  of 
''  natural  "    love  ;  *   and   if    Saint-Gelais,  —  the 

1  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  102.  ^  /^^^  Vol.  I,  p.  23. 

^  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  p.  116.  It  is  among  the  Pieces  ajouUes 
aux  ceuvres  de  Marot  aprhs  sa  mort. 

*  Published  as  Epistre  de  complainte  h  une  qui  a  laiss6 
son  Amy,  in  Marot's  Adolescence  Clementine,  1535,  as 
Epistre  Amoureuse,  in  the  Opuscules  d'Am.our,  1542,  it 
reappears  as  Epistre  a  une  Dame  par  ledist  I.  C,  follow- 
ing his  Proces  d'Ajax  et  d'Ulixes  in  Le  livre  de  plusieurs 
pieces,  1548,  fol.  99  v°.  Cf.  Bourrilly,  Jacques  Colin, 
p.   56,  note. 


308         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

utmost  stretch  of  whose  effort  in  the  direction 
of  Platonism  before  1540  is  a  reference  to  the 
"beautez  angehques"  and  "Mens  de  I'immorta- 
Hte"  possessed  by  his  mistress/  —  begins  a 
ballade  with  a  reference  to  love's  pursuit  of  per- 
fection, it  is  that  he  may  bring  the  idea  to  a 
humorous  conclusion: 

"Qui  dira  done  variable  un  qui  fait 
De  divers  biens  prudent  election  ? 
L'abeille  prend,  pour  venir  a  son  faict 
De  maintes  fleurs  douce  refection ; "  etc' 

—  CEuvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  4. 

It  is  not  until  1554,  when  Platonism  had  flooded 

French  literature,  that  the  latter  writes  of  the 

"  feu  celeste  "  and  of 

"bas  desire,  qui  empesche  et  retarde 
Le  bien  supreme  ou  la  vertu  regarde. " ' 

Sc^ve,  one  of  the  earliest  exponents  of  Petrarch- 
ism  infused  with  Neo-platonism,  had  as  yet  pub- 

»  CEuvres,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  96.  Giro.  1535  (MS.  La  Roche- 
tulon). 

*  It  should  be  observed  that  the  date  of  this  poem 
remains  uncertain.  It  was  published  in  the  CEuvres 
of  1547. 

^  Pour  la  partie  qui  fut  faite  en  armes  aux  nopces  du 
Marquis  d'Albeuf  a  Blois,  le  troisieme  jour  defevrier,  1554, 
etc.,  CEuvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  173. 


PLATONISM  309 

lished  in  verse  only  his  Blasons  in  the  Fleurs  de 
Poesie  Francoyse,  and  his  eclogue,  Arion,  on  the 
death  of  the  Dauphin;  La  Maisonneuve  is  an 
almost  unknown  poet:  of  his  scanty  remains  all 
that  was  published  before  this  date  is  an  eight- 
lined  Latin  epigram  of  more  than  doubtful  attri- 
bution;* and  Brodeau's  slight  volume  of  re- 
ligious verse,  Les  Louanges  de  Jesus  nostra 
Saulveur,  was  issued  only  after  his  death,  which 
occurred  in  the  very  month  Sainte-Marthe  pub- 
lished his  Poesie  Francoise.  Whatever  poetic 
effusions  may  have  placed  Victor  Brodeau  "entre 
les  poetes  Francoys  treseloquents "  ^  have  not 

*  Jean  d'Aubusson  de  la  Maisonneuve,  not  to  be  con- 
founded with  Heroet,  contributed  several  poems  to  a 
volume  of  Habert's,  La  Harangue  de  la  Deesse  Astree 
(1556).  After  Habert's  productions  follows  a  sonnet, 
De  I'escriture  et  de  I'art  d'  Imprimerie  par  Jean  de  la 
Maisonneuve  (fol.  9,  viij  v°),  and  all  the  ensuing  Sentences 
morales  &  epigrammes  are  attributed  to  "  le  mesme 
Autheur."  His  other  works  are:  Colloquy  Social  de  paix, 
justice,  misericorde  &  veriti  .  .  .  Paris,  1559;  Discours  sur 
le  .  .  .  Recueil  fait  par  les  VSnitiens  au  Card,  de  Lorraine, 
Paris,  1556;  Huictains  Poetiques  .  .  .  Paris,  1561;  U  Adieu 
des  neuf  Muses,  Paris,  1558;  and  a  DSploration  sur  le  tres: 
pas  de  .  .  .  Frangois  le  Picart,  included  in  Hilarion  de 
Cost^s  Parfait  EccUsiastiqu£.  Cf.  La  Croix  du  Maine  and 
Du  Verdier,  Bibs,  francoises. 

*  Cf.  at  end  of  his  book :  "  Maistre  Victor  brodeau,  natif 


310         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

survived/  As  for  the  interminable  Bouchet,  if 
he  showed  himself  a  stout  defender  of  the  weaker 
sex,^  it  was  not  as  a  Platonist,  and,  if  he  dis- 
tinguishes between  "folle  amour"  and  "saincte 
amour,"  he  means  by  the  latter  simply  conjugal 
love: 

"...  celle  honneste  amour 
Que  Ihomme  &  femme  ont  en  leur  marriage, 

if  :if  *  'ff  * 

Ceste  amour  est  la  figure  &  limage 
De  celle  amour  qua  Jesus  a  leglise,  etc." 
—  Les  angoysses  &  remedes  damours,  p.  70. 

Bouchet  shows  himself,  in  fact,  a  frank  exponent 
of  mediaeval  ideas  in  his  frequent  comparison  of 
human  and  divine  love,  —  a  common  theme 
among  religious  versifiers  before  the  Renaissance. 
The  publication  of  Heroet's  chef  d'cBuvre,  La  par- 

de  Tours,  entre  les  Poetes  Francoys  treseloquent  &  autheur 
de  ce  present  oeuvre  est  decede  de  ceste  vie  en  laultre  en 
moys  de  Septembre  Lan  mil  cinq  cens  quarente." 

'  A  rondeau  of  his,  Response  par  Victor  Brodeau  au 
precedent,  is  preserved  in  Marot's  works  (Vol.  II,  p.  163) ; 
his  translation  of  a  couplet  by  Meleager  and  of  an  Elegie 
du  semi-dieu  Faunus  are  included  in  Sainte-Gelais'  works 
(Vol.  II,  p.  12)  and  in  the  Rimes  of  Pernette  de  Guillet 
(1856,  p.  128),  respectively.  Cit.  Tilley,  Lit.  of  tlie  French 
Renaissance,  Vol.  I,  p.  86,  n.  2. 

'  In  his  Jugement  poetique  de  Vhonneur  feminin. 


PLATONISM  311 

faite  Amye,  which  was  to  set  forth  the  new  Pla- 
tonism  with  conviction  and  charm,  "petit 
oeuvre  mais  qui  en  sa  petitesse  surmontait  les 
gros  ouvrages  de  plusieurs, "  ^  was  still  to  come;' 
Fontaine,  although  he  had  already  championed 
Cupido  against  Argent,^  had  given  no  evidence 
whatever  of  being  influenced  by  Platonism;*  and 

*  Pasquier,  Recherches  de  la  France,  CEwvres,  p.  701. 

'  There  were  four  eds.  in  1542,  and  the  poem  was 
frequently  reprinted. 

*  La  Victoire  et  Triumphe  d' Argent  contre  Cupido  dieu 
d' Amour,  etc.,  fol.  Bij  v°. 

*  The  history  of  Fontaine's  later  conversion  to  that 
point  of  view  has  its  interest.  In  1541  or  1542  he  took 
part  in  that  controversy  to  which  Heroet's  Parfaite 
Amye  was  the  most  notable  contribution.  His  Contramye 
de  Court,  espousing  the  cause  of  ideal  love,  undertakes  to 
confute  point  by  point  La  Borderie's  satire,  L'Amye  de 
court.  Its  Platonism,  however,  is  far  from  being  sus- 
tained as  is  that  of  Heroet's  poem.  Fontaine's  next 
publication,  La  Fontaine  d' Amour  of  1544,  which  drew 
Du  Bellay's  fire,  marks  an  abrupt  revulsion  from  Platon- 
ism. It  is  filled  with  Petrarchistic  conceits  of  the  most 
contorted  variety,  undoubtedly  the  harvest  of  recent 
Italian  travels,  of  which  a  good  example  is  afforded  by 
the  lines,  imitated  from  Sannazaro : 

"  De  Amour  qui  fait  feu  et  eau, 
Je  suis  le  Nil  &  suis  le  mont  Etna. " 

—  fol.  Ij  v°. 
On  the  other  hand,  its  resolute  avoidance  of  Platonic 
sentiment, its  "natural,"  even  cynical,  treatment  of  love, 


312         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Salel,  obtuse  even  to  the  more  ideal  aspects  of 
Petrarchism,  was  naturally  entirely  out  of  sym- 
pathy with  Platonism. 

Sainte-Marthe's  list  of  poets  leaves  one  or 
two,  of  a  certain  importance  in  their  time,  unac- 
counted for.  In  1537  Eustorg  de  Beaulieu  had 
published  his  Divers  Rapports  which,  though  a 
graceful  feeling  for  nature  ^  redeems  its  pessi- 
mism, prolixity,  and  occasional  coarseness,  shows 
no  trace  of  ideality  in  love.  If  the  poet  indites 
a  Ballade  h  la  louange  du  sexe  feminin,  he  follows 
it  with  another  A  Vopposite  de  la  precedente} 
His  poems  to  women  are  completely  conmion- 
place,  now  and  then  touched  with  humor.     His 

are  probably  a  protest  against  the  ecstatic  flights  of 
Scfeve's  just  published  DUie  of  which  Fontaine  justly  says : 

"  Certes,  la  difficulte 
Le  grand  plaisir  en  a  ost€. 
Brief  ilz  ne  quierent  un  Lecteur, 
Mais  la  commune  autorit^ 
Dist  qu'ilz  requierent  un  Docteur." 

—  fol.  Miiij  v**. 

Fontaine's  next  essay  of  interest  in  this  connection  was 
Les  Ruisseaux  de  Fontaine  of  1555,  and  here  he  finally 
appears  as  the  ardent  convert  and  exponent  of  Platonism. 

*  Cf.  the  rondeau,  En  la  forest  {op.  dt.,  ed.  1544,  fol. 
Dj.  r°  &  v°). 

» Ibid.,  fol,  E,  iiij,  v". 


PLATONISM  313 

highest  flight  is  a  declaration  of  faithful  attach- 
ment, and  if  he  rebukes  sensual  love,  it  is  on 
practical  grounds : 

"  Fy,  de  Venus  et  de  son  passetemps, 
Et  fy  de  ceulx  qu'elle  tient  en  sa  cage, 
Car  trop  souvent  leur  tombe  le  plumage, 
Dont  j'en  ay  veu  plusieurs  de  mal  contens." 

Frangois  Habert  had,  before  this  date,  dealt 
merely  with  sensual  love,*  and,  even  as  late  as 
1551,  when  he  published,  with  his  translation  of 
Beroald's  Histoire  de  Titus  &  Giseppus,  his  own 
Le  nouveau  Cupido  or  Les  quatres  Amours,  his 
"Amour  honorable,"  like  Bouchet's,  is  conjugal 
love,  his  "  nouveau  Cupido  "  a  conjugal  Cupid. 
Jean  Rus,  in  poems  published  about  this  time,^ 
shows  faint  signs  of  Petrarchism  but  is  quite 
without  idealism;  while  Jean  Leblond,  whose 
poems  were  published  in  1536,  makes  a  curious 
approach  to  Petrarchistic  exaggeration,  his  effu- 
sions even  exhibiting  a  misleading  resemblance 
to  a  Platonism  by  which  he  was  wholly  unin- 
fluenced.^    La  Borderie,  the  earliest  opponent 

•  In  his  Epistres  Cupidinesques,  etc. 

*  Republished  by  Tamizey  de  Larroque,  1875. 

^  Cf.  Le  printemps  de  I'humble  esperant,  fols.  Evj  & 
Fij. 


314         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

of  Platonism,  had  not  as  yet  published  even 
his  dull  Voyage  de  Constantinople ;  ^  Chappuis' 
equally  commonplace  Discours  de  la  Court  had 
not  seen  the  light,'  and  his  Panygirique  recite 
au  .  .  .  roy  Francoys  (1538),  his  Complainte  de 
Mars  (1539?)  and  the  eclogue  on  the  battle  of 
Pavia,  if  it  be  his/  contribute  nothing  to  the 
question.  The  graceful  poet,  Almanaque  Papil- 
lon  did  not  publish  his  Nouvel  Amour  until 
1543/  when  Platonic  doctrines  needed  a  de- 
fender. Bonaventure  Des  Periers,  of  more  weight 
as  a  poet,  was  soon  to  render  important  services 
to  Platonism  by  his  translation  of  the  Lysis, 
pubUshed  with  his  collected  works  in  1544.  At 
the  moment,  however,  his  published  work  con- 
sisted of  a  translation  of  the  Andria,  and  that 
cause  of  scandal  the  Cymbalum  Mundi,^  although 
many  of  the  poems  published  after  his  death 

*  Le  discours  du  voyage  de  Constantinople,  etc.  Lyons, 
1542. 

'  Paris,  1543. 

3  Cf.  Guiffrey,  ed.  Marot,  Vol.  II,  p.  493,  note. 

*  First  published,  together  with  certain  dixains  by 
Sainte-Marthe,  with  Leonique's  Pourquoy  d' Amour,  in 
1543  and,  in  the  same  year,  as  a  separate  volume  at 
Rouen. 

»  Both  of  1537. 


PLATONISM  315 

by  Antoine  de  Moulin  must  have  been  already 
current.  Finally,  Jacques  Peletier,  deeply  in- 
fluenced by  Marguerite  of  Navarre,  and  more 
than  once  claimed  as  the  true  precursor  of  the 
Pleiade,  was  but  just  turning  his  thoughts  to 
verse.* 

Sainte-Marthe,  then,  struck  a  new  note  when 
he  wrote: 

"  Amour  n'est  rien  que  bonne  volunt^ 
Signifiante  entiere  affection, 
Amour  k  Bien  est  tousjours  aprest^,  ' 

Amour  aussi  a  ses  fins  arrest^ 
De  pervenir  k  la  perfection. 
Amour  pretend  une  conjunction 
Individue,  &  par  ainsi  honneste, 
Or  ne  peut  donq  estre  Amour  deshonneste.  "* 
—  Que  Amour  ne  pourroit  estre  deshonneste,  P.  F.,  p.  10. 

'  Cf.  P.  Laumonier,  (Euvres  Poetiques  de  Jacques 
Peletier  du  Mans,  pp.  xi  and  xii  and  p.  148.  Mr.  Lau- 
monier calls  Peletier  already  a  poet  in  {aire.)  1537,  but 
does  not  suggest  that  he  was  so  at  that  time  in  any  serious 
sense. 

'  C/.Bembo: 

"  Amour  e  graziosa  e  dolce  voglia, 
Che  i  pui  selvaggi  e  piu  feroci  affrena, 
Amor  d'ogni  vilta  1'  anime  spoglia,"  etc. 

Stanze  recitate  .  .  .  la  sera  del  Carnassale,  MDVII,  Opere, 
Vol.  II,  p.  115.  Professor  Lefranc  quotes  Sainte-Marthe's 
lines  as  an  example  of  the  similarity  of  tone  between 


316        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

This  was  more  than  "  honnete  amour  " :  it  was 
an  attempt  to  express  the  Platonic  aspiration 
towards  perfection.  Sainte-Marthe's  Platonism 
—  vaguely  conceived  and  awkwardly  uttered  — 
expresses  itself  again  in  his  celebration  of  tem- 
perance in  love : 

"  Qui  dit  Amour  estre  plein  de  langoeur, 
II  ne  cognoist  que  c'est  de  bien  aymer. 
Car,  quoy  que  joye  y  soit  avec  douleur, 
Et  par  cela  le  goust  on  trouve  amer, 
Nous  ne  pouvons  Amour  k  droict  blasmer, 
Aultre  cas  n'est  que  nostre  Intemperance. 
Plus  nous  aymons,  &  plus  voulons  aymer, 
Aymer  debvons  avecques  Temperance." 
— L'amertune  qui  est  en  Amour,  provenir  de  nostre  faulte. 
P.F.,p.Ql. 

However,  it  was  not  the  doctrine  of  temperance  in 
love,  but  that  of  its  spiritual  and  immortal  nature, 
which  the  poetical  Platonists  of  the  Renaissance 
chiefly  made  their  own.  This  was  the  true  key- 
note of  the  Platonic  movement,  and  Sainte- 
Marthe's  verse  abounds  in  variations  on  this 
theme.  He  writes,  for  example,  to  Claveyson 
on  the  subject  of  their  mutual  affection: 

his  Platonic  utterances  and  those  of  Marguerite  of 
Navarre.  Marguerite  de  Navarre  et  le  Platonism  de  la 
Renaissance,  loc.  cit.,  p.  754,  note  3. 


PLATONISM  317 

"Frere,  qui  dit  Amour  estre  immortel, 
A  mon  advis  a  bien  touche  au  poinct. 
La  raison  est,  car  s'il  estoit  mortel, 
Seroit  au  Corps,  &  non  k  I'Esprit  joinct. 
Or,  le  Corps  meurt,  mais  I'Esprit  ne  meurt  point, 
L 'Esprit  ne  meurt,  ne  done  I'Amour  aussy. 
Et  oultre  plus,  je  dy,  que  tout  ainsy 
Que  nostre  Esprit  en  toutes  parts  s'empare, 
Si  fait  I'Amour,  &  concludz  par  cecy 
Que  le  depart  des  Corps  ne  nous  separe. " 
—  Au  Seigneur  de  Pamans.     Quoy  que  deux  Amys  se 
separent  I'un  de  I'auUre,  que,  toutefoy,  sont  tous- 
jours  presents.     P.  F.,  p.  35. 

There  is  no  mistaking  the  Platonic  origin  of  a  sen- 
timent hke  this  uttered  in  the  first  half  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Sainte-Marthe  expresses  it 
even  more  vigorously  in  lines  addressed  to  the 
woman  of  his  love,  for  example,  in  the  poem,  A 
Madamoiselle  Beringue,  Que  son  Amour  est  im- 
mortel. Here  he  appears  to  insist  consciously 
upon  the  breach  between  the  older  treament  of 
love-themes  and  his  own.  Laments  on  the  fleet- 
ing nature  of  love,  catalogues  of  lovers  dead,  are 
not  comprised  in  his  poetical  repertory.  His 
love,  he  repeats  it,  is  immortal : 

"On  veult  sea  voir  si  je  suis  amoureux, 
Je  dy  qu'ouy,  &  qu'aymer  je  veulx  bien. 


318        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Puis  on  me  dit  que  je  suis  malheureux, 
Et  que  je  doibs  penser  en  moy  combien 
Pour  aymer  Corps,  lequel  ne  dure  rien, 
Et  les  Amours,  &  Amoureux  sont  morts. 
Par  ce  moy  en,  ce  leur  responds  je  lors, 
Je  suis  heureux.   Mon  Amour  n'est  point  tel, 
J'ayme  d'Esprit  &  I'Esprit,  non  le  Corps, 
Par  ainsi  est  mon  Amour  immortel. " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  58. 

The  futility  and  the  sadness  of  attempting  to 
satisfy  desire  with  mortal  things  was  a  favorite 
theme  with  the  Neo-platonists,  lending  itself  as 
it  did  easily  to  paradox,  —  especially  in  fine 
distinctions  between  desire  and  love.  ''Desi- 
derio  e  affeto  voluntario  delF  essere  6  d'havere 
la  cosa  stimata  buona  che  manca ;  I'amore  e 
effetto  voluntario  di  fruire  con  unione  la  cosa 
stimata  buona,"  ran  the  definition  of  Leon 
Hebreo;^  and,  only  three  years  before  Sainte- 
Marthe  wrote,  Colin  had  put  into  French  Cas- 
tiglione's  reflections  on  the  subject:  " car  des  in- 
continent quilz  sont  arrivez  a  la  fin  desiree,  ou 
que  non  seullement  ilz  sentent  ennuy  &  fascherie 
mais  aussi  prennent  hayne  contre  la  chose  aym^e 
quasi  comme  se  repentant  I'appetit  de  son  erreur 

'  Dialoghi  di  amore,  p.  6. 


PLATONISM  319 

et  recognoissant  le  mescompte  a  luy  faict  par 

les  faulx  jugements  du  sentiment  par  ou  il  a 

creu  que  le  mal  soit  bien,  ou  quilz  demeurent 

au  mesmes  desir  et  cupidite  comme  ceulx  qui 

ne  sont  point  veritablement  arrivez  au  but  qui 

(sic)  cherchoient,"  etc/    The  paradoxical  view 

was  well  expressed  by  Bembo :  \ 

"...  quant  e  il  peggio  assai  sovente 
De  quel  che  place,  aver  alcuna  parte ; "  * 

—  Sonnet  no.  xl. 

and  it  was  probably  Bembo  that  Sainte-Marthe 
echoed  in  his  dixain  to  the  Seigneur  de  Pamans : 

Qu'au  bien  d' Amour,  rien  n'est  plus  nuysant  que 
jouyssance. 

"  Rien  n'est  plus  cher  que  cela  qu'on  desire, 
Car  moins  on  \'a,  plus  on  y  est  ardent : 
Lors  qu'on  ne  pent  k  son  soubhait  souffire, 
Le  desir  croist  plus  fort  en  attendant. 
Quiconques  est  de  jouir  pretendant, 
Par  un  espoir  k  demy  se  contente : 
Mais  s'il  advient  que  Fortune  presente 
Contentement  de  la  joye  incogneue, 
En  jouissant  du  fruict  de  son  attente, 
Le  desir  cesse,  &  rAmour  diminue." ' 

—  P.F.,p.  13. 

»  Le  Courtisan,  fol.  218  v°. 

^  The  second  edition  of  the  Rime  had  been  published 
in  Venice  in  1535.  ^  Cf.  supra,  p.  273. 


320         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

The  contrast  between  desire  and  love  was  not 
the  only  tenet  of  Platonism  which  its  votaries 
could  push  to  extreme  and  paradoxical  conclu- 
sions; and  Sainte-Marthe's  ingenuity  in  this 
regard  proves  him  a  true  Neo-platonist.  He 
applauds,  for  instance,  in  Tolet's  mistress,  a  love 
so  pure  that  it  could  entertain  a  thousand  lovers : 

"  Ce  n'est  Amour  qui  fol  plaisir  poursuive, 
Ce  n'est  Amour  d'ou  reprise  s'ensuive, 
C'est  un  Amour  que  le  tien,  si  bien  mis 
Qu'entretenir  11  pourroit  mille  Amys. 
C'est  un  Amour  avecques  raison  ronde, 
C'est  un  Amour  lequel  sur  Dieu  se  fonde." 

He  grows  more  ingeniously  transcendental  as 
he  proceeds,  mingling  his  Platonism  with  per- 
verse Petrarchistic  conceits : 

"  Et  nonobstant,  contentes  ton  desir, 
Plaisir  prenant,  pour  fuir  le  plaisir. 
Fuiant  plaisir,  lequel  nous  est  visible, 
Et  choisissant  un  plaisir  invisible, 
Un  plaisir  donq  au  dedans  actuel, 
Et  n'estant  rien  sinon  spirituel. 
Et  par  ce  poinct,  il  nous  donne  k  cognoistre, 
Qu'en  decroissant  incessamment  veult  croistre. 
Et  decroissant  de  cest  vanity, 
De  plus  en  plus  croist  k  eternity." 

—  A  la  Dame  &  bien  aymee  de  M.  P.  Tolet,  Medicin 
du  grand  Hospital  de  Loyn,  son  singulier  Amy. 
P.  F.,  pp.  174  and  175. 


PLATONISM  321 

Sainte-Marthe  does  not,  however,  always  maintain 
himself  at  this  Platonic  level,  nor,  it  may  be 
added,  sink  to  these  Petrarchistic  depths.  He 
is  nearer  commonplace  honnete  amour  when,  in 
his  prayer  for  Beringue's  recovery,  he  sets  forth 
the  nature  of  their  love :  * 

"  Tu  scays,  Seigneur  (car  ainsi  I'as  permis) 
L'Amour  qui  s'est  dedans  nos  deux  cueurs  mis, 
Amour  louable,  Amour  sainct  &  honneste, 
Et  Amour  tel  que  ton  uueil  admonneste,"  etc.; 

—  P.F.,p.  185. 

nearer  mere  Petrarchism  in  his  dixain  Du  siege 
d' Amour  &  que  ne  peut  estre  separe  du  Cueur;^ 
but  even  in  such  lines  as  these  there  is  a  sug- 
gestion of  a  more  definitely  ideal  influence. 

In  spite  of  occasional  lapses,  the  poems  and 
passages  quoted  sufficiently  indicate  the  usual 
trend  of  Sainte-Marthe's  ideas,  especially  when 
taken  in  conjunction  with  the  insistence  —  in 
the  poems  already  quoted  of  which  Laura  and 
Petrarch  are  the  subject  —  on  the  supernatural 
nature  of  beauty  and  the  inMnortal  quality 
of  love,  and  with  such  other  symptoms  of  Pla- 
tonic influence  as  stress  on  the  hidden  signifi- 

»  Cf.  supra,  pp.  67,  289  et  seq.         '  Cf.  p.  536  et  seq. 

T 


322        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

cance  of  names/  reference  to  beauty  as  the  in- 
citement to  desire/  acknowledgment  of  love  or 
friendship  as  the  source  of  all  advantages: 

"  Ce  bien  (Monsieur)  n'est  sinon  Amyti6 
Qui  entretient  le  Monde  de  moitie. 
Quoy  de  moitie  ?  mais  (ainsy  qu'ont  escrit 
Tous  bons  Autheurs  de  scavoir  &  d'esprit) 
Bien  sans  lequel  du  Monde  la  machine 
Seroit  bien  tost  renversee  en  mine. 
Car  sans  Amour,  il  n'est  possible  veoir, 
Chose  qui  soit,  venir  k  son  debvoir. 

Sans  Amytie,  nobles  chasteaulx  &  villes, 
Tantost  seroyent  desertes  et  trop  viles, 
Sans  Amytie,  il  n'est  Due,  Roy,  ou  Prince, 
Qui  deuement  regentast  sa  Province. 
Sans  Amytie,  auroit  disjunction. 
Que  nous  veoyons  grande  conjunction, 
Sans  Amytie,  (pour  brefvement  finir) 
Verrions  tantost  le  Monde  definir." 
—  A  noble  &  puissant  Seigneur,  Monsieur  Antoine  de 
Muillion,  Baron  de  Bressieux,  frere  du  susdict 
Seigneur  de  S.  Pierre,  P.  F.,  p.*  171. 

And  the  reader  must  also  consider  a  certain  bias, 
even  in  the  religious  poems,  which  can  only  be 
called  Platonic,  showing  itself,  for  example,  in  a 

*  Cf.  infra,  p.  398  et  seq. 

^  Cf.  Sur  la  contention  qu'avoyent  troys  Gentilhommes 
ascavoir,  son  doiht  plus  aymer,  ou  pour  Richesse,  ou 
pour  Beaulti,  ou  pour  Prudence.  Pour  celuy  qui  choisissoit 
Venus,  signifiante  BeaultS,  P.  F.,  p.  38. 


PLATONISM  323 

constant  concern  with  "le  souverain  bien,"  "le 
bien  eternel,"  "le  bien  de  Dieu." 

And  if  it  is  clear  that  Sainte-Marthe  was, 
even  so  early  as  1540,  deeply  influenced  by  Pla- 
tonism,  the  motive  force  which  must  have  turned 
his  thought  in  that  direction  is  not  far  to  seek. 
His  treatment  of  "  le  souverain  bien,"  for  ex- 
ample, considered  in  connection  with  the  tone  of 
his  religious  poems  in  general,  affords  a  clue  to 
the  source  of  his  immediate  inspiration.  It  is 
clearly  not  the  result  only  of  a  first-hand  study 
of  Plato,  whatever  acquaintance  with  Plato  he 
may  show.  Calvin  had  taken  pains  to  expound 
this  particular  phrase,^  and  no  doubt  his  inter- 
pretation influenced  Sainte-Marthe;  but  Sainte- 
Marthe's  religious  poems,  and  especially  the  man- 
ner in  which  he  treats  this  constantly  recurring 
expression,  contain  an  emotional  element  which 
did  not  derive  from  Calvin,  but  was  almost 
certainly  an  echo  of  Marguerite  of  Navarre.  She, 
for  her  part,  no  doubt  owed  her  view  of  the 
"  souverain  bien  "  in  the  first  instance  to  Calvin; 
but,  if   for  her,  as  for  him,  the  greatest  good 

*  Inst,  de  la  Relig.  Chret.,  Liv.   I,  ch.  Ill,  parag.  3 ; 
Liv.  Ill,  ch.  XXV,  parag.  2. 


324         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

discussed  by  Plato  could  only  be  union  with 
God,  resolved  itself  in  short  into  God,  her  treat- 
ment of  the  subject  was  as  far  as  possible  re- 
moved from  Calvin's  taste.  She  writes  to  the 
abbess  of  Fontevrault : 

"  Car  11  faut  bien  sea  voir  de  quel  lien 
Deux  cueurs  en  ung  sont  au  souverain  Bien 
Parfaictement  adjoinctz  sans  departir ;  " 

—  Demibres  Poesies,  p.  29. 

and  conceives  of  man  as 

"  Uny  au  Tout  et  au  souverain  Bien 
Pour  estre  fait  aveques  Jesus  Rien. " 

—  Les  Prisons,  D.  P.,  p.  296. 

Sainte-Marthe  echoes  the  phrase  in  the  same 
sense : 

"Le  bien  mondain  n'a  de  duration 
Le  bien  de  Dieu  est  bien  incomparable, " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  96. 
and  again : 

"  La  Mort  ma  apporte  de  mes  maulx  delibvrance, 
Et  du  bien  eternel  desire  recouvrance. " 

—  P.  P.,  p.  216. 

Elsewhere,  starting  with  Plato's  dictum  that 
wisdom  is  the  true  good,  he  arrives  at  the  Queen 
of  Navarre's  conclusion : 


PLATONISM  325 

"C'est  done  thresor  infiny,  que  Saigesse, 
C'est  un  thresor  qui  tousjours  croist  sans  cesse, 
Et  vray  thresor,  de  qui  vray  bien  s'ensuit, 
Car  en  tons  lieux  son  possesseur  il  suit. 

Mais  en  cecy  convient  adviser,  comme 
Saige  quelcun  par  Saigesse  Ion  nomme; 
Car  je  n'entends  celle  la  des  humains, 
Ausquelz  la  vray  eschappee  est  des  mains. 
Saigesse  dy  de  DIEU  la  cognoissance, 
Laquelle  fait  de  tout  bien  accroissance. 
Qui  tant  bonne  est,  qu'en  tout  temps  &  tout  lieu, 
Elle  maintient  pour  souverain  Bien,  DIEU. 
Souverain  Bien,  car  a  jamais  il  dure. 
Et  ne  permet  qu'aulcun  Mai  on  endure."  * 

—  P.  F.,  p.  221. 

But  it  is  not  merely  for  a  single  idea  that 
Sainte-Marthe  shows  himself  debtor  to  the  Queen 
of  Navarre.  The  similarity  of  spirit  of  the  re- 
ligious poems  to  that  of  many  of  the  poems  of 
Marguerite  is  striking.    Now  it  has  been  convinc- 

*  There  is  secondary  evidence  that  Sainte-Marthe  had 
read  the  Philebus.  In  the  course  of  that  dialogue 
Socrates  says:  "For  play  is  sometimes,  Protarchus, 
a  remission  from  serious  study"  (xxx  E).  This  was 
probably  the  origin  of  Sainte-Marthe's  "  A  limitation  de 
I'Archer  qui  son  Arc  desbende  pour  a  meillieur  exercice  le 
reserver,  souloit  communement  Socrates  de  sa  roidde 
&  severe  Philosophic  a  jeux  pueriles  se  dcscendre." 
Epistre  .  .  .  A  Madame  la  duchesse  d'Estampes,  P.  F., 
p.  3. 


326         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

ingly  shown  that  the  Queen  of  Navarre's  atten- 
tion was  drawn  to  the  Platonic  doctrines  of  love 
precisely  in  1540,  and  that  it  was  she  who  must 
have  been  the  center  of  a  movement  as  abrupt 
as  it  was  marked.^  If  it  was  not  until  years 
later  that  her  published  poems  ^  revealed  in  some 
measure  to  a  larger  public  the  queen's  attitude 
towards  the  deepest  problems  of  life,  this  atti- 
tude was  probably  made  clear  to  her  intimates 
and  adherents  by  the  circulation  in  manuscript 
of  works  composed  about  this  time.  La  Coche 
belongs  to  the  year  1540,  and  so  in  all  likelihood 
do  other  characteristic  poems,  such  as  Le  triomphe 
de  VAgneau,  the  Chansons  Spiritudles,  and  the 
pieces  comprised  between  pages  342  and  382  of 
the  Demieres  poesies,^  —  and  all  these  poems  con- 

^  A.  Lefranc,  Le  Platonisme  et  la  Litter ature,  etc.,  loc. 
cit.  pp.  8-12;  Marguerite  de  Navarre  et  le  Platonisme  de  la 
Renaissance,  loc.  cit.,  Vol.  LVIII,pp.  259-260;  Vol.  LIX, 
pp.  713-715. 

'  Les  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite  were  published  in 
1547.  Much  of  her  most  characteristic  work,  however, 
was  not  published  until  our  own  day.  Les  Demieres 
Poesies  de  Marguerite  de  Navarre  publiies  .  .  .  -par  Abel 
Lefranc,  Paris,  1896. 

'  Such  is  M.  Lefranc's  opinion.  Marguerite  de  Navarre 
et  le  Platonisme  de  la  Ren.,  loc.  cit..  Vol.  LIX,  p.  716. 
F.  Frank,  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite,  Vol.   I,  p.  xcj, 


PLATONISM  327 

vey  in  greater  or  less  degree  Marguerite's  view 
of  Platonism.  Aspiration  towards  the  divine 
was  the  informing  spirit  of  this  as  of  he»  later 
work.  Love  of  the  creature  was  to  her  but  a 
stage  towards  union  with  the  divine;  and  she 
looked  back  from  this  end  to  earthly  love  as 
its  means,  whereas  the  poets  who  may  be  con- 
sidered as  her  disciples,  Des  Periers,  Heroet, 
Sceve,  Corrozet,  dwelt  rather  upon  the  idealiza- 
tion of  earthly  as  the  inspiration  to  heavenly 
love.^  And  it  was  not  only  by  the  perusal  of  her 
manuscript  poems  that  these  and  other  of  Mar- 
guerite's earliest  proselytes  to  Platonic  views 
were  convinced.  It  has  been  shown  ^  that  her 
preferred  instrument  for  the  spread  of  her  ideas 
among  the  enlightened  of  her  entourage  was 
personal   communication,  and   that   it   was   in 

had  assigned  1532  as  the  date  of  Le  Debat  d' Amour,  i.e., 
La  Coche. 

•  For  a  discussion  of  Marguerite  of  Navarre's  philos- 
ophy and  its  diffusion,  and  of  her  relations  with  these 
poets,  cf.  the  two  articles  of  Professor  Lefranc  cU. 
supra,  especially  Marguerite  de  Navarre  et  le  Platonisme 
de  la  Ren.,  loc.  cit.,  Vols.  LVIII,  pp.  275  et  seq.  and  LIX, 
pp.  732  and  749  et  seq.,  and  Le  Platonisme  et  la  litterature, 
etc.,  loc.  dt.,  pp.  10-19  and  21-23. 
2  Cf.  ibid. 


328         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

conversation  with  her  that  the  new  Platonic 
doctrines  were  formulated  and  their  influence 
conveyed  to  an  ever  widening  circle.  In  view 
of  what  has  been  said,  a  comparison  of  Mar- 
guerite's poems  with  those  of  Sainte-Marthe 
published  about  the  time  of  her  conversion  to. 
Platonism  might  be  expected  to  show  that  the 
latter  came  within  the  radius  of  this  influence; 
and  such,  whether  or  not  he  was  at  the  moment 
in  direct  communication  with  the  queen  whose 
servant  he  had  once  been  and  was  to  be  again, 
is  clearly  the  case. 

Sainte-Marthe  had  already  plainly  come  under 
the  influence  of  the  poems  published  by  the 
queen  some  seven  years  earlier.  These,  the 
Miroir  de  VAme  Pecheresse;  the  Discord  estant 
en  Vhomme  par  la  contrariete  de  VEsjrrit  et  de  la 
Chair  et  paix  par  vie  spirituelle ;  and  the  Oraison 
h  nostre  Seigneur  Jesus  Christ  ^  already  contained 

'  They  were  published  together  in  1533  by  Simon 
du  Bois  at  Alen^on,  and,  the  same  year,  by  Augereau  at 
Paris.  These  were  the  second  and  third  editions  of  the 
Miroir  de  VAme  Pecheresse.  F.  Frank's  admirable  bibli- 
ography (Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite,  Vol.  I,  pp.  Ixxxvi- 
xc)  does  not  state  whether  the  two  other  poems  were  in- 
cluded with  the  Miroir  in  the  first  edition  of  1.531 :  Le 
Miroir  de  lame  pecheresse,  ouquel  eUe  recognoist  ses/auUes 


PLATONISM  329 

indications  of  a  mystic  spirituality  which  has 
certain  affinities  with  the  Neo-platonic  ideal  of 
love,  and  which,  in  fact,  remained  always  an  in- 
tegral part  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre's  expression 
of  it,  as  in  references  to  Christ  as  the  true  lover, 
to  the  beatitude  of  possessing  Him,  and  to  the 
longing  of  the  worshiper  to  be  absorbed  and 
blinded  by  the  light  of  the  divinity.^  Sainte- 
Marthe  took  pains  to  express  his  admiration  of 
these  among  Marguerite's  other  works :  "si,  toute 
contention  sophistique  mise  k  part,  &  depouill6es 
les  malvaises  affections  qui  pervertissent  le  juge- 
ment  de  I'esprit,  on  vient  a  Ure  le  Mirouer  de 
Vame  pecheresse,  le  Triumphe  de  I'Aigneau,  les 
ComMies,  les  Odes,  les  Oraisons  &  aultres  ceuvres 
par  elle  escripts  en  langue  &  poesie  Frangoise, 
je  dy  lire  avec  un  jugement  arrests,  nous  con- 
viendrons  ensemble  qu'onc  n'y  en  eut  une  des 

et  pechez,  aussi  ses  graces  et  benefices  a  elle  faitez  p.  Jesu- 
christ  son  epoux.  La  Marguerite  tres  noble  et  precieuse 
sest  proposee  a  ceulx  qui  de  bon  cueur  la  cherchoient.  A 
Alen^on,  chez  maistre  Simon  du  bois  MCXXXI.  The 
second  edition  is  (presumably)  a  reprint  of  the  first.  Cf. 
Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  147  and  148. 

•  Cf.  Le  Miroir  de  I'Ame  Pecheresse.  Margs.  de  la 
Marg.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  48,  64,  and  68,  and  Oraison  d.  nostra 
Seigneur  Jesus  Christ,  ibid.,  p.  144. 


330        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

anciennes,  tant  soit  elle  estimee  par  les  doctes 
hommes,  qui  merite  d'estre  comparee  avec  elle."  * 
Traces  of  the  influence  of  these  early  poems  upon 
the  Poesie  Francoise  are,  as  might  be  expected, 
easy  to  find.  The  long  religious  epistle,  A  Dieu, 
Confession  de  son  injirmite  &  Invocation  de  sa 
Grace,  not  only  opens,  like  the  Oraison  h  nostre 
Seigneur,  with  an  acknowledgment  of  predesti- 
nation, and  closes,  hke  it,  with  a  declaration  of 
faith,  but  shares  with  it  common  sentiments,  such 
as  the  suppliant's  unworthiness  even  to  speak  of 
God's  greatness,  his  sius  too  many  to  be  named,  his 
trust  in  the  promises  and  fatherhood  of  God  and 
the  like.^  The  impress  upon  the  same  poem  of  the 
Miroir  de  VAme  Pechevesse  is  also  evident,  espe- 
cially in  an  appeal  to  Christ  as  intercessor,  where  the 
same  exultant  gratitude  finds  vent  in  similar  ten- 
syllabled  flat  rhymes.'  Again,  Sainte-Marthe's 
impassioned  prayer  for  Mademoiselle  Beringue's 
recovery  catches  not  only  the  tone,  but  some  of 
the  very  tricks  of  the  Miroir  with  its  character- 
istic invocations:   "O  mon  vray  Dieu,"  "O  vray 

'  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  pp.  79  and  80. 

2  Cf.  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  133,  145, 135,  138, 
140,  and  P.  F.,  pp.  113,  119,  115,  116,  and  118. 

3  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  I,  p.  50;  P.  F .,  p.  118. 


PLATONISM  331 

amant,  de  Charite  la  source,"  and  "O  doux 
Jesus  vous  ay  je  retrouve?".^  "0  doulx  Sei- 
gneur," "0  vigilant  &  amoureux  pasteur,"  "0 
bon  Jesus  par  qui  Grace  est  infuse, "  are  Sainte- 
Marthe's  echoes,^  the  more  noticeable  that  each, 
as  in  the  Miroir,  stands  at  the  beginning  of  a 
line  of  similar  meter.  It  was,  however,  the  Dis- 
cord estant  en  Vhomme  par  la  Contrariete  de 
V Esprit  &  de  la  Chaire,  a  poem  reflecting  one  of 
those  mediseval  ideas  destined  triumphantly  to 
survive  the  Renaissance,  passionately  reiter- 
ated, in  fact,  in  the  face  of  it  by  precisely  such 
souls  as  Marguerite  and  her  disciple,  which,  of 
all  Marguerite's  early  poems,  most  strongly  in- 
fluenced Sainte-Marthe.  He  wrote  four  poems 
on  the  same  subject,  a  prayer,  A  Dieu  Du  debat 
de  la  Chair  &  de  V Esprit,^  and  a  sequence  of  three 
dixains,*  the  last  of  which  is  clearly  imitated 
from  a  passage  in  the  Discard  describing  the  long- 
continued  "bataille  obstinee"  between  body  and 
spirit  terminated  only  by  death :  ^ 

*  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  I,  pp.  55,  64,  32. 

'  P.  F.,  pp.  183  and  184.  '  Ibid.,  p.  49. 

*  Du  fruit  de  la  Mart,  P.  F.,  p.  42. 

*  Cf.  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  I,  p.  70.     And  Cf.  ibid., 
Vol.  I,  p.  72,  and  P.  F.,  p.  50. 


332        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

"  Deux  ennemys  sont  en  une  closture, 
Se  guerroyants  en  cruelle  discorde. 
Voire  &  si  faulte  que  ceste  guerre  dure 
Jusques  k  ce,  qu'un  seul  les  deux  accorde. 
C'est  dans  le  Corps  I'Esprit,  &  la  Chair  orde, 
Qui  tousjours  ont  ensemble  difference; 
Et  besoing  est  que  la  Mort  s'y  advance, 
Qui  les  separe  &  termine  leur  guerre. 
Mettant  I'Esprit  la  hault  par  sa  puissance, 
La  Chair  cy  bas,  avec  son  Corps  en  terre." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  43. 

The  first  dixain  of  the  sequence  also  very  closely 
approaches  the  Queen  of  Navarre's  manner: 

"  La  Mort  n'est  rien  que  separation 
De  deux  conjoinctz,  c'est  du  Corps  &  de  TAme, 
Par  laquelle  a  I'Esprit  fruition 
De  son  Espoux,  qu'il  soubhaitte  &  tant  ayme. 
Le  Corps  s'en  v^  pourrir  dessoubz  la  lame, 
Et  fait  I'Esprit  vivre  de  luy  disjoinct. 
Lequel,  estant  paravant  a  luy  joinct, 
Nestoit  que  serf,  languissant  en  sa  vie. 
O  doulce  Mort,  qui  k  Dieu  nous  conjoinct, 
De  tous  plaisirs  rendant  I'Ame  assouvie." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  42. 

This  image  of  the  soul  as  the  spouse  of  Christ, 
kept  in  bondage  to  the  body  and  longing  to  be 
free  so  as  to  have  perfect  fruition  of  Him,  is 
one  in  which  Marguerite  delighted  even  in  the 


PLATONISM  333 

earlier  poems/  and  whose  recurrence  points  to 
the  later  direction  of  her  mind.  Sainte-Marthe's 
concluding  lines,  mth  their  overstrained  unction, 
have,  indeed,  almost  more  affinity  with  her 
habitual  expression  than  with  his  own.  The 
mediaeval  conception  of  the  strife  of  soul  and 
body  expressed  in  these  poems  is  far  from  un- 
common in  Marguerite's  verse.  In  one  of  her 
Chansons  Spirituelles,  many  of  them,  it  is  fair 
to  conjecture,  composed  and  current  in  the 
course  of  1540,  and,  in  that  case,  assuredly 
known  to  Sainte-Marthe,  Marguerite  casts  it  into 
the  form  of  a  dialogue  between  the  poet  and 
her  tempted  soul.  Certain  similarities,  and 
especially  its  spirited  beginning: 

"Ame  tu  n'es  au  chemin 
Ny  en  la  voye 
De  vraye  felicity 
Dieu  t'y  convoye, "  * 

seem  to  point  to  it  as  the  inspiration  of  Sainte- 
Marthe's  long  Elegie  de  VAme  parlante  au  Corps 
&  monstrante  le  proffi.t  de  la  Mort,  whose  fine 

'  C/.,  for  example,  Miroir,  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  I, 
pp.  21,  50,  64,  93. 

*  Margs.  de  la  Sfarg.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  141. 


334        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

opening  is  not  often  matched  in  Sainte-Marthe's 

productions : 

"  Regarde  moy,  ton  Ame,  6  mon  Corps  corruptible, 
Regarde,  que  je  suis  du  tout  incorruptible ; 
Et  contemple  sur  moy,  d'interieur  remort, 
L'effect,  I'esgard,  I'effort,  &  pouvoir  de  la  Mort." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  241. 

Inspiration  and  suggestion  Sainte-Marthe  doubt- 
less owed  to  Marguerite's  Chanson,  but  for  the 
original  model  we  must  look  elsewhere,  for  the 
Queen  of  Navarre  merely  pointed  the  way  to 
that  famous  mediaeval  Debat  du  corps  et  de 
Vdme,  whose  composition  dates  back  at  least  to 
the  early  twelfth  century,  and  the  endurance  of 
whose  popularity  was  proved  by  its  publication 
in  the  early  sixteenth.  Noteworthy  resemblances 
between  Sainte-Marthe's  other  productions  and 
rehgious  poems  of  Marguerite's  of  uncertain  date 
are  not  lacking.  Both  authors,  for  instance, 
dwell  upon  the  importance  of  the  Scriptures, 
"  la  pierre  de  touche  "  ^  to  the  one,  to  the  other 
"pain  incorruptible;"^  both  write  at  length  of 
justification  by  faith ;  ^  and,  while  there  is  nothing 

•  Les  Prisons,  Demibres  Po4sies,  p.  227. 

*  Elegie  du  vray  bien  &  nourriture  de  I'ame,  P.  F .,  p.  213. 
'  Cf.,  for  example,  A  Dieu  Confession  de  son  infirmite, 

etc.,  P.  F.,  p.  113. 


PLATONISM  335 

singular  in  the  fact  that  their  thoughts  should 
fall  together  on  such  subjects,  it  is  a  coinci- 
dence that  both  should  express  such  views  in 
verse  and  often  in  similar  terms.  Passages  in 
the  Oraison  de  V  Arm  Fidele  ^  find  their  counter- 
parts in  Sainte-Marthe's  poems.  The  Oraison 
sets  forth  the  doctrine  of  grace  more  than  once 
in  somewhat  the  same  terms  as  Sainte-Marthe,^ 
and  the  invocation  with  which  Sainte-Marthe 
opens  his  volume : 

"O  Eterhel,  qui  donnes  bon  esprit, 
Haultain  scavoir,  cognoissance  &  momoire,  " 

—  A  Dieu,  Pour  invocation,  P.  F.,  p.  7. 

recalls  the  Oraison' s 

"  O  Eternel,  en  qui  mon  Tout  je  croy 

Toute  bont6,  sapience  &  puissance. " 

—  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  p.  98. 

Even  when  Sainte-Marthe  does  not  borrow  the 
very  words  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  he  frequently 
catches  the  turn  of  her  phrase,  the  tone  of  her 

?  The  date  of  its  composition  is  uncertain.  It  was 
not  published  with  the  Miroir  de  I'Ame  Pecheresse  in 
1531  or  1533.  It  appeared  in  the  Marguerites  de  la 
Marguerite  of  1547. 

*  Cf.  Oraison  de  I'Ame  Fidele.  Margs.  de  la  Marg., 
Vol.  I,  pp.  113,  116;  and  P.  F .,  p.  109. 


336         CHARLES   DB    SAINTE-MARTHE 

thought.  The  description  of  the  Almighty  in  a 
"Ballade  double,"  beginning, 

"Le  roy  des  Roys  &  Trinite  celique, 
Essence  simple  &  d'un  assentement," 

—  P.F.,p.  110.' 

has  precisely  the  mystical  complexion  that 
Marguerite  conveys  into  her  early  poems;  and 
in  an  Apostrophe  to  Truth  the  closely  linked 
exclamations  and  images  are  entirely  in  the 
queen's  early  manner: 

"  O  rheureux  don  k  qui  la  peut  avoir, 
O  I'heurcux  bien,  a  qui  la  peut  scavoir, 
O  le  thresor  grand  &  inestimable, 
Richesse  seure  k  jamais  perdurable, 
C'est  la  conduite  aux  perilleux  destrois, 
C'est  le  pillier  k  supporter  ses  croiz, 
C'est  I'esguillon  a  toute  tolerance, 
Et  I'entretien  de  fidele  Esperance. " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  131. 

It  is  not  surprising,  then,  that  a  disciple  who 
had  shown  himself  impressionable  to  the  influ- 
ence of  the  already  published  works  of  the  Queen 
of  Navarre  and  in  whose  eyes  she  was  "  souvraine- 

*  Balade  double,  contenant  la  promesse  de  Christ,  sa 
Nativite,  Passion,  Ressurrection  &  precieux  sacrement 
de  son  Corps,  icy  a  nous  delaisse  pour  gaige  de  Salut,  P.F., 
p.  110. 


PLATONISM  337 

ment  perfecte  en  Poesie,  docte  en  Philosophie, 
consummee  en  TEscripture  Saincte,  voire  jusques 
a  en  rendre  les  plus  sgavants  fort  ^merveilles"  ^ 
should  catch  at  her  new  Platonic  turn  of  thought, 
aired  just  at  the  time  that  he  was  preparing  to 
publish  his  poems,  and  should  take  pains  to  ex- 
press it.  The  question  is  not  merely  one  of  such 
similarities  between  Marguerite's  later  poems  and 
Sainte-Marthe's  Poesie  Francoise  as  their  mutual 
scorn  of  absence  as  affecting  love,^  their  respec- 
tive descriptions  of  "I'amour  honnete,"^  or  of  the 
higher,  more  ideal  love.* 

Nor  is  it  a  matter  of  the  fall  of  Sainte-Marthe's 
verse,  which  at  times  curiously  echoes  that  of 
Marguerite.  The  reader  famihar  with  the 
Chansons  Spiritvdles,  for  example,  may  well 
recall  the  lines, 

"Mais  quand  j'ay  JESUS  receu, 
Par  Foy  conceu, 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  p.  78. 

'  Marguerite,  La  distinction  du  vray  Amour,  D.  P.,  p. 
309;  Saint e-Marthe,  A  Mademoiselle  Beringue  De  leur 
honneste  &  irreprehensihle  Amour,  P.  F.,  p.  145. 

'  Marguerite,  Prisons,  D.  P.  p.  156  ;  Sainte-Marthe, 
loc.  cit. 

*  Marguerite,  Le  Navire,  D.  P.,  p.  390  et  seq.  Sainte- 
Marthe,  A  la  dame  .  .  .  de  M.  P.  Tolet,  etc.,  P.  F.,  p.  174. 

z 


338         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Me  suis  du  malheur  non  sceu 
Bien  apperceu, " 

—  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  HI. 

when  he  reads  Sainte-Marthe : 

"...  par  la  Foy,  Jesus  nous  renouvelle, 
Par  la  Foy  fait, 

Que  nostre  Esprit,  se  nourrit  &  reffect, 
Que  le  lyen  de  pech6  est  deflfaict 
C'est  le  vray  bien,  &  le  seul  bien  perfaict, 
Qu'il  fault  avoir. " 

—  Elegie,  cit.  supra,  P.  F.,  p.  214. 

Again,  when  Sainte-Marthe  writes, 

"Chasse  de  I'homme,  avec  DIEU  suis  receu. 
Qui  m'a  este  tousjours  au  lieu  de  Pere, 
De  Mere,  Soeur  &  charitable  Frere, " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  210. 

it  is  natural  to  suppose  him  familiar  with  an- 
other of  the  Chansons  Spirituelles,  certain,  with 
their  seductive  singing  rhymes,  to  pass  from 
mouth  to  mouth  as  soon  as  composed : 

"  Je  n'ay  plus  ny  Pere  ny  Mere 
Ny  Seur,  ny  Frere 
Sinon  Dieu  seul,  auquel  j'espere." 

—  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  120. 

Not  in  such  verbal  similarities,  however,  nor 
even  in  the  employment  of   the  same  general 


PLATONISM  339 

themes,  is  Sainte-Marthe's  discipleship  of  the 
Queen  of  Navarre  most  evident.  He  treads  in 
her  steps  above  all  in  his  treatment  of  one  par- 
ticular idea.  The  conception  of  imion  with  God 
as  the  highest  good  led  naturally  to  that  of  the 
soul  as  the  spouse  of  God,  of  God  or  Truth  or 
Christ  as  the  lover  of  the  soul.  This  idea,  al- 
ready, as  we  have  seen,  present  in  her  earlier 
poems,  recurs  again  and  again  in  the  works  of 
the  Queen  of  Navarre,*  especially  in  the  Chansons 
Spiritiielles  and  in  the  mystical  ecstasies  of  the 
shepherdess  of  the  Comedie  jouee  au  Mont  de 
Marsan?  Characteristic  of  the  genius  of  the 
Queen  of  Navarre,  it  was  adopted  with  enthusi- 
asm by  her  disciple,  and  forms  the  basis  of  his 
highest  and  most  sustained  poetical  effort.  He 
touched  upon  it,  indeed,  in  his  dixain  Du  fruid 
de  la  Mort,  but  it  is  in  his  Philolethe  that  its 
possibilities  are  most  thoroughly  exploited.    Ihe 

»  Cf.  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp,  94,  96,  118,  144, 
152;  Comedie  jou6e  au  Mont  de  Marsan,  D.  P.,  p.  88; 
Prisons,  ibid.,  p.  216  ;  La  distinction  du  vray  Amour, 
ibid.,  p.  305;  Chansons  Spirituelles,  ibid.,  p.  325. 

*  Comedie  jouie  au  Mont  de  Marsan,  le  jour  de  Caresme 
Prenant  mil  cinq  cens  quarante  sept,  A  quattre  personnages, 
c'est  assavoir  la  Mondainne,  la  Super stitieuse,  la  Sage  et 
la  Raine  de  I' Amour  de  Dieu,  Bergere.    D.  P.,  pp.  66-118. 


340        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

title  of  this  poem  is  explanatory ;  Le  Philalethe, 
c'est  adire,  Amy  de  verite,  blasonne  son  Amye} 
Such  a  comparison  of  love  of  the  creature  with 
love  of  Truth  so  well  echoes  the  spirit  of  the  Queen 
of  Navarre  that  it  seems,  as  it  were,  to  forestall 
the  songs  of  the  Bergere  though  bereft  of  their 
fire  and  imagination.  Indeed,  without  a  knowl- 
edge of  dates,  the  reader  might  suppose  it  an 
imitation  of  those  effusions.  Since  this  cannot  be 
the  case,  the  probabilities  are  that  Sainte-Marthe 
caught  at  Marguerite's  ideas  through  hearsay 
and  a  perusal  of  such  of  the  Chansons  Sjyirituelles 
as  may  have  been  written  and  current  during  the 
year,  and  interpreted  them  in  a  manner  which,  — 
it  is  perhaps  not  too  rash  to  surmise,  —  the  queen 
herself  remembered  when  creating  the  character 
of  her  Berghre.  The  words  with  which  Sainte- 
Marthe's  poem  opens  might  easily  have  been 
written  by  Marguerite : 

"  0  Amoureux,  bien  ya  difference 
Si  comparez  vostre  Amye  k  la  mienne. " 

The  whole  poem  consists  of  a  series  of  contrasts 
between  the  object  of  ordinary  love  and  the  love 
whom  the  poet  courts : 

>  P.  F.,  p.  40. 


PLATONISM  341 

"La  vostre  est  belle  en  beault^  non  durable, 
Et  tousjours  h  besoing  d'adjoustement. 
La  mienne  est  belle  en  beaulte  perdurable, 
Sans  aucun  Sy,  perfaicte  entierement." 

The  Queen  of  Navarre's  Bergkre,  too,  contrasts 
her  satisfaction  in  her  perfect  lover  with  the 
usual  pains  of  love,  compares  his  faithfulness  to 
love's  unfaith : 

"Amour  m'a  faict  de  desplaisir  mainte  heure, 
Mais  le  parfaict,  qui  dans  mon  cueur  demeure, 
M'a  satisfaict  &  gard^  que  ne  meure. " 

—  D.  P.,  p.  94. 

i|c  4:  :|(  ^c  9|i 

"  Vous  qui  estes  ignorantes 
Que  c'est  que  [la]  ferme  foy: 
O  combien  seriez  contantes 
Sy  vous  le  s[c]av[i]ez  comme  moy ! " 

—  Ihid.,  p.  101. 

Sainte-Marthe  thus,  in  his  turn,  exalts  the  faith- 
fulness of  his  love : 

"De  vostre  Amye  avez  suspition, 
Qu'aymant  aultruy  quelque  jour  ne  vous  laisse. 
La  mienne  n'a  de  variation, 
Et  nay  point  poeur  que  son  amour  rabbaisse. " 

—  P.F.,  p.  41. 

In  the  course  of  this  poem  Sainte-Marthe  re- 
turns to  an  idea  which  he  had  already  expressed 


342         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

in  his  lines  to  Tolet's  mistress/  an  idea  which, 
while  not  actually  present  in  the  Queen  of 
Navarre's  poems,  savors  of  the  sort  of  Platon- 
ism,  or  rather  Neo-platonism,  which  inspired  her : 

"Or  plus,  n'en  peut  vostre  Amye  aymer  qu'un, 
Ou  aultrement  elle  sera  blasmee, 
Mais  la  mienne  a  vers  tous  Amour  commun, 
Et  plus  Vierge  est,  quand  plus  elle  est  aym6e." 
—  P.F.,  pp.  41-42. 

Sainte-Marthe  differs  from  Marguerite  in  giving, 
in  his  concluding  stanza,  the  answer  to  his 
riddle,  an  answer  which  the  Bergere,  creation  of 
a  greater  poet,  no  more  than  hints  at.  The  fable 
is  clearly  explained : 

"Mamye  est  dicte  en  son  nom  Verity, 
Celle  qu 'aymer  de  bon  cueur  je  soubhaitte : 
Celle  que  veulx  servir  en  purit^, 
Et  pour  qm  prens  tiltre  de  Philalethe. " 

—  Ibid.,  p.  42. 

Here  is  none  of  the  mystery  and  exultation  of 
the  Bergere's  utterances,  still  less  any  touch  of 
their  perverse  charm,  as  of  a  secret  always  on  the 
point  of  revelation  yet  never  escaping  the  lips. 
Nor  does  Sainte-Marthe  any  more  nearly  ap- 

»  Cf.  supra,  p.  320. 

t 


PLATONISM  343 

proach  the  poetic  mastery  shown  in  other  songs 
of  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  such  as  those  beginning: 

"O  Bergere,  ma  mye, 
Je  ne  vis  que  d'amours ; " 

—  D.  P.,  p.  323. 
or, 

"Helas,  je  languis  d'Amours 
Pour  Jesuchrist  mon  espoux. " 
—  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  152. 

He  echoed,  it  is  true,  his  mistress'  phrases,  but 
he  missed  her  soaring  conceptions  as  a  Platonist 
no  less  than  the  passion  and  fire  of  imagination 
which  made  her  a  poet.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
imitates  con  amove  Marguerite's  painful  pro- 
lixity. It  is  almost  as  much  in  this  respect 
as  in  general  tone  that  his  poem,  A  Madamoiselle 
Beringue  De  leur  honneste  &  irreprehensible 
Amour, '^  resembles  that  of  "Le  quatrieme  gentil- 
homme"  in  Les  quatre  dmnes  et  les  quatre  gentilz- 
hommes?  Sainte-Marthe  interpreted  the  Queen's 
ideas  as  he  understood  and  assimilated  them  in- 
deed, but  his  imitations  are,  as  a  fact,  those  of 
an  inferior  mind. 

Sainte-Marthe's    debts    to    Marguerite    were 

'  P.  F.,  p.  145  et  seq. 

^  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol.  IV,  p.  83  et  seq. 


344         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

manifold,  but  in  one  or  two  instances  it  appears 
that  the  obligation  may  have  been  the  other 
way.  This  may  even  be  the  case  with  the 
poem  of  Les  quatre  dames  et  les  quatre  gentilz- 
hommes.  By  the  time  that  the  Queen  of  Navarre 
published  it  in  the  Marguerites  de  la  Marguerite, 
Sainte-Marthe's  Poesie  Francoise  had  been  issued 
seven  years;  and  although,  even  at  that  date, 
Sainte-Marthe  was  probably  not  in  his  later  close 
personal  touch  with  her,  her  interest  in  him  and 
his  work  may  be  assumed,  especially  if  we  believe 
Sainte-Marthe's  own  version  regarding  the  feel- 
ing of 

"Ce  Cueur  royale  qui  m'avoit  annobl6 
De  sa  faveur :  en  tenant  un  grand  compte 
De  mes  escripts :   que  moimesmes  sans  honte 
Ne  pouvois  lire,  &  louant  mon  esprit, 
Autant  rustic,  qu'est  lourdant  mon  escript." 
—  Dedication  A  Treshaultes  et  tresillusres  Princesses  .  .  . 
Marguerite  de  France .  .  .  &  Jheanne,  Princesse 
de  Navarre  .  .  .  Or.  fun.  de  .  .  .  M.  de  N.,  ed. 
1550,  fol.  Aij  r°. 

It  is  not  surprising,  then,  to  come  upon  what  look 
like  more  positive,  though  insignificant  debts  of 
the  royal  author  to  her  admiring  follower.  The 
Prisons  offers  at  least  one  reminder  of  the  spirit 


PLATONISM  345 

of  a  passage  in  Sainte-Marthe's  address  to  his 

love,  De  lew  honneste  &  irreprehensible  Amour, 

thus   describing  that  prison  which   is   vaguely 

either  her  heart  or  his  desire : 

"  Mais  la  prison,  6  prison  tresheureuse, 
Prison  qui  n'est  dure,  n^  tenebreuse, 
Prison  qui  a  captive  Libert  e, 
Prison  qui  a  Libre  captivite. 
Prison  (qui  est  une  grande  merveille) 
Ou  moins  je  veulx,  fault  que  plus  fort  je  vueille." 
—  P.F.,  p.  146  et  seq. 

Marguerite  gives  vent  to  similar  feelings  about 
a  prison  of  the  same  nature : 

"  Je  vous  confesse,  Amye  tant  aymee, 
Que  j'ay  longtemps  quasi  desestim^e, 
La  grand  doulceur  d'heureuse  liberte 
Pour  la  prison  oi  par  vous  j'ay  este, "  etc. 

4:  4:  4i  :(:  i|c 

"Et  si  taisoys  ce  que  je  vouloys  dire, 
En  desirant  alonger  mon  martyre. 
Martyre,  quoy  !  mais  mon  tres  grand  plaisir ; 

Brief,  qui  eust  veu  le  grand  contantement 

Que  je  prenoys  en  ce  cruel  tourment 

Et  d'estre  ainsy  rudement  enchayne, 

II  eut  juge  mon  sens  alien  6,"  etc. 

—  D.  P.,  p.  121  et  seq.  and  pp.  123  and  124  et  seq.^ 

*  Cf.   Ariosto,  Sonnet   no.  x,    "  Avventuroso   carcere 
soave." 


346         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Again,  Sainte-Marthe's  invocation  to  Christ  as 
Esculapius,  already  quoted/  may  have  suggested 
Marguerite's  much  later  prayer  for  her  brother : 

"  O  Grand  Medecin  tout  puissant 
Redonnez  luy  sant6  parfaite. "  ^ 

These,  however,  are  but  trivial  borrowings.  The 
stream  ran  in  fact  the  other  way,  and  we  are 
safe  in  concluding  that  Sainte-Marthe's  muse 
owed  much  to  the  inspiration  of  his  patroness. 
It  has  been  pointed  out  that  personal  inter- 
course between  the  Queen  of  Navarre  and 
Sainte-Marthe  during  the  latter's  sojourn  in 
Lyons  —  i.e.  in  the  year  which  turned  her 
thoughts  towards  Platonism  —  is  entirely  prob- 
lematic. There  are  no  indications  of  Mar- 
guerite's presence  in  the  southern  capital, 
though  she  may  conceivably  have  made  it  one 
of  her  frequent  visits  at  the  time  her  former 
proteg6  was  there.  It  would  have  been  an 
easy  matter,  however,  for  Sainte-Marthe  to 
become  informed  as  to  the  new  orientation  of 

»  Cf.  p.  289  et  seq. 

*  Pensees  de  la  Royne  de  Navarre  estant  dans  sa  litiere, 
durant  la  maladie  du  Roy,  etc.  Margs.  de  la  Marg.,  Vol. 
Ill,  p.  87. 


PLATONISM  347 

the  Queen's  ideas.  Three  of  the  ablest  supporters 
of  her  Platonic  propaganda  were  at  Lyons  at 
the  time  of  his  arrival  there.  Des  Periers, 
who  had  been  disgraced  by  the  queen,  was  in 
favor  again  for  the  moment,  but  if  my  con- 
jecture is  correct,  Sainte-Marthe's  reference  to 
him  with  scant  sympathy  after  death  ^  argues  no 
tie  of  friendship  between  them  in  life.  With 
Dolet  and  Sceve,  however,  Sainte-Marthe  was  on 
terms  of  intimacy  and  could  not,  therefore,  fail 
to  hear  discussion  of  Marguerite's  new  preoccu- 
pation, and  of  its  effect  upon  these  men  of 
letters.^  Dolet  had  not  yet,  indeed,  in  the 
midst  of  danger  and  secrecy,  "turned  over  his 
treasures" '  and  conceived  the  idea  of  translat- 
ing, besides  the  Axiochus  and  Hipparchiis,  which 
were  to  be  his  death  warrant,  the  whole  of 
Plato's  works ;  *  but  there  must  have  been  talk 

»  Cf.  p.  179.  '  Cf.  p.  327  et  seq. 

'  Cf.  Letter  of  Dolet  to  Francis  I.,  prefixed  to  the 
Axiochus  and  Hipparchus  in  the  Second  Enfer  d'Estienne 
Dolet,  etc.  (1544),  cit.  Copley  Christie,  op.  cit.,  pp.  445, 
456,  549,  550. 

*  " .  .  .  to  show  you  that  I  have  commenced  and 
made  good  progress  in  the  translation  of  the  whole  of 
the  works  of  Plato.  So  that  either  in  your  kingdom 
or  elsewhere  (since  without  cause  I  have  been  driven 


348        CHARLES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE 

of  Des  Periers'  translation  of  the  Lysis,^  as- 
suredly by  this  time  in  mind  if  not  in  hand  ; 
and  some  of  Sc  eve's  four  hundred  and  fifty- 
eight  dixains,  so  expressive  of  Platonism,  must  — 
it  is  safe  to  conclude  —  have  begun  to  circulate 
among  his  friends  even  four  years  before  their 
publication.^ 

Of  the  four  Platonists  gathered  in  Lyons, 
Sceve  and  Sainte-Marthe  had  most  in  common. 
Dolet's  inclination  towards  the  new  doctrine 
was  that  of  an  erudite  man  of  letters,  interested 
in  philosophy  as  such;  the  contribution  of  Des 
Periers,  poet,  conteur,  man   of   genius,  to   the 

from  France)  I  promise  you  with  the  help  of  God  that 
I  will  give  you  within  a  year  the  whole  of  Plato  translated 
into  your  own  language. "     Ibid.,  p.  445. 

*  Published  after  his  death  in  the  RecvLeil  des  CEuvres 
de  feu  Bonaventure  des  Periers,  Lyons,  1544.  M. 
Lefranc  opines  that  it  was  finished  not  later  than  1541, 
Le  Platonisme  et  la  litter ature  en  France,  loc.  cit.,  p.  11. 
And  cf.  La  Ferrifere- Percy,  op.  cit.,  pp.  40-46,  for  Des 
Periers'  presence  at  Lyons  and  situation  circ.  1541.  La 
Ferrifere-Percy  erroneously  represents  Sainte-Marthe  also 
as  at  Lyons  in  September,  1541.     Ibid.,  pp.  40  and  41. 

'  Delie.  Object  de  plus  Jiaulte  Vertu,  Lyons,  1544. 
Scfeve's  biographer,  M.  Albert  Baur,  asserts  that  he  had 
been  engaged  in  their  composition  since  writing  his 
Blasons  (1534)  and  that  from  that  time  on  they  circulated 
among  his  friends.     Maurice  Sceve,  p.  75. 


PLATONISM  349 

Platonistic  movement  was  to  consist  only  of 
the  prose  translation  of  the  Lysis  and  its  sub- 
limated epilogue  in  verse,  the  Queste  d'Amytie,^ 
addressed  to  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  before  "  Mort 
implacable,  implacable  Mort,  I'a  surpris  au  cours 
de  sa  bonne  intention,"^  to  quote  the  disingenu- 
ous account  of  Du  Moulin.  His  other  poems, 
with  one  possible  exception,^  show  no  traces  of 
Platonic  feeling.  But  Sceve  and  Sainte-Marthe, 
influenced,  like  the  others,  by  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  were  both  bitten  with  Petrarchism  as 
well  as  Neo-platonism,  and  a  comparison  of  their 
productions  has  an  interest  of  its  own  in  show- 
ing their  few  similarities  and  their  astonishing 
divergence.*  Both  complain  of  the  loss  of  liberty 
through  love  and  find  their  servitude  sweet;' 

*  Le  Discours  de  la  Queste  d' Amy  tie  diet  Lysis  de 
Platon  envoye  a  la  Royne  de  Navarre,  (Euvres  Francoises, 
Vol.  I,  pp.  7-46  and  46-56. 

^  Dedication  of  the  editor  Du  Moulin  to  the  Queen  of 
Navarre.     Ibid.,  p.  3. 

^  There  is  a  trace  of  it  in  the  Response  to  the  Chanson. 
A  Claude  Bectone,  Daulphinoise,  included  with  Des 
Periers'  poems,  ibid..  Vol.  II,  p.  164. 

*  P.  F.,  pp.  17,  54,  78,  93,  99.  Scfeve,  Delie,  Dixains 
iii,  vi,  ccxii. 

*  Scfeve,  Dixains  ccxvii,  clxi,  col,  ccciv.  Cf.  also  Dixain 
xlvi. 


350        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Sainte-Marthe's  ''Vie  en  Mort"  is  matched  by 
Serve's  reference  to  "Vie  morte"  or  to  "celle  en 
qui  mourant  je  vis,"  ^  and  Sceve's  mistress  no  less 
than  Sainte-Marthe's  could  turn  his  light  to  dark- 
ness. He  says  so  in  almost  the  same  words  as 
Sainte-Marthe,  "Elle  m'abysme  en  profondes 
tenebres,"^  and  he  returns  to  the  idea  no  less 
than  three  times.  If  Sainte-Marthe  finds  his  ill 
both  sweet  and  bitter,  Sc^ve  does  no  less,^  and 
the  dixain  which  contains  this  sentiment  also 
expresses  another,  elsewhere  repeated,  that  he 
wishes  and  yet  dares  not,  like  Sainte-Marthe  be- 
fore him, 

"  Je  le  vouluz,  an  ne  I'osay  vouloir; " 

and  again : 

"  Je  veulx  soubdain  &  plus,  soubdain  je  n'ose," 

—  Dixain  cxciii, 

"  Je  veulx,  voulant,  rien  faire  je  ne  puis, 
Et  ne  pouvant,  tousjours  j'essaye," 

—  P.  F.,  p.  191. 

'  Cf.  p.  292;  Sc^ve,  Dixains  cxxvi  and  vii.  Cf.  also 
Dixain  cxxvi. 

^  Cf.  p.  284  ;  Scfeve,  Dixain  vii.  And  cf.  Dixains 
xxiv,  li,  and  ccclxiv. 

^  Cf.  p.  287;  Scfeve,  Dixain  Ixxvii. 


PLATONISM  351 

says  Sainte-Marthe.  However,  if  ScSve,  like  his 
friend,  languishes  in  the  prison  of  love, 

"  Ensepvely  en  solitaire  horreur," 
it  is  not  his  fate  which  so  dooms  him  but, 

"  la  durte  de  ton  ingrate  erreur."  ^ 

Sceve,  Uke  Sainte-Marthe,  is  powerfully  affected 
by  his  mistress'  laugh:  in  one  poem  it  gives 
him  hope  of  life,  whilst  in  another  he  finds  him- 
self dying  of  it  and  other  charms.^  The  common 
themes  of  the  arrows  of  love,  eyes  that  shoot 
and  wound,  the  glove,  the  mistress  rejoicing  in 
her  lover's  torments,  chastity  and  beauty,'  and 
the  less  common  one  of  the  victory  of  love  over 
age,*  which  we  have  already  met  with  in  the 

•  Cf.  pp.  275  and  345;  Sc6ve,  Dixain  Ixxxviii. 

'  Cf.  supra,  pp.  65  and  234;  Scfeve,  Dixains  cv  and 
ccxxxviii. 

'  Cf.  pp.  235,  275,  288,  and  293;  Scfeve,  Dixains  v,  vi, 
cxix  and  ccvii;  ccviii,  clxxviii,  cclxxxii;  cccviii. 

*  Sainte-Marthe,  Pourquoy  Ion  painct  Cupido  en  En- 
fance,  P.  F.,p.  71.  Cf.  pp.  293  and  535.  Sc6ve,  Dixain 
cccxcviii.  It  should  be  noted,  however,  that  Sainte- 
Marthe  represents  love  as  growing  with  age,  Scfeve  only 
describes  himself  as  not  escaping  love  through  age : 

"  Et  en  Automne,  Amour,  ce  Dieu  volage 
Quand  me  voulois  de  la  raison  armer 
A  prevalu  contre  sens,  &  contre  aage. " 


352         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Poesie  Francoise,  are  also  present  in  the  Delie. 
Each  poet  is  also  confident  that  slander  can 
make  no  impression  on  his  mistress,  and  here 
Sc^ve  has  decidedly  the  advantage  in  expression : 

"  Retirez  vous  En  vie  &  Imposture, 
Soit  que  le  temps  le  vous  souffre,  ou  le  nye, 
Et  ne  cherchez  en  elle  nourriture 
Car  sa  foy  est  venin  a  Calumnie. " 

—  Dixain  ccxxi. 

Sainte-Marthe's  confession  of  faith  is  undeni- 
ably commonplace: 

"  II  te  fauldra  premier  la  divertir 
D'une  Bont6  en  la  quelle  elle  est  n6e. 
Et  si  tu  peux  (alors)  la  pervertir, 
Cry  hardiment  la  bataille  gaign6e." 
—  A  un,  qui  taschoit  d'aliener  s'Amye  de  luy,  &  la  tirer 

h  soy,  P.  F.,  p.  29. 

Both  poets  are  especially  close  in  manner  when, 
dealing  with  ideal  love,  they  declare  their  souls 
captivated  by  the  virtue  of  the  beloved,^  repre- 
sent love  as  rising  superior  to  absence,  or  spurn 
mere  desire.^ 

»  Cf.  pp.  65  and  289.     Scfeve : 

"Sa  vertu  veult  estre  aymee  &  servie, 
Et  sainctement  &  comme  elle  merite, 
Se  captivant  I'Ame  toute  asservie." 

—  Dixain  ccclxiii. 
'  Cf.  pp.  65  and  317;  Scfeve,  Dixains  cl  and  ciii,  cl  and 
cliii. 


PLATONISM  353 

Their  likenesses,  however,  are  actually  no  more 
striking  than  the  dissimilarities  between  the  two 
poets.  Sceve,  owing  perhaps  to  four  years 
advantage  in  which  to  polish  his  dixains  and 
drink  in  further  Italian  influences,  is  by  far  the 
more  accomplished  Petrarchist,  as,  by  native 
gifts,  he  is  the  better  poet.  Not  only  is  Marot's 
influence,  so  evident  in  Sainte-Marthe's  Poesie 
Francoise,  absent  from  his  work  (he  shows  only 
slightest  trace  of  it),^  but  the  Italian  models  of 
the  two  were,  in  fact,  different.  Sainte-Marthe, 
influenced  by  the  Petrarchistic  movement  in  gen- 
eral, kept  close  to  the  spirit  of  Petrarch  and  the 
school  of  Bembo,  while  Sceve  went  almost  ex- 
clusively to  the  writers  of  strambotti,  extremists 
in  Petrarchistic  conceits.  If  he  wrote  in  dixains 
instead  of  sonnets,  it  was,  as  has  been  pointed 
out  by  an  authority  in  these  matters,  in  imita- 
tion of  his  chief  model,  Seraphino,  and  his  school.^ 
He  connected  these  dixains  into  a  sequence  in 

*       "  Ce  doulx  nenny,  qui  flamboyant  de  honte, 
Me  promit  plus  qu'onc  n'osay  esperer." 

—  Dixain  cxlii. 
^  Vianey,  L' influence   Italienne    chez    les    Pr^curseurs 
de  la  PUiade,  p.  108.     Re  Serve's   Italian  models,  cf. 
ibid.,  pp.  107-147. 
2a 


354        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

the  Italian  style,  and  was  the  first  French  poet  to 
do  this.  Nor  was  he  content,  hke  Sainte-Marthe, 
to  borrow  a  few  Italian  conceits.  His  Delie 
contains  nearly  all  those  current  among  the 
Italian  Petrarchists.  In  his  poems  we  come 
upon  the  conceits  of  the  mirror,^  the  unblinded 
eye  of  the  eagle,^  the  marble  of  ingratitude,^  the 
wounded  stag,^  rivers  of  tears,^  frozen  hearts,^ 
eyes  with  the  influence  of  stars,'  or  the  dazzling 
power  of  the  sun,*  Hydra,^  Phoenix,^"  rose  and 
thorn,"  immunity  from  death  the  body  lacking 
its  heart,^^  eyebrows  which  are  Cupid's  bow,^^ 
fire  and  cold,"  —  nor  does  this  exhaust  the  list 
of  common  conceits  used  by  Sc^ve.  Their  ab- 
sence from  Sainte-Marthe's  poems  is  no  less 
singular  than,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  character 
as  Marot's  disciple,  is  his  neglect  of  the  "blason," 
the  "  device,"  or  even  of  the  "  vers  equivoque.'' 

*  Dixain  ccxl.  ^  Dixain  cii.        '  Dixain  cxxxiv. 

*  Dixain  ccclxii.       ^  Dixains  cii  and  cccxix. 

*  Dixain  ccxvii.        ^  Dixain  ccliii. 

'  Dixains  cxiv,  cxxiv  and  cxcvi.        '  Dixain  cxcvii. 
*"  Dixain  cclxxxviii,  "  Dixain  cclxi. 

"  Dixains  clxiii  and  Ixxxi.     In  the  latter  case  even 
a  thunderbolt  produces  no  effect. 

"  Dixain  cxlix.  "  Dixain  cxvii  et  passim. 


PLATONISM  355 

It  were  pleasant  to  suppose  both  omissions  due 
to  a  niceness  of  taste. 

Little  remains  to  be  said  of  the  Poesie  Fran- 
coise.  Imitation  of  Marot,  with  excellent  effect, 
in  epigram;  imitation,  within  limits,  of  the 
Italian  Petrarchists ;  rather  weak  attempts  at 
Platonism,  under  the  influence  of  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  —  these  constitute  its  claims  to  at- 
tention. Its  author  has  not  the  lucidity  nor  the 
engaging  charm  of  Marot,  the  verve  of  Saint- 
Gelais,  the  feeling  for  nature  and  breadth  of 
view  of  Salel;  still  less  the  reach  and  passion 
of  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  or  the  tenderness  and 
subtlety  of  Heroet.  He  lacks  even  the  dexterity 
of  his  friend  Sceve. 

This  is  plain  also  in  at  least  two  of  the  three 
dixains  by  Sainte-Marthe  which  were  published 
three  years  after  the  Poesie  Francoise,  with 
Papillon's  Nouvel  Amour  in  Leonique's  Pour- 
quoy  d' Amours}  One,  De  folk  Amour,  a  warning 
against  the  dangers  of  love,  in  the  common- 
place tone  of  Eustorg  de  Beaulieu,  concludes 
with  unexpected  grace: 

"  Car  k  la  fin  soubz  jeu  de  repentance 
Voyez  amour  distiller  eau  de  larmes." 
«  Cf.  pp.  196  and  614. 


356         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

The  other  appears  to  be  an  attempt  to  emulate 
Sceve's  as  yet  unpublished  dixains  on  their  own 
ground.*  The  third,  Autre  dixain  de  Cujpido,  has, 
however,  an  engaging  air  of  originality.  Its  con- 
ceit is  not  a  common  one,  but  it  were  rash  to 
suppose  that  search  would  not  reveal  an  Italian 
original : 

"Cupido  sQait  enter  jusques  au  bout, 
Et  se  delecte  en  faict  de  jardinage, 
Et,  qui  plus  est,  son  ente  prend  son  tout 
Done,  &  produit  divers  fruictz  &  sauvage. 
Tou jours  travaille  &  poursuyt  son  hommage, 
Sur  tous  vergees,  il  obtient  la  regence. 
II  n'est  jamais  notte  de  negligence 
Ne  laschete,  au  moins  qu'on  ne  cognoisse. 
II  est  expert  &  plein  de  diligence, 
Mais  en  tout  arbre  ente  poirier  d'angoisse. " 

Sainte-Marthe's  verse  is,  in  general,  character- 
ized by  an  entire  lack  of  poetic  feeling.  It  may 
be  argued  that  the  test  of  what  modern  criticism 
calls  "  poetic  feeling "  is  too  narrow  a  one  to 
apply  to  all  forms  of  verse,  and  that  a  genre  mid- 
way between  prose  and  poetry  is  a  conspicuous 
possession  of  French  literature.  But  of  such 
a  genre  the  critic    has  a  right    to  exact  other 

'  Cf.  for  both  poems,  p.  544  et  seq. 


PLATONISM  357 

qualities,  if  not  those  of  poetic  feeling  or  imagi- 
nation. Brilliance,  wit,  terseness,  clarity,  "du 
bon  sens  et  de  I'art,"  should  be  there  to  delight 
the  reader;  and  these  qualities  Sainte-Marthe's 
verse  as  a  whole  does  not  possess.  It  may 
almost  be  said  that  he  could  not  be  expected  to 
possess  them  at  a  moment  when  it  was  Latin 
verse  chiefly  which  seemed  worth  the  care  of 
polishing.  Yet  Marot  had  possessed  them  and 
had  brought  his  own  particular  vein  to  perfection. 
In  a  narrow  field,  Sainte-Marthe  also  evidences 
some  measure  of  these  gifts,  when,  that  is,  he 
confines  himself  to  imitation  of  Marot.  It 
is  when  he  turns  into  new  paths  that  he  loses 
ground  and  becomes  involved  and  prolix.  He 
was  in  fact  incapable  of  applying  new  technique 
to  the  new  themes  that  absorbed  his  attention; 
and  his  epigrams  remain  his  best  produc- 
tion. Conscious  art,  which  shaped  these  epi- 
grams, is  generally  absent  from  the  other  content 
of  the  Poesie  Francoise.  There  are,  of  course, 
certain  exceptions  to  this.  Sainte-Marthe's  most 
ambitious  poem,  the  Elegie  du  Tempe  de  France, 
has  passages  of  undoubted  charm,  and  a  certainty 
of   touch   which   argues   it   his   most  carefully 


358         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

finished  production;^  but  much  of  its  charm  is 
that  of  iElian,  of  Marot,  perhaps  of  Salel;  the 
PhUalethe,  perhaps  Sainte-Marthe's  best  poem, 
with  its  well-sustained  contrasts,  is  direct,  grace- 
ful, and  even  musical ;  and  there  is  elsewhere  at 
least  one  example  of-  telling  simphcity  inspired 
by  real  feeling: 

"  Vous  n'estes  point  n6  Royne  ni  Princesse, 
Et  ne  tenez  cent  mil'escus  de  rente, 
Mais  vostre  tendre  &  premiere  jeunesse 
Et  grand  doulceur,  joincte  k  rare  simplessf,. 
Plus  que  tous  biens  du  Monde  me  contente." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  56. 

Occasionally,  too,  the  volume  offers  instances  of 
vivacious  expression  and  telling  cadence.  The 
two  best  examples  were  inspired,  one  by  patri- 
otic zeal,  one  by  feeling  for  the  king.  Sainte- 
Marthe  speaks  of  the  ill  repute  of  France  for 
brawls  and  calunmy : 

"Vel^,  Francoys,  Francoys,  vel^  I'injure 
Que  Ion  nous  fait.     Fault  il  que  la  nature 
D'une  tant  belle  et  noble  Nation, 
Soit  corrumpue  en  altercation  ?  " 

—  P.  F.,  p.  182. 

•  Colletet  even  calls  it  "Touvrage  le  plus  riche  et  le 
plus  florissant  de  son  sifecle."  Vies  des  poetes  frangaise, 
fol.  447  T°. 


PLATONISM  359 

Again,  he  addresses  Francis  with  devoted  loyalty : 

Au  Roy  treschrestien. 
"  Je  n'ay  qu'un  DIEU  &  un  Roy  en  ce  Monde, 
Et  k  ces  deux  veulx  faire  obeissance. 
CHRIST,  le  premier,  est  mon  DIEU,  sur  qui  fonde 
Par  ferme  Foy,  ma  to  tale  Esperance. 
Mon  Roy  tu  es,  treschrestien  Roy  de  France, 
Franc  Roy  Francoys,  refuge  de  Minerve. 
Le  debvoir  veult  que  Tun  et  I'aultre  serve, 
De  quoy  au  Cueur  j'ay  tresf  erven  te  en  vie, 
A  CHRIST  mon  DIEU,  mon  Ame  je  reserve 
A  toy  mon  Roy,  j'abandonne  ma  vie." 

—  P.  F.,  p.  8. 

There  are  few  such  spirited  passages,  however; 
and  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  poetry  of 
Sainte-Marthe  deserves  a  niche  in  French  liter- 
ature scarcely  at  all  for  its  actual  merits,  but 
only  as,  in  some  measure,  an  instrument  which 
transmitted  to  posterity  tendencies  of  later 
fruitfulness.  It  is  a  relief  to  turn  to  the  prose 
which  gives  him  a  right  to  an  individual  place 
there. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   FUNERAL  ORATIONS 

"Les  Anciens,"  thus  Sainte-Marthe  begins 
his  Funeral  Oration  on  the  Queen  of  Navarre, 
"les  Anciens  fort  bien  et  sagement  feirent,  6 
AlenQonnois,  quand  ils  institu^rent  que  ceuls  qui 
auroient  illustre  leur  nom  par  la  gloire  de  leurs 
vaillances  &  prouesses,  &  delaisse  quelque  noble 
tesmoinage  &  exemple  de  vertu,  fussent  grande- 
ment  loues."  ^  His  later  oration  for  Fran9oise 
d'Alengon,  Duchess  of  Beaumont,  opens  in  the 
same  vein:  "Si  nous  voulions,  en  suivant  les 
anciens,  observer,  par  inviolable  coustume,  de 
marquer  de  pierres  noires  les  jours,  les  moys,  & 
les  ans  qui  nous  apportent  tristesses  &  ennuis, 
ou  publiques  ou  prives  &  domestiques,  &  mettre 
au  nombre  des  cas  malheureus  les  accidents  qui 
joumellement  nous  surviennent:   certes  nostre 

»  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  23. 
360 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  361 

France  auroit  aujourd'huy  tresboime  occasion 
de  ce  faire."  ^ 

This  stress  upon  the  ancients,  and  especially 
the  reference  to  Plato  in  the  first  case  ^  strikes 
the  key  note  of  Sainte-Marthe's  oratorical  efforts. 
The  ancients  were  his  preoccupation,  his  passion ; 
Plato,  his  oracle.  He  responded  with  enthusi- 
asm to  the  impulse  of  the  Renaissance  towards 
the  classics;  and  yet,  in  this  regard  a  man  of 
the  new  age,  his  appeal  to  authority  is  as  con- 
vinced as  that  of  the  veriest  mediaeval  school- 
man, even  though  it  be  to  classical  authority, 
which  had  for  him  more  force  than  reason  or 
analogy.  This  preference  for  authority  over  ex- 
perience may  surprise  the  reader  who  expects  to 
find  in  the  productions  of  a  typical  man  of  the 
Renaissance  that  constant  appeal  to  the  world 
of  nature  and  of  sense  which  was  one  of  its 
characteristic  aspects.  Hardly  less  surprising 
is  the  devout  piety  of  a  man  whose  mind 
was  permeated  as  was  Saint-Marthe's  with 
classic  ideas.  In  spite  of  this  unbounded  en- 
thusiasm for  the  ancients,  Sainte-Marthe  always 
—  unlike  others  of  his  time  and  of  his  circle  — 

'  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  3  r°.         '  Laws,  VII,  801. 


362         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

remained  unpaganized  by  his  classical  sympa- 
thies. And  yet,  so  far  as  his  Funeral  Orations 
are  concerned,  the  truths  of  Christianity,  dearly 
cherished  as  they  were,  form  but  a  background 
for  the  crowding  forms  of  all  antiquity.  To 
read  his  two  Orations  on  the  Queen  of  Navarre 
and  the  Duchess  of  Beaumont  is  to  perceive  that 
for  him,  as  for  so  many  of  his  contemporaries, 
the  world  Sainte-Marthe  lived  in  was  the  classic 
world,  to  which  he  would  fain  adjust  the  Hfe 
about  him. 

An  inheritor  of  mediaeval  tradition  in  reliance 
upon  authority,  his  preference  for  quotations 
from  the  classics  rather  than  the  Scriptures  and 
the  fathers  stamps  Sainte-Marthe  a  child  of  the 
Renaissance.  Plato  dictates  the  very  conduct 
of  his  Oration  for  the  beloved  Queen  of  Navarre : 
"Suyvant  la  doctrine  de  Platon,  je  parleray 
premierement  des  Ancestres  de  Marguerite; 
apres,  de  sa  nourriture  &  institution,  &,  finalle- 
ment,  de  ses  moeurs  &  de  sa  vie,  qu'elle  a  si 
heureusement  pass^e  en  la  compaignie  de  toutes 
les  vertus  que,  de  la  m^moire  des  hommes.  Ton 
n'a  one  veu  plus  perfaicte  femme."^     If  the 

>  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  29. 


THE   FUNERAL  ORATIONS  363 

same  order  is  not  observed  in  the  Oration  on 
the  Duchess  of  Beaumont,  the  fact  is  duly 
deprecated:  "II  est  vray  que  je  pourroie  com- 
mencer  a  louer  Francoise  de  la  noblesse  du  sang 
&  de  la  maison  dont  elle  fut  extraicte,  si  je 
vouloie  religieusement  garder  les  preceptes  des 
Rhetoriciens,  .  .  .  mais  il  me  semble  que  seroit 
parolle  superflue,  de  vouloir  manifester  a  nostre 
France  ce  qu'il  luy  est  si  clair  &  si  notoire."  ^ 
The  practice  itself  of  delivering  funeral  orations 
is  supported  by  the  example  of  Greeks,  Romans, 
Indians  and  Egyptians,  the  origin  and  progress 
of  the  custom  among  whom  is  duly  sketched.* 
"Pleust  il  a  Dieu,"  adds  Sainte-Marthe,  refer- 
ring to  those  customs,  and  ignoring,  like  a  true 
humanist,  all  the  interval  between  classical  an- 
tiquity and  his  own  time,  "Pleust  il  a  Dieu,  6 
Alengonnois  que  ceste  coustume  fust  aujourd'huy 
si  bien  gardee  que  cauls  qui  louent  les  trespasses 
si  veritablement  d^clarassent  leur  vie  que  .  .  . 
ils  ne  feissent  de  vices  vertus." '  Elsewhere 
Sainte-Marthe  again  indicates  the  small  place 
held  by  mediaeval  tradition  in  the  view  of  the 

'  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  8  v». 

«  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  24-26.       »  Ibid.,  p.  25. 


364         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

enthusiastic  classicist:  "Quand  nous  desirons 
aulcuns  precepteurs  pour  la  reformation  des 
moeurs  de  la  jeunesse,  nous  prenons  nostre  re- 
cours  aux  preceptes  des  Perses,"  he  writes,  com- 
paring the  queen's  education  to  that  of  the 
Persians  in  the  Cyropcedia.^  As  the  happy  result 
of  the  efforts  of  Louise  of  Savoy,  one  would 
have  supposed  her  daughter  a  Persian  maiden 
instructed  in  Persian  severity  rather  than  a 
Frenchwoman,  and  it  was,  indeed,  according  to 
Sainte-Marthe,  Xenophon's  precept  that  induced 
Charles  D'Angouleme,  her  father,  to  devote  more 
attention  to  the  education  than  to  the  worldly 
advantage  of  his  children.  Again,  since  critics 
may  complain  of  the  uselessness  of  praises  ad- 
dressed to  the  deceased  who  are  deaf  to  them,  or 
doubt  the  advantages  of  orations  in  general,  per- 
haps of  Sainte-Marthe's  in  particular,  that  orator 
quotes  Aspasia,  Cicero,  and  the  Law  of  the  Twelve 
Tables  in  his  support.^  There  were  those,  more- 
over, who  found  any  account  of  the  life  of  the 
deceased  out  of  place  in  a  funeral  oration. 
Sainte-Marthe,  by  way  of  reply,  dwells  upon  the 
usefulness   of   "I'oeuvre  qu'a  escript  Plutarche 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  38.      ^  Ibid.,  pp.  25-26. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  365 

des  vies  des  Grecs  &  'Romains  Empereurs, 
Princes,  &  belliqueus  Capitaines,"  ^  as  of  the 
histories  of  Suetonius  and  Xenophon ;  points  to 
the  effect  upon  Alexander  of  Homer's  account  of 
Achilles,  upon  Caesar  of  viewing  a  statue  in 
Gades;  and  credits  the  adventures  of  Theseus 
to  the  legends  of  Hercules,  the  actions  of  Them- 
istocles  to  the  sight  of  the  trophies  of  Miltiades.^ 
Let  the  sex  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre  be  objected 
as  a  reason  against  public  praise  of  her,  and 
Sainte-Marthe,  once  again  remembering  Plut- 
arch, is  ready  with  references  to  the  Roman 
matrons  of  the  time  of  Camillus,  to  the  mother 
of  Crassus,  the  wife  of  Caesar ;  ^  while,  if  he 
abstains  from  dwelling  upon  the  faults  of  Mar- 
guerite, he  justifies  himself  by  the  examples  of 
Demosthenes,  Hortensius,  Crassus,  Cicero,  the 
authority  of  Plato  and  Maximus  Tyrius,  as  also 
of  St.  Paul  "nostre  docteur."  * 

Sainte-Marthe  regarded  the  ancients,  indeed,  no 
less  as  guides  for  the  entire  conduct  of  life,  than 
as  sponsors  for  his  own  procedure.     He  defines 

»  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  19  v°. 

'  Ibid.,  fol.  20  r°. 

»  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  27.  ■•  Ibid.,  p.  95. 


366         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

the  functions  of  a  prince  according  to  Demos- 
thenes, Musonius  and  Plato ;  illustrates  ilUteracy 
by  a  reference  to  Valentinian  and  Licinius; 
magnanimity  by  comparison  with  Aristides, 
Socrates,  Julius  Caesar,  Aurelius  Antonius  and 
Vespasian;  envy  with  the  names  of  Zoilus, 
Palsemon,  Bavius,  PoUio,  Eudocius.^  If  he 
wishes  to  contrast  avarice  and  liberality,  the 
opinions  of  Pythagoras,  Socrates  and  Seneca 
occur  to  him,  the  examples  of  Caligula,  Nero, 
Demetrius,  Cleopatra,  Flavius,  Vespasian,  Galli- 
enus,  Pomponius,  Lucullus,  Alexander,  Augustus 
and  Agrippa,  of  Pygmalion,  Polymnestor,  Julian, 
Patroclus,  Orchus,  Tiberius,  Galba,  Domitian  and 
Achseus,  together  with  a  paltry  pair  of  modern 
instances :  Alphonso  of  Naples  and  Alexander  V.^ 

^Or.fun..  .  .  de  M.de  N.,  pp.  85,  73,  56;  Or.  fun.  .  .  . 
de  Fr.  d'A.  fol.  20  v°. 

2  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fols.  27  v°,  28  r°  and  v°, 
29  v°.  Some  of  the  same  examples  occur  to  illustrate 
identical  points  in  the  Oration  for  the  Queen  of  Navarre 
(pp.  86-90) .  Here  it  is  lamblichus,  Plato  and  Epictetus 
who  are  quoted.  The  examples  of  liberality  are  Cimon 
the  Athenian,  Obadiah  and  Lucina,  as  well  as  Vespasian, 
Gallienus  and  Marc  Anthony;  of  avarice,  Uvidius  and 
Saleranus  in  addition  to  Patroclus,  Polymnestor  and 
Orchus.     The  others  are  omitted. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  367 

When  Sainte-Marthe  touches  upon  the  Duchess 
of  Beaumont's  treatment  of  her  servants,  he  feels 
that  it  needs  the  examples  of  Cato  and  Lucullus 
and  the  authority  of  Plato  to  support  it;  her 
pity  and  liberality,  on  the  other  hand,  would 
have  won  approval  of  Crates;  while  Xenophon, 
Virgil  and  Plato  are  called  upon  to  confirm  the 
value  of  her  other  qualities/  The  Queen  of 
Navarre's  patronage  of  learning  is  compared 
with  that  of  Maecenas  and  Lucullus,  her  sisterly 
piety  extolled  above  that  of  Antigone,  the  sisters 
of  Phaeton,  or  the  Hyades.  In  that  she  risked 
liberty  and  life  and  served  the  king  for  her 
country's  good,  she  is  likened  to  Marcus  Regulus, 
to  Perseus  freeing  Andromeda,  to  Lucullus 
aiding  Cotta,  to  Balsatia  saving  Calphurnius 
Crassus ;  ^  as  are  she  and  her  brother  to  Anchurus 
the  Phrygian,  Spertus  and  Bulls,  the  Decii 
and  Curtii,  and  Codrus^  the  Athenian.  The 
grief  of  those  who  survived  her  recalls  to  Sainte- 
Marthe's  mind  that  of  Alcestis  and  Laodamia, 
and  he  contrasts  with  it  the  sorrow  of  Evadne, 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fols.  17  v°,  21  v°,  13  r<». 
'  "  Calphurne  le  gras"  is  Sainte-Marthe's  version. 
3  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  81,  48,  49. 


368         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Marcus  Plautus,  Portia,  adding  a  reference  to 
Antoninus  Pius  and  Antimachus/  France,  in  the 
loss  of  her  princes,  is  Hkened  to  the  Romans  at 
Cannae,  to  Cyrus  harassed  by  the  Scythians, 
or  Demetrius  by  Ptolemy.^  It  were  useless  to 
multiply  examples  to  show  that  the  mind  of 
Marguerite's  mattre  des  requetes  was  saturated 
with  classic  ideas. 

It  will  be  seen  that  Sainte-Marthe  makes  a 
parade  of  learning  as  extended  and  varied  as 
does  Rabelais,  though  without  Rabelais'  happy 
gift  of  fusing  all  his  borrowings  to  his  own  use  by 
the  fire  of  his  genius.  He  desired,  no  doubt,  to  be 
credited  with  the  erudition  which  he  attributes 
to  Mathew  Pac,  "qui  a  si  dextrement  verse  en 
I'estude  des  bonnes  Lettres  que  ne  puis  dire 
aultre  chose  de  luy  sinon  qu'il  est  parvenue  k 
L'Encyclopedie  ";'  and  his  hearers  might  well 
be  stunned  by  the  infinity  of  his  allusions.  He 
produced  this  effect,  however,  by  means  in 
which  Rabelais   had  shown  the  way,*  that  of 

» Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  Ill  and  112. 
'  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  3  v°. 
'  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  p.  82, 
*  Cf.  on  this  subject  Brunetifere,  Hist,  de  la  litt.  Fran- 
^aise  classique,  Vol.  I,  p.  128,  n.  1. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  369 

concealing  his  sources,  and  even  taking  pains  to 
deceive  his  readers.  For  example,  when  he  con- 
firms, by  the  authority  of  the  Scriptures  or  of 
St.  Chrysostom,  the  sentiments  on  life  and  death 
of  Euripides,  iEschylus,  Cicero,  Sophocles,  The- 
mistius,  Sotades,  Gorgias  Leontinus,  Maximus 
Tyrius,  and  above  all  ''le  divin  Platon,"  whom 
he  quotes  twice  in  this  connection,^  it  seems 
certain  that  he  took  eight  of  the  ten  classical 
quotations  straight  from  Stobseus'  two  chapters 
on  the  Inevitability  and  Praise  of  Death  where 
they  are  to  be  found. ^    Again,  in  the  Oration 

»  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  113-119. 

^  I.e.  all  but  those  from  Cicero  and  Maximus  Tyrius. 
FloriUgium,Tii.  118;  23,  Tit.  119;  6,  Tit.  120;  7,  11,  12, 
and  28.  Ed.  Gaisford,  Vol.  III,pp.  453,  459,  466.  One  in- 
dication that  this  was  Sainte-Marthe's  real  source  is  the 
anecdote  of  Gorgias  Leontinus  which  he  attributes  to 
Aristotle,  "  Cela  est  confirm^  par  ce  qu' Aristote  escript  de 
George,  L6ontin."  Stobaeus  correctly  gives  the  source 
as  ^lian  (Tit.  118;  23),  and  a  few  lines  farther  on  (Tit. 
118;  29)  he  gives  another  anecdote  of  Gorgias  attributed 
to  Aristotle.  Obviously  Sainte-Marthe  confounded  the 
two.  Of  the  editions  available  for  Sainte-Marthe,  the 
Greek  of  Trincavellus,  Venice,  1536,  and  the  three  first 
Graeco- Latin  editions  of  Gesner,  Zurich,  1543,  Turin,  1544, 
and  Basle,  1549,  it  seems  probable  that  he  used  one  of 
the  latter,  since  he  makes  several  citations  present  in  these 
but  lacking  in  Trincavellus;  i.e.  those  from  Socrates  on 
2b 


370         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

for  Frangoise  d'Alengon,  he  rebukes  flatterers 
with  a  saying  from  Isocrates,  another  from 
Diogenes,  and  two  from  Antisthenes ;  and  these 
four  occur  likewise  in  Stobseus'  chapter  on 
flattery.^  When  he  quotes  Musonius  and  lam- 
bUchus  on  the  attributes  and  duties  of  a  prince, 
it  is  interesting  to  note  that  Sainte-Marthe 
might  have  found  both  quotations  in  the  same 
anthology,^  although  more  widely  separated  than 
the  others.  Again  it  is  highly  probable  that, 
when  he  refers  more  generally  to  the  precepts 
of  Plato,  Isocrates  and  Aristotle  concerning  the 
office  of  a  prince,  or  when  he  exclaims  that  the 
life  of  Frangoise  d'Alengon  was  such  as  the 
teachers  of  princes  recommend,  "ou  je  ne  sgay 
que  Platon,  Aristote,  Xenophon,  &  leurs  sembla- 
bles  appellent  vivre  en  vray  Prince,"  he  had  in 
mind  Stobseus'  chapters  on  rulers,  on  the  advan- 
tages of  government,  or  on  precepts  for  govern- 

temperance,  cit.  p.  371,  and  on  liberality,  cit.  p.  366,  and 
one  from  Euripides  on  true  nobility  (Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M. 
de  N.,  p.  30;  Stobaus,  Tit.  87;  2.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  207),  and 
another  on  death  (c/.  supra). 

^  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  18  r";  Stob.,  Tit.  14; 
14,  15,  19.  Vol.  I,  pp.  333  and  334. 

«  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  pp.  85  and  89;  Stob.,  Tit. 
48;  14,  and  Tit.  46;  62.  Vol.  II,  pp.  304  and  276. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  371 

ment,  —  chapters  in  which  Plato,  Xenophon  and 
Isocrates  are  very  fully  represented  even  though 
citations  from  Aristotle  are  scant. ^  The  reader 
who  notes  that  a  single  chapter  of  the  Florilegium 
includes  both  a  saying  of  Socrates  on  temperance 
and  Aristippus'  comparison  of  moderation  to 
proper  horsemanship,  which  Sainte-Marthe  cites 
within  a  page  of  one  another,^  gives  its  weight  to 
the  coincidence,  especially  when  strengthened  by 
the  fact  that  the  opinion  of  the  Stoics  on  the  treat- 
ment of  malefactors,  cited  by  Sainte-Marthe,  is 
reported  at  length  by  Stobseus."  ^  Again,  Sainte- 
Marthe's  quotations  on  the  charm  of  silence  in 
woman  are  all  comprised  in  Stobseus'  chapters  of 
precepts  on  marriage,  or  on  its  advantages  and 
disadvantages ;  *  and  the  aphorisms  on  liberality 
in  princes  which,  within  a  few  pages  of  one  an- 

^  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  46;  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr. 
d'A.,  fol.  19  r°;  Stob.,  Tit.  45;  16  (X.),  18,  21  (A.),  24, 
30,  31  (PL),  Tit.  47;  8  (Pi.),  9-18  (Is.),  23,  25  (PI.),  Tit. 
48;  18  (X.),  22  (PI.),  28-41  (Is.),  48-58  (Is.),  59  (PI.),  60 
(X.),  68-76  (X.).  Vol.  II,  pp.  245-246;  293-341. 

'  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  pp.  67  and  68;  Stob.  Tit. 
17;  18,  28.  Vol.  I,  pp.  347  and  349. 

3  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  69;  Stob.  Tit.  44;  50. 
Vol.  II,  p.  269. 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  p.  75.  Stob.  Tit.  74;  29,  38, 
65,  Tit.  69;  17.  Voj.  Ill,  pp.  76,  77,  34,  90. 


372         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

other,  he  attributes  to  Epictetus  and  lamblichus, 
occur  close  together  also  in  the  anthology.'  It 
is  striking,  too,  that  Sainte-Marthe  should  on  the 
same  page  quote,  from  Pythagoras  and  Socrates, 
aphorisms  on  liberality  which  stand  side  by 
side  in  Stobaeus,^  even  though  he  adds  a  saying 
of  Seneca's  on  the  same  subject,  which  the 
Florilegium  does  not  contain.  His  quotations 
from,  and  references  to,  Aristotle  are  few;  yet, 
of  the  six  references  he  makes,  four  might  have 
been  taken  from  Stobaeus,^  and  one  is  certainly 
a  misquotation  from  that  source.  Xenophon 
is  much  in  Sainte-Marthe' s  mouth,  but,  despite 
reference  to  "I'elegant  livre  de  Xenophon  de 
Tadolescence  de  Cyre,"  or  the  insinuating 
phrase,  "vous  avez  lu  en  Xenophon,"  *  it  is  al- 
most certain  that  he  read  Xenophon  through 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  86  and  89;  Stob.  Tit. 
44;  75,  Tit.  46;  88.  Vol.  II,  pp.  282  and  279. 

=*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  27  v°.  Stob.  Tit.  15;  7. 
Vol.  I,  p.  336. 

'  I.e.  on  the  oflBce  of  a  prince,  the  anecdote  of  Gorgias 
Leontinus  (c/.  supra,  p.  369,  n.  2),  and  two  descriptions 
of  anger  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  25  r°,  and  v°). 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  deFr.d'A.,  fol.  19  v°.  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de 
M.  de  N.,  p.  38.  The  Cyropmdia  had  been  first  printed 
in  1516.  The  latest  edition  had  been  of  Halles,  1540; 
there  had  been  also  one  at  Florence  in  1527  (Brunet). 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  373 

the  medium  of  Stobaeus,  so  striking  is  the 
coincidence  of  the  citations,  of  one  of  which  he 
even  forgot  the  original  source  and  made  a  false 
attribution.^  Euripides  is  another  favorite  with 
Sainte-Marthe,  and  every  quotation  from  him 
might  have  been  drawn  from  Stobaeus.^  Even 
references  to  Alcestis  and  Evadne,^  not  there 
found,  do  not  necessarily  presuppose  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  Alcestis  or  the  Supplices,  but  may 
well,  judging  by  Sainte-Marthe's  procedure 
with  Stobseus,  have  been  gleanings  from  some 
other  anthology.  Such  parade  of  learning  has 
a  naivete  all  its  own,  once  its  sources  are 
known. 

It  is  obvious  from  all  this  that  Sainte-Marthe 
did  not  desire  his  sources  recognized.  In  fact 
he  took  pains  to  avoid  such  recognition.  He 
mentions  Stobseus  twice  —  'comme  nous  lisons 

*  A  reference  to  the  importance  of  gravity  in  a  prince 
(Stob.  Tit.  5;  127.  Vol.  I,  p.  177)  is  actually  not  from 
Xenophon,  as  given  by  Sainte-Marthe,  but  from  Plato 
{Rep.  Ill,  388),  and  is  so  given  by  Stobaeus. 

*  The  quotations  are :  on  silence  in  women,  on  death, 
on  noble  parentage,  on  true  nobility.  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de 
M.  de  N.,  pp.  33,  29,  and  30;  Stob.  Tit.  89;  2,  Tit.  86;  1, 
Tit.  87;  2.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.   212,  194  and  207. 

»  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  111. 


374        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

en  Stobee  le  Philosophe  Musone  avoir  autrefois 
dit,"  he  writes  in  one  place  ^  and  elsewhere 
refers  to  "Sopatre  en  Stobee."^  Yet  a  few 
pages  further  on,  he  quotes  Sopater  again 
without  any  reference  to  Stobseus  although 
the  citation  is  drawn  from  the  same  chap- 
ter and  is  one  of  Stobaeus'  ten  extracts  from 
Sopater,  all  bracketed  together.'  Nor  does 
he,  elsewhere,  give  the  slightest  indication 
of  this  source,  nor  indicate  other  second- 
ary sources  of  his  classical  allusions,  which 
were    probably,    in   fact,    Maximus    Valerius,* 


*  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  42.  The  reference  is  to 
Stobaeus,  Tit.  48;  67.  Vol.  II,  p.  274. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  65.  The  reference  is  to  Stobaeus,  Tit.  48; 
67.  Vol.  II,  p.  274. 

3  Ibid.,  p.  69.     Stob.  Tit.  46;  55.  Vol.  II,  p.  271. 

*  Sainte-Marthe  once  mentions  this  author,  "Valfere 
le  grand,"  in  company  with  Plato,  Aristotle  and  Cicero, 
re  divination  by  dreams  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p. 
105).  It  seems  probable  that  he  owed  to  him  a  story  of 
two  Arcadians,  one  of  whom  after  death  warned  the 
other  in  a  dream;  a  reference  to  the  inconsolable  grief  of 
Marcus  Plautus,  and  even  —  though  here  possible  sources 
increase  —  another  to  the  devotion  of  Codrus  and  of 
Regulus;  {ibid.,  pp.  106,  111,  48.  Cf.  Max.  Val.  I,  8;  IV, 
6;  V;  6;  I;  1  and  2).  There  had  been  many  editions, 
and  an  early  translation,  pub.  circ.  1480,  was  reprinted  in 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  375 

iElian/  and  Boccaccio's  De  mulieribus 
Claris.^ 

Abstraction  made  of  these,  however,  Sainte- 
Marthe  still  evinces  an  acquaintance  with  ancient 
authors  sufficient  to  mark  him  as  a  widely  read 
classical  scholar,  if  not  one  of  so  encyclopedic 
an  erudition  as  he  would  have  his  hearers  believe. 

1485  and  several  times  thereafter.  There  had  been  a 
Paris  edition  as  recent  as  1544. 

*  Sainte-Marthe's  debt  to  ^lian  for  his  description  of 
the  Vale  of  Tempe  in  his  Temp6  de  France,  when  he  could 
only  have  known  selections,  has  already  been  noted. 
There  had  since  been  two  editions  of  the  VaricB  histories, 
i.e.  1545  (Rome)  and  1548  (?)  (Frankfort).  It  seems 
plausible  to  suppose  that  Sainte-Marthe  had  in  mind 
that  author's  account  of  Nauches  {Var.  Hist.  XIX;  7) 
when  he  writes ;  "  Elle  ayma  trop  mieuls  .  .  .  se  rendre 
digne  du  sanctuaire  des  Presbstres  d'Aegypte  .  .  .  que 
de  .  .  .  laisser  emmaigrir,  aux  Lois  des  Lac6d6moniens, 
un  gros,  un  gras,  &  epicurien  ventre"  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de 
Marguerite  de  Navarre,  p.  67).  If  he  knew  ^lian  well, 
Sainte-Marthe  perhaps  also  owed  to  him  other  references, 
as  to  Alexander,  Zoilus,  Xantippe,  the  Pythagoreans,  etc. 

^  Sainte-Marthe  devotes  two  or  three  pages  {Or. 
fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  pp.  78-80  and  90)  to  the  praise 
of  famous  women.  Many  of  the  same  names  occur  in 
Boccaccio's  De  mulieribus  claris,  which  had,  by  1550, 
gone  through  several  editions  and  had  been  twice  trans- 
lated into  French;  notably  those  of  Sappho,  Leontium, 
Proba,  Pope  Joan,  as  well  as  those  of  Cleopatra,  and  Por- 
tia mentioned  by  Sainte-Marthe  in  another  connection. 


376        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

He  shows  familiarity  with  Horace  and  Martial ;  * 
Virgil,  Ovid,  Cicero,  and  Plutarch  he  knew  by 
heart,  and  he  had  certainly  read  Suetonius,^  — 
"  Quel  profit  avons  nous  de  I'histoire  que  Suetone 
nous  a  laissee  de  la  vie  des  douze  Cesars?" 
he  exclaims  with  more  apparent  ingenuousness 
than  is  shown  in  his  references  to  the  Cyropcedia.^ 
He  begins  one  of  his  allusions  to  Herodotus  with 
the  words,  "Herodote  a  mis  en  son  histoire, " 
and  he  appears  at  least  to  have  dipped  into 
that  author/  Homer  he  seems  to  have  known 
chiefly  in  the  Odyssey,  for  he  makes  but  two 

1  Cf.  supra,  p.  366,  re  envy.  He  quotes  Ovid  re 
Maecenas,  and  also  two  lines  from  the  first  ode  of  Horace : 

"  &  a  ouy  Horace,  qui  I'appeloit  son  appuy  &  refuge, 
engendr6  d'ayeuls  &  bisayeuls  Roys." 

—  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  30. 

'  Sainte-Marthe  appears  to  be  chiefly  indebted  to  Sue- 
tonius for  anecdotes  of  Titus  Vespasianus,  and  possibly 
for  references  to  Augustus,  Trajan,  Galienus,  Domitian, 
etc.  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  pp.  56,  60,  62,  86,  67;  Or. 
fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  28  r°  and  v°).  There  had 
been  numberless  editions  of  the  authors  mentioned. 

3  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  19  v°. 

••  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  p.  50.  He  was  probably  in- 
debted to  him  for  a  reference  to  Bulls  (ibid.,  p.  48),  and 
to  one  of  the  kings  of  Egypt  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A., 
fol.  32  r°).  The  only  available  edition  of  Herodotus  was 
the  Aldine  of  1502. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  377 

clear  references  to  the  Iliad}  Maximus  Tyrius, 
"le  grand  Tyrien,"  he  quotes  several  times  ^ 
and  he  had  possibly  read  in  Suidas.'  From 
Demosthenes  he  quotes  thrice,  and,  since  he  was 
not  indebted  to  Stobaeus  for  any  of  the  three 
quotations,  we  may  infer  that  Sainte-Marthe 
at  least  skimmed  the  original.*  To  Dion  Cassius 
he  appears  to  have  owed  at  least  one  story  ^ 
while  for  another  he  probably  consulted  Capi- 
tolinus,®and  he  was  certainly  acquainted  with  the 

.  » I.e.  to  Achaies  (Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  20  r°), 
and  to  the  shield  of  Ajax  (Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  89). 
In  another  place  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  5)  he  refers 
to  Agamemnon,  Orestes,  Atreus  and  Tantalus.  The  only 
separate  edition  of  the  Odyssey  available  was  that  of  1541 
(Paris). 

"^Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  60,  78,  118,  and 
119. 

'Supposing  that  by  "Agacle"  (c/.  infra,  note  1)  he 
intended  Agalla. 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  pp.  61  and  85. 

'^Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  29  v°.  Of  the  im- 
poverishment of  the  Emperor  Nerva.  The  source  may 
have  been  Dion  Cassius,  LXVII,  15-125;  LVIII,  21. 
Sainte-Marthe's  version,  however,  is  erroneous.  The  first 
edition  of  Dion  Cassius  had  appeared  but  two  years  pre- 
vious to  the  date  of  Sainte-Marthe's  orations  (Paris, 
1548). 

•  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  67.  An  anecdote  of 
Helvetius  Pertinax,  "  Aelie  sumomm6  Pertinace." 


378         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Greek  Anthology.^  Apart  from  scattered  refer- 
ences to  Simonides,  to  Aristophanes,  to  Anti- 
machus,^  to  the  Law  of  the  Twelve  Tables,  the 
foregoing,  with  the  single  exception  of   Plato, 

'  There  had  been  a  Paris  edition  in  1531.  In  the  ac- 
count of  famous  women,  cit.  supra,  p.  375,  note  2,  Sainte- 
Marthe  includes  the  following  dixain : 

"  Ne  Praxille,  jadis  femme  si  trfessgavante 
Ne  Nosse,  qui  fut  tant  doctement  escrivante, 
Ne  Agacle  &  Anite,  &  le  gentil  esprit 
D'Erinne,  qui  coucha  trois  cents  vers  par  escript, 
Ne  Myrte,  &  T61esille  au  Virile  courage, 
Ne  Corinne,  poete  eloquente  &  trfessage, 
Qui  si  bien  le  boucler  de  Pallas  blasonna 
Qu'un  immortel  renom  sa  plume  luy  donna, 
Oeuvre  ne  feirent  one  tant  docte  qui  m6rite 
Le  comparer  k  ceuls  de  nostre  Marguerite." 

This  simply  repeats  Antipater  of  Thessalonica's  list  of 
women-poets  (Anthol.  I;  LXVII;  8),  omitting  the  names 
of  Sappho  and  Myro,  and  adding  that  of  Agacle  (Agalla?). 
In  addition  to  these  names  and  those  he  drew  from 
Boccaccio,  Sainte-Marthe  mentions  in  this  connection 
some  whose  source  is  easily  recognized,  Cassandra,  Dio- 
tima,  Aspasia;  others  derived  from  his  theological  read- 
ing, Hildegarde,  St.  Catharine  of  Sienna,  Fabia,  Marcella 
and  Eustochia ;  and  yet  others  whose  source  is  less 
easily  established,  Damo,  Themistoclea,  Artemisia,  and 
Sosipater  whom  he  names  oddly  enough  among  women- 
poets. 

^  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  31,  90,  112,  26;  Or. 
fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  8  v°. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  379 

fairly  sums  up  the  classical  knowledge  displayed 
by  Sainte-Marthe  in  his  Funeral  Orations. 

In  spite  of  his  array  of  pagan  authorities,  in 
spite  of  such  phrases  as  ''ravy  devant  son  aige 
par  Tenvie  des  fatalles  Deesses,"  ^  it  should  not  be 
hastily  concluded  that  enthusiasm  for  antiquity 
superseded  his  religion  in  Sainte-Marthe's  mind. 
A  devout  Christian,  his  mind  was  well  furnished 
with  images  and  phrases,  the  outcome  of  a 
profound  religious  experience,  even  though,  so 
far  as  the  Orations  are  concerned,  they  rose  less 
readily  to  the  surface  than  pagan  allusions.  In 
several  passages  of  great  beauty  his  reference  is 
entirely  to  Christian  authority  and  tradition, 
as  for  example  in  the  entire  account  of  an  in- 
cident at  Bourg-la-Reine  quoted  later  in  this 
chapter,^  or  in  praises  of  the  anti-pagan  virtues 
of  simpleness  and  charity:  "ce  qu'ils  appellent 
legiert^  &  inconstance,  nous  dirons  que  c'a  est6 
une  candeur  &  pour  parler  comme  I'Escripture 
Saincte  une  simplicite."  ^     Another  passage  of 

^  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  45. 

'  Cf.  infra,  p.  431  et  seq. 

'Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  AT.,  p.  99.  Sainte-Marthe  con- 
tinues :  "  Au  Genfese,  Jacob  est  fort  prise  de  sa  simplicity, 
et  Job  nous  est  propose  comme  simple  et  droict  homme. 


380         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

this  kind  is  a  touching  description  of  Marguerite's 
faith  as  shown  in  her  death,  wherein  all  pagan 
allusions  appear  to  be  purposely  omitted,  and 
only  St.  John  and  St.  Paul  are  quoted.^  "Mais 
d'oti  nous  vient  11  d'affermer  &  confesser  Jesus 
estre  tel?  Certes  nous  ne  I'apprenons  des  pre- 
ceptes  des  Philosophes,  non  des  contentions 
sophistiques,  non  du  jugement  de  la  Chair,  non 
des  traditions  des  hommes,  non  de  la  sapience 

Aussi  escrit  Solomon  le  juste  vivre  au  Monde  en  simplicity 
&  qu'il  nous  fault  cercher  Dieu  avec  une  simplicity 
d'esprit.  Et  S.  Paul  apr&s,  escrivant  aux  Corinthiens,  se 
glorifie  de  n'avoir  converse  au  Monde  en  sagesse  charnelle, 
mais  en  simplicite.  Or  prend  il  ceste  simplicite  pour 
une  candeur.  Quand  il  loue  aux  mesmes  Corinthiens  la 
charite  de  ceuls  de  Mac^done,  qui,  quelque  pauvrete  qu'ils 
heussent,  avoient  secouru  les  pauvres  de  Jerusalem  de 
toutes  choses  necessaires  par  un  simple  cceur,  c'est  de 
ccEur  candide,  non  fainct  ne  double.  Et  Job,  louant  la 
mesme  vertu,  dit  que  le  Seigneur  n'abandonne  &  ne 
repoulse  jamais  les  simples,  mais  qu'il  ne  preste  sa  main 
aux  malings. 

"  Mais,  6  Alen^onnois,  a  quelle  fin  disons  nous  tout 
cecy,  sinon  pour  vous  monstrer  clairement  que  nous 
appellons  justement  simplicite  ce  que  les  detracteurs 
de  Marguerite  appellant  inconstance  &  esprit  muable  ? 
Je  dy  simplicite,  une  ing^nuite  &  candeur  de  franc  cceur, 
ne  pensant  a  aulcune  malice,  deloyault^  &  dol.  Mais 
d'oil  vient  cest  candeur  que  de  Charite  ?  Car  Charite, 
comme  dit  S.  Paul  ne  pense  a  aulcun  mal  &  n'est  point 
maligne." 

1  Cf.  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  103. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  381 

&  prudence  humaine,"  ^  thus  Sainte-Marthe  intro- 
duces this  subject.  Elsewhere,  again,  he  breaks 
into  the  language  of  the  Psalms  :  "heuKeuse 
d'avoir  este  comme  la  vigne  fructueuse  es  cost6s 
de  sa  maison ;  heureuse  d'avoir  veu  ses  enfants 
commes  plantes  d'olives  a  Tenviron  de  sa  table," 
etc.^' 

Such  passages  are  indeed  rare,  rarer  than  those 
whose  classical  reference  is  unalloyed  with  any- 
thing Christian.  As  a  fact  Sainte-Marthe's  com- 
monest procedure  is  to  mix  together  Christian 
and  pagan  allusions.  It  seems  clear  that,  follow- 
ing the  example  already  set  by  Marguerite  of 
Navarre,'  he  deliberately  attempted  to  harmo- 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N .,  pp.  102  et  seq. 

2  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  42  v°. 

'  Cf.,  on  this  subject,  A.  Lefranc,  Les  Dernibres  Poisiea 
de  Marguerite  de  Navarre,  p.  Ixiv.  M.  Lefranc  says 
elsewhere :  "  II  r6ve  de  r^concilier  le  christianisme 
avec  la  philosophie  antique  et  con5oit,  a  la  suite  de  celle 
qu'il  pleure,  une  sorte  de  vie  nouvelle  oil  les  deux  prin- 
cipes,  en  apparence  opposes,  s'uniraient  dans  une  har- 
monic superieure.  II  est  curieux  de  noter  que  ce  beau 
discours,  oil  le  nom  et  les  citations  de  Platon  se  retrouvent 
k  chaque  page,  renferme  pour  ainsi  dire  la  moelle  des 
enseignements  academiques  sur  tous  les  grands  pro- 
blfemes  qui  sollicitent  la  reflexion."  Marguerite  de 
Navarre  et  le  Platonisme  de  la  Renaissance,  he.  cit.,  Vol. 
LIX,  p.  754. 


382        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

nize.,  in  his  readers'  minds,  Christian  doctrine 
and  classical  philosophy,  to  reinterpret,  through 
the  latter,  a  religion  encumbered  with  the  false 
or  useless  traditions  of  men.^  Already,  in  one 
of  his  Paraphrases,  of  ten  years  before,  he  had 
caught  up  St.  Jerome's  phrase  "  Christian  philoso- 
phy,"^ and  echoed  it  with  "secretoria  Evange- 
licae  philosophise,"^  and  now  he  repeated  it  with 
an  emphasis  indicating  that  it  fell  in  well  with 
his  own  thought:  "II  ne  fault  toutefois  qu'on 
pense,  quand  nous  faisons  mention  de  Philoso-, 
phis,  que  nous  ne  parlous  que  de  celle  qui 
s'aprend  es  escripts  de  Platon  &  des  aultres 
Philosophes,  car  nous  entendons  aussi  de  la 
Philosophie  Evangelique,  qui  est  la  Parolle  de 
Dieu."*  If,  however,  like  Calvin,  he  attempted 
to  interpret  Christianity  as  a  philosophy,  his 
wish  to  amalgamate  it  with  that  of  the  ancients, 

*  Sainte-Marthe's  animadversions  upon  human  tra- 
ditions have  already  been  noted;  cf.  supra,  p.  209,  n.  1. 

^  The  letters  of  St.  Jerome  had  been  frequently  printed 
and  had  even  been  translated  into  French  in  1520.  Nisard 
has  pointed  out  Erasmus'  use  of  the  phrase,  Hist,  de  la 
lit.  frangaise,  Vol.  I,  p.  328.  And  cf.,  on  the  subject  of 
Calvin's  philosophy,  ibid.,  pp.  322-336. 

'  In  Ps.  .  .  .  xxxiij  Paraphrasis,  p.  146. 

*  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  43. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  383 

shown  by  constant  juxtaposition  of  Christian 
and  pagan  authorities,  was  a  thing  assuredly 
far  from  Calvin's  thought.  An  example  of  his 
procedure  is  his  comparison  of  the  fortitude  of 
the  queen,  who  on  the  death  of  her  infant  son 
caused  the  Te  Deum  to  be  sung,  and  who 
placarded  about  the  town,  "The  Lord  gave  and 
the  Lord  has  taken  away,"  to  that  of  Anaxagoras, 
Bibulus,  Antigone,  Rutilius,  no  less  than  to  that 
of  Symphrosia,  FeHcity,  or  Sophia;  and  his 
assurance,  almost  in  the  same  breath,  that  her 
courage  was  as  much  based  upon  her  recollection 
of  Euripides  and  Herodotus  as  upon  her  con- 
viction that  the  soul  of  her  child  was  "entre 
les  mains  de  Celuy  qui  avoit  crie  sur  la  terre: 
'Laisses  venir  les  enfants  k  moy.'"^  In  like 
manner,  when  forced  to  admit  that  Marguerite 
was  not  without  faults,  he  illustrates  indifferently 
from  the  characters  of  Alexander,  Julius  Csesar, 
Socrates,  Plato,  Aristotle,  Cato  and  Cicero, 
Solomon  and  St.  Peter.  Elsewhere  Sopater 
and  "nostre  Saincte  Escripture"  are  bracketed 
together,  as  are  Plato,  Cato,  and  Solomon,  or 
Plato,   Moses,  Christ,   and   St.  Paul,  or   again 

^  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  49-51. 


384         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Cimon  the  Athenian,  Obadiah  and  Lucina/  while 
"Tethnique  Socrate"  and  ''le  fidele  Job"  rub 
shoulders  more  than  once.^  Here  the  reader  will 
find  the  mothers  of  Cato,  Fabian,  CamDlus,  the 
Decii,  the  Curtii,  Homer,  Plato,  Aristotle,  Cicero, 
and  of  Tertullian,  Origen,  Augustine,  Ambrose, 
Jerome,  Cyprian  and  Chrysostom,  named  in  a 
list  sufficiently  diverting,^  there  the  discussion 
of  anger  embellished  by  reference  to  Euripides, 
Menander,  Aristotle,  Plato,  Homer,  Seneca, 
Alexander,  and  St.  Paul  and  David.*  Else- 
where her  panegyrist  declares  that,  if  the  Queen 
of  Navarre  had  not  learned  conjugal  behavior 
from   St.  Paul,  she  would  have  done  so  from 

»  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  97,  65,  88. 

'  "  L'ethnique  Socrate  ou  le  fidele  Job  seroient  de 
nous  grandement  lou^s  si  nous  lisions  d'euls  un  acte 
semblable.  Combien  plus  doibt  il  estre  prise  en  une 
femme,  dont  le  sexe  pourroit  excuser  toute  pusillani- 
mity, tant  grande  fust  elle  ? "  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N., 
p.  52.  "Passast  il  en  patience  Socrate  &  lob."  "Si 
Socrate  n'eust  trouve  la  malicieuse  Xantippe,  comment 
eust  il  exerce  sa  constance  ?  Si  Hiob  n'eust  est6  afflige, 
qui  nous  eust  rendu  tesmoinage  de  sa  patience?"  Or. 
fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fols.  26  r°  and  32  v°. 

»  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  36  r°.  As  proof  of  the 
usefulness  of  the  Duchess  in  her  generation. 

*  Ihid.,  fols.  25  r°-26  r°. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  385 

Plutarch/  and  that,  as  for  all  that  Euripides, 
Democritus,  Epicharmus,  Nicostrates  or  Phidias's 
significant  statue  of  Venus  could  teach  on  the 
need  of  reticence  in  speech,  "Marguerite  sgavoit 
tout  cecy,  car  elle  avoit  aprins,  non  seulement 
des  auteurs  ethniques,  mais  aussi  des  catholiques 
&  chrestiens,  combien  doivent  les  femmes 
honorer,  reverer,  craindre  &  aymer  leurs  maris.^ 
In  yet  other  contexts  he  sets  an  anecdote  of 
Alexander  over  against  a  command  of  Christ/ 
or  links  together  sayings  of  Aristotle  and  St. 
Paul:  "Aristote  escrit  que  vertu  est  exercee 
par  les  choses  difficiles  &  S.  Paul  dit,  qu'elle  se 
rend  &  monstre  perfaicte  en  Tinfirmite."  *  Such 
juxtaposition  of  authorities  clearly  expresses  a 
mind  at  once  humanistic  and  Christian,  but  it  is 
only  when  taken  in  connection  with  the  all-per- 
vading influence  of  Plato  that  it  seems  to  point 
to  the  attempt  of  a  devout  theologian  and  a 
devoted  Platonist  to  amalgamate  the  two  phi- 
losophies. 
Plato's  name  comes  in  with  emphasis  at  the 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  73.     Cf.  infra,  p.  418. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  75.  3  Ibid.,  p.  59. 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  32  v". 
2c 


386         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

end  of  a  passage  which  clearly  expresses  Sainte- 
Marthe's  views  and  in  which  every  sentence 
recalls  the  master's  teachings,  almost  his  very 
words.^  How  may  we  learn,  asks  the  orator, 
what  justice  is,  save  of  the  philosophers?  Who 
shall  better  govern  than  he  who  can  govern 
himself  ?  But  only  philosophy  leads  to  temper- 
ance and  the  other  virtues.  Should  he  be  king 
who  is  the  effeminate  slave  of  vice,  or  he  who 
is  magnanimous  and  impregnable  by  furious 
desires  ?  Philosophy  it  is  that  teaches  fortitude 
and  constancy,  and  shows  that  virtue  dwells  not 
in  the  realms  of  pleasure.  How  shall  a  man 
who  cannot  establish  nor  obey  the  laws  be  king  ? 
Philosophy  alone  governs  these  and  calls  a  king 
"  soul  of  the  law."  If  princes  considered  these 
things  they  would  not  despise  philosophers  but 
study  that  philosophy,  the  practice  of  goodness 
and  honor,  which  profits  great,  mean,  and  small, 
but  is  most  useful  to  the  prince.  ...  It  must 
not  be  supposed,  —  Sainte-Marthe  brings  out 
at  last  the  name  and  design  nearest  his  heart,  — 
it  must  not  be  supposed  that  we  speak  only  of 
that  which  is  to  be  learned  in  the  writings  of 

1  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  pp.  42^4. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  387 

Plato  and  the  other  philosophers,  for  we  mean 
it  also  of  the  evangelical  philosophy  —  "Philo- 
sophic Evangelique"  —  which  is  the  very  word 
of  God. 

The  influence  of  Platonic  ideas  upon  Sainte- 
Marthe  as  evinced  in  the  PoSsie  Frangoise  has 
already  been  noted.  In  the  ten  years  between 
the  publication  of  that  volume  and  the  com- 
position of  the  two  Funeral  Orations,  Sainte- 
Marthe's  impulse  in  this  direction  had  had  time 
to  become  all  the  more  pronounced  because  a 
fraction  of  these  years  had  been  passed  within 
the  radius  of  that  woman's  influence  who  more 
than  any  one  of  her  time  fostered  the  doctrine 
and  spirit  of  Platonism.  But  he  had  had  time 
also  to  acquaint  himself  more  closely  with  the 
Dialogiies ;  and,  as  a  consequence,  the  direct  im- 
press of  Plato  upon  his  thought  is  strikingly 
shown  in  both  Orations,  in  contrast  to  the  Neo- 
platonic  cast  of  Marguerite's  philosophy,  no  less 
than  to  that  of  his  own  ideas  as  shown  in  his 
Poesie  Francoise.  "Le  poete  qui,  dans  I'entour- 
age  litt^raire  de  la  reine  a  c616br6  avec  la  foi  la 
plus  ardente,  la  plus  communicative,  les  beaut 6s 
de  la  religion  platonicienne,  ce  fut  sans  contredit 


388        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Taimable  Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe."  ^  Thus  a 
modern  authority  sums  up  his  contribution 
to  the  Platonic  movement  in  the  earlier  of 
the  two  Funeral  Orations,  "chef  d'oeuvre  trop 
ignore."  Here,  as  in  the  Oration  for  Frangoise 
d'Alengon,  references  to  Plato  and  citations 
from  him  abound,  clearly,  unlike  Sainte- 
Marthe's  other  classical  allusions,  the  fruit  of 
first-hand  knowledge.^     Besides  the  references 

*  A.  Lefranc,  Marguerite  de  Navarre  et  le  Platonism 
de  la  Renaissance,  loc.  cit.  p.  754. 

'  While  certain  of  the  passages  in  Plato  referred  to  by 
Sainte-Marthe  are  to  be  found  in  Stobaeus,  others  are 
noticeably  absent.  For  example,  passages  from  the 
Cratylus,  cit.  infra,  p.  401;  the  reference  to  death  as  the 
fruition  of  all  good  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fols.  6  v° 
and  43  r°;  Phcedo,  68);  the  passage  from  which  Sainte- 
Marthe  drew  his  reference  to  Diotima  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M. 
de  N.,  p.  78;  Symposium,  201-8) ;  the  description  of  anger 
with  the  quotation  from  Homer  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A., 
fol.  25  v°;  Philebus,  47),  and  of  domestic  rule  as  the  test  of 
a  prince  cit.  infra,  p.  391;  the  passages  on  Socrates' 
dream  {Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  106;  Crito,  44),  on 
dreams  in  general  {ibid.,  p.  107;  Rep.,  IX,  571),  and  on 
the  common  material  of  humanity  wrought  to  different 
ends  (Or. /wn.  .  .  .  rfe  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  10  r°  and  v°;  Rep.,lU, 
415) ;  the  description  of  the  prince  as  the  soul  of  the  law 
{Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  pp.  43  and  85 :  a  possible  mis- 
reading of  Laws,  IV,  715),  and  of  credulity  as  the  mother  of 
inconstancy  cit.  infra,  p.  391,  —  all  are  lacking  in  Stobaeus. 
Finally  there  are  two  passages  of  particular  significance. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  389 

already    noted,    there   are   citations    of    Plato 

One,  is  a  reference  to  the  unruly  horse  of  the  passions  of 
the  Phcedrus  {cit.  infra),  which  is  omitted  by  Stobaeus  al- 
though he  includes  other  famous  passages  on  love  from 
the  Phcedrus  and  the  Symposium,  viz.  the  dissertation  on 
love  and  the  choice  of  a  lover  {Phcedrus,  237  and  238; 
Stob.,  Tit.  64;  40, 41,  and  42),  the  story  of  the  Androgyne 
{Symp.,  189 ;  Stob.,  Tit.  63 ;  35),  and  Agathon's  description 
of  love  {Symp.,  195;  Stob.,  Tit.  63;  36);  the  other  signifi- 
cant passage  is  part  of  Aspasia's  funeral  oration  as  re- 
ported by  Socrates  {Menex.,  236  and  237;  Or.  fun.  .  .  . 
deM.de  N.,  pp.  25  and  26),  which  is  omitted  from  Stobaeus 
although  other  passages  preceding  and  following  it  are  in- 
cluded, viz.  Menex.,  234, 235,  238,  240,  242,  246;  Stob.,  Tit. 
50;  16,  Tit.  14;  26,  Tit.  43;  86,  Tit.  1;  91,  Tit.  38;  49,  Tit. 
51;  30,  Tit.  9;  30.  The  passages  from  Plato  quoted  by 
Sainte-Marthe  included  in  Stobaeus  are :  on  virtue  as  easy 
to  the  nobly  born  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  20;  Alcib. 
120;  Stob.,  Tit.  86;  6),  on  death  as  a  change  from  one 
place  to  another  {Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  115;  Ap. 
Soc,  40;  Stob.,  Tit.  120;  29),  on  departure  from  one  life 
to  another  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  118;  Phaedo, 
67;  Stob.,  Tit.  118;  18),  on  the  improvement  of  breed  as 
the  result  of  education  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  38; 
Rep.,  IV,  420;  Stob.,  Tit.  43;  156),  on  the  advantages 
of  a  good  instructor  of  youth  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N., 
p.  40;  Laws,  VI,  766;  Stob.,  Tit.  44;  55),  on  kings  as 
philosophers  {Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  41;  Rep.,  V, 
473;  Stob.,  Tit.  43;  109),  on  legislation  concerning 
mourning  {Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  44  r°;  Laws, 
XII,  959;  Stob.,  Tit.  123;  16),  on  the  treatment  of  servants 
{Or. fun.  .  .  .  deFr.  d'A.,  fo\.  17  v°;  Laws,YI,777 ;  Stob., 
Tit.  62;  52),  on  the  imprisonment  of  the  soul  in  the 
body  {Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  119;  Axiochus,  365; 
2g 


390        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

on  temperance;^  on  virtue  and  vice  as  sub- 
jects of  conversation ; 2  on  mourning;  on  dis- 
interestedness in  princes;  on  the  relation  of 
education  to  the  improvement  of  the  breed; 
on  the  distinctions  of  birth ;  on  the  advantages 
of  funerals,^  or  of  good  instructors  for  youth; 
on  the  bestowal  of  merited  honor.*  He  is 
twice  appealed  to  on  the  subject  of  death,  and 
yet  again  on  that  of  the  relation  of  soul  and 
body:  "Car,  comme  dit  le  divin  Platon,  combien 
que  nous  disons  I'Homme  estre  compost  du  Corps 
&  de  I'Ame,  si  est  ce  que  sa  milleure  &  plus  noble 
partie  c'est  I'Ame,  participante  de  la  raison  & 
de  I'immortalite  divine;"®  and  Sainte-Marthe 
goes  on  to  describe  the  soul  imprisoned  in  the 

Stob.,  Tit.  121;  38),  and  on  disinterestedness  in  princes 
{Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  89;  Rep.  V,  462-464;  Stob. 
Tit.  43;  102). 

It  is  of  course  always  possible  that  Sainte-Marthe 
used  some  unknown  anthology  for  the  rest  of  his  quota- 
tions from  Plato,  but  the  abundance  of  these  indicates 
that  he  went  to  the  original. 

^  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  67;  cf.  Rep.,  Ill,  389 
and  390. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  95.    Probably  a  reference  to  Rep.,  Ill,  390. 

*  From  Aspasia's  funeral  oration. 

*  For  the  references  cf.  supra,  p.  388,  note  2. 
^  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  119. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  391 

body.  Beauty  of  body,  he  writes  elsewhere, 
paraphrasing  rather  than  quoting  his  author, 
is  the  witness  to  beauty  of  sofll,  "comme  dit 
Platon."  ^  Plato's  quotation  from  Homer  de- 
scribes righteous  anger,  and  Sainte-Marthe  duly 
reports  in  another  context  his  famous  counsel 
that  republics  will  be  happy  when  philosophers 
reign  and  kings  philosophize,  and  his  char- 
acterization of  the  prince  as  soul  of  the 
law. 

Sainte-Marthe's  allusions  to  his  master's 
writings  are  not  always  clear.  When,  for  in- 
stance, he  writes  of  the  "  vie  et  reigle  domestique 
que  Platon  appelle  certification  &  asseurance 
en  un  Prince  de  bien  regir  &  gouvemer  la  re- 
publique  &  ses  subjects,  &  ou  aussi  la  prudence, 
sagesse  et  vertu,  ou  (au  contraire)  Fimprudence 
&  la  corruption  de  la  vie  se  manifestent,"  he 
appears  to  be  paraphrasing  a  passage  in  the 
Politicus;^  when  he  attributes  to  Plato  the  phrase 
that  credulity  is  the  mother  of  inconstancy,  he 
seems  to  have  but  vaguely  in  mind  a  chapter  of 

^Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  120;  Rep.,  IV,  402; 
Stob.,  Tit.  65;  18,  Cf.  also  Cratylus,  416. 

^  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  13  v°;  cf.  Politicm,  258 
and  259. 


392        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

the  Demodocus}  This  very  inaccuracy  may  be 
taken  as  a  proof  that  his  mind  was  stored  with 
the  treasures  of  the  Dialogues,  a  thing  further 
evidenced  by  his  obvious  recollection  of  Plato 
even  when  he  does  not  name  him.  For  ex- 
ample, the  source  of  a  passage  on  the  benefit  of 
funeral  orations,  in  the  Oration  for  the  Duchess 
of  Beaumont  is  easily  recognizable.  Those  who 
object  to  such  orations  are  to  be  questioned  on 
the  advantage  of  statues  and  images  of  the 
dead.  Their  reply  is  practically  a  paraphrase 
of  a  passage  in  the  Menexenus  already  used  in 
Sainte-Marthe's  previous  oration,  where  Plato 
is  directly  quoted:  "Je  croy  qu'ils  me  diroient 
(j'entends  s'ils  ont  une  seule  scintille  de  juge- 
ment)  que  les  morts  en  sont  honnores,  &  par 
cest  honneur  leurs  vertus  recompensees :  &  tant 
ceuls  qui  leur  touchent  de  sang,  que  generalement 
touts  les  autres,  excite  k  les  ensuivre."  ^ 

In  view  of  the  immense  influence  which 
Plato  had  upon  Sainte-Marthe's  mind,  in  view 
of  his  constant  reference  to  him  as  authority, 

^  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  97;  Demodocus,  6. 
2  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  19  v°.    Cf.  Menex.,  236 
and  237,  and  supra,  p.  362. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  393 

in  view  above  all  of  his  attempts  to  give  to 
Christianity  a  philosophical  cast  rivaling  that 
of  classic  literature,  it  is  curious  to  come  upon 
a  passage  which  ends  by  expressly  dividing 
Christians  and  philosophers  into  separate  if  not 
antagonistic  groups.  The  distinction  is  the 
more  striking  for  its  occurrence  in  an  appeal  to 
Plato  and  the  Scriptures  as  final  authorities  on 
the  subject  of  the  value  of  dreams :  "Ceuls  qui 
s'en  mocquent,"  writes  Sainte-Marthe,  "ou  sont 
avec  nous  Chrestiens,  ou  Philosophes,  ou  du  tout 
Ath^istes  &  sans  loy.  Que  s'ils  sont  du  nombre 
de  ceuls  qui  ne  tiennent  grand  compte  de  nostre 
Religion  &  la  veulent  postposer  aux  traditions 
des  Philosophes,  me  respondent  done  qu'il  leur 
semble  de  Platon,  d'Aristote,  de  Ciceron,  de 
Val^re  le  Grand,  desquels  les  escripts  traictants 
de  telle  divination  ont  est6  rcQeus  de  nos  pr6- 
decesseurs  &  mis  entre  nos  mains."  After  the 
rehearsal  of  several  anecdotes,  confirming  the 
significance  of  dreams,  concluding  with  that  of 
Socrates  in  prison,  Sainte-Marthe  continues : 
"Si  le  Platonique  s'efforce  de  me  contraindre  ^ 
croire  cecy,  il  luy  est  aussi  n^cessaire  m'accorder 
celle,  qui  dist  a  Marguerite  en  songe  que  bien 


394        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

tost  elle  seroit  couronn^e  de  la  couronne  qu'elle 
luy  monstreoit,  avoir  entendu  de  la  couronne 
de  vie  qu'elle  devoit  recevoir  apres  la  mort  du 
corps. 

"  Que  si  nous  avons  affaire  aux  Chrestiens,  je 
croy  qu'il  ne  nieront  que  le  Seigneur  a  accous- 
tum^,  quelquefois  par  songes,  quelquefois  par 
d'aultres  signes  ext^rieurs,  nous  faire  entendre 
sa  volont6  &  nous  reveler  ce  qui  nous  doibt 
advenir."  .  .  .  "Quant  est  des  Epicuriens  & 
Ath^es  .  .  .,  puisqu'ils  ostent  du  tout  la 
divinity  k  nos  Esprits,  ils  nieront  aussi  la  divi- 
nation leur  estre  dehors  manifestee,  &  au  dedans 
divinement  enclose;  mais  les  Philosophes  ne  les 
pref er^ront  a  Platon  &  Socrate,  les  Chrestiens  ^ 
ne  les  pr^poseront  h  I'Escripture  Saincte."  ^  In 
his  Meditation  on  the  Ninetieth  (Ninety-first) 
Psalm  of  the  same  year,  Sainte-Marthe,  not 
content  with  declaring  that  the  philosophers, 
knowing  God  through  his  works,  were  yet  denied 
the  true  knowledge  of  Him  since  they  did  not 
glorify  Him,  suggests  that  philosophy  is  incon- 
sistent with  Christianity,  leads,  in  fact,  straight  to 

*  The  italics  are  my  own. 

«  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  105-108. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  395 

Atheism  "in  eum  lapidem,"  {i.e.  the  stone  which 
the  builders  rejected)  "impegere  Gentes  .  .  . 
Judsei  .  .  .  Philosophi  ,  .  .  prudentia  Camis  .  .  . 
impegit  sapienta  hujus  seculi,"  etc/  "Atheists 
and  hypocrites,"  he  writes  elsewhere,  "both 
spread  their  nets  for  us;  the  former  the  snares 
of  philosophy  and  the  wisdom  of  this  world,  the 
latter  those  of  hypocrisy.  Follow  those  and  you 
will  deny  God ;  these  and  you  change  truth  to 
lies."  2  Again,  the  philosopher  is  classed  in  one 
place  with  Manicheans,  Pelagians,  Arrians,  Jews, 
idolaters,  atheists ;  in  another  with  Jews,  hypo- 
crites, anabaptists,  and  atheists,'  and  atheists 
are  described  as  attacking  the  Christian  faith 
"  philosophise  rationibus  tanquam  machinis.* 
Such  expressions  are  so  far  removed  from  Sainte- 
Marthe's  evident  sympathy  with  philosophy, 
above  all  Platonic  philosophy,  that  they  must 
certainly  have  sprung  from  a  sense  of  danger, 
and  must  have  been  meant  to  allay  suspicion; 
and  we  may  conclude  that  their  author  felt  the 
increased  need  for  such  disclaimers  after  the 
publication  of   the  Funeral  Oration,  and  that 

'  Fols.  45  r°  and  41  r^.  »  Ibid.,  fol.  18  v°. 

»  Ibid.,  fols.  41  v°  and  45  r".  *  Ibid.,  fol.  43  r°. 


396        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

their  added  emphasis  in  the  Meditation  was  due 
to  this. 

Such  reservations  do  not,  however,  in  the  least 
conceal  Sainte-Marthe's  enthusiastic  preoccupa- 
tion with  Platonic  philosophy,  and  especially 
with  those  particular  elements  in  it  which  most 
appealed  to  his  generation,  or  to  that  group  in  it 
to  which  he  belonged,  those  elements  namely 
which  lend  themselves  to  a  mystical  point  of 
view.  The  influence  of  the  Platonic  doctrines 
of  love  and  spiritual  aspiration  transformed 
rather  than  replaced  the  mystical  aspects  of 
Christianity  which  the  Middle  Ages  had  de- 
veloped. Mysticism  played  a  large  part  in  the 
religious  life  of  such  a  man  as  Sainte-Marthe, 
and  the  Platonic  philosophy  could  provide  scope 
for  it  while  freeing  it  from  elements  distasteful 
to  a  mind  touched  with  the  new  thought  of  his 
time.  Sainte-Marthe  gives  various  indications 
of  the  influence  upon  him  of  the  Dialogues  most 
favorable  to  it.  Such,  for  example,  is  a  recollec- 
tion of  the  Phosdo  occurring  in  a  characteristic  com- 
parison of  Marguerite  with  the  Amazons,  equally 
reminiscent  of  the  classics  and  the  Scriptures.^ 

»  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  92-94. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  397 

The  Amazons  burnt  their  right  breast;  Mar- 
guerite cut  away,  hke  members  of  the  body,  her 
more  dangerous  affections ;  ^  the  Amazons  handled 
their  horses  well,  ''sgavoient  tres-bien  les  con- 
toumer,  dompter,  conduire,  &  gouverner  tant 
f eroces  &  maulvais  fussent  ils  " ;  Marguerite, ''  par 
raison  illuminee  &  fortifiee  de  la  Foy,  a  dompte, 
adoulcy,  renge  au  frein  &  humilie  ceste  partie  de 
Tame  qui  est  incessament  rebelle  a  Tesprit,  qui 
rue,  qui  mord  son  frein,  qui  reculle  a  I'espron, 
qui  tousjours  repugne."  After  thus  paraphras- 
ing the  famous  Platonic  passage,^  Sainte-Marthe 
resorts  to  the  Scriptures  for  his  comparison 
of  Marguerite's  amour  and  conquests  with  those 
of  the  Amazons.^  He  closes,  however,  on  a 
Platonic  note:  ''Car  quiconques  obeit  aux 
vices  &  aux  cupidites,  encor  qu'il  prenne  des 
villes,  qu'il  amplifie  ses  Seigneuries  &  mette  soubs 
sa  puissance  tant  de  Royaumes  &  d'hommes 
qu'il  vouldra,  certes  il  demeure  esclave  d'une 
miserable  &  villaine  servitude."  *    Again,  death 

*  Cf.  Coloss.  chap,  iii,  5. 

2  Cf.  Phcedrus,  253  and  254. 

'  The  passage  is  a  not  very  exact  recollection  of  Eph. 
chap,  vi,  11-17. 

*  Cf.  Rep.,  IX,  379. 


398        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

is  for  Sainte-Marthe  "parfaicte  fruition  de  tout 
bien,"  ^  and  he  puts  this  recollection  of  the 
Phcedo  into  the  mouth  of  the  dying  Frangoise: 
'' Auries  vous  regret  que  je  laissasse  ce  miserable 
monde,  pour  avoir  fruition  de  ce  bien?"  ^ 

This  particular  aspect  of  Platonic  philosophy 
had,  as  we  have  seen,  been  largely  present  in 
Sainte-Marthe 's  Poesie  Francoise  of  ten  years 
earlier ;  indeed,  the  conglomeration  of  Christian 
and  pagan  ideas  was  already  a  feature  of  that 
composition,  but  its  expression  was  hampered 
by  noticeable  immaturity  and  indecision  of 
utterance.  This,  time  had  now  improved,  and 
Sainte-Marthe's  exposition  of  his  thought  in 
the  Orations  is  incomparably  in  advance  of  that 
in  his  verse.  He  had  not  only  the  advantage  of 
greater  maturity,  and  a  decade's  closer  acquaint- 
ance with  the  works  of  his  master,  but  he,  who 
had  shown  himself  but  an  apprentice  in  verse 
forms,  had  now  at  his  command  an  instrument 
which  he  used  with  the  assured  touch  of  mastery, 
A  single  instance  will  exemplify.  The  poet  had, 
once  at  least,  dwelt  upon  the  hidden  significance 

»  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  6  v°. 
«  Ibid.,  fol.  43  r°;  cf.  Phcedo,  67  and  68. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  399 

of  names  in  his  rondeau  addressed  to  Anne 
d' Arbigny : 

A  Madame  Anne  d'Arhigny  Dame  de  la  Val  en 
Daulphine. 

"Nom  convenant  au  cas  ou  Ion  I'applique, 
Sur  aultres  noms  est  le  plus  magnifique, 
Causant  aussi  tiltre  tresvenerable : 
C'est  ce  qui  fait,  6  Dame  tresno table, 
Qu'estes  la  perle  entre  toutes  unique. 

Esprit  avez  prompt  &  scientifique, 
Bien  exerceant  les  Vertus  en  practique, 
De  quoy  vous  est  en  honneur  perdurable 

Nom  convenant. 

"  Ce  beau  nom  Anne  en  la  langue  Hebraique, 
Interpretons  don  de  Grace  autentique, 
Chascun  le  veoy  estre  en  vous  admirable, 
Parquoy  concluds  par  diet  irrefragable, 
Que  vous  avez,  sans  aulcune  replique, 

Nom  convenant." ' 
—  P.  F.,  p.  89. 

This  is  but  a  cold  recollection  of  the  Cratylus.    It 
is  far  from  exhibiting  the  enthusiasm  with  which 
Sainte-Marthe  paraphrases  passages  in  that  dia- 
logue when  at  the  full  of  his  powers  he  comes  ' 
to  deal  with  the  name  of  Marguerite.^    It  was,  in 

^  Cf.  supra,  p.  58. 

*  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  33  et  seq. 


400        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHB 

his  view,  hers  by  a  sort  of  divine  providence  of 
its  suitability.  When  she  was  to  be  baptized, 
the  assembled  princes  and  lords  held  long  debate 
on  the  name  her  god-parents  should  give  her. 
They  might,  according  to  the  custom  of  France, 
have  named  her  Louise  or  Charlotte,  since  the 
greater  number  of  her  predecessors  were  Louis 
or  Charles,  in  France  names  of  princes;  "mais 
le  plaisir  de  Dieu  fut  luy  faire  bailler  nom  qui 
repondroit  aux  graces  futures  en  elle."  Here 
Sainte-Marthe  gives  full  rein  to  his  Platonic 
mysticism.  Such  Providence  might  appear  ri- 
diculous to  some,  the  dream  or  the  delusion  of 
old  women,  for  at  first  blush  it  is  not  credible 
that  Celestial  Divinities  —  ."les  Dieus  C61estes" 
is  the  significant  phrase  —  should  concern  them- 
selves about  mortal  names.  Again,  it  may  be 
absurd  to  suppose  that  there  is  any  mystery 
hidden  in  proper  names,  since  they  are  rather 
bestowed  at  the  pleasure  of  god-parents  than 
for  any  religious  sense  understood  and  hidden 
within  them ;  but,  if  "  le  divin  philosophe  Platon  " 
deserves  credence,  —  and  here  Sainte-Marthe 
follows  his  authority  more  closely,  —  though 
names  be  often  given  from  those  of  ancestors, 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  401 

or,  like  that  of  Theophilus,  to  express  a  wish, 
still,  some  are  more  mysteriously  bestowed,  "in- 
stitues  plus  par  une  occulte  providence  et  dis- 
position divine  que  par  la  deliberation  &  puis- 
sance humaine."  For  since,  as  Plato  says,  a 
name  is  like  a  painting,  imitation  or  instrument 
by  which  the  substances  of  things  are  pointed 
out  and  distinguished,  then  surely  he  who  gives 
names  should  call  things  by  names  proper  and 
suitable,  which  is  not  the  part  of  the  inexperi- 
enced nor  is  common  to  all,  but  is  rather  the 
work  of  Divinity.  Had  not  the  observances  of 
names  been  a  mystery  to  the  ancients  "comme 
religieuse  &  sacrosancte  aux  Anciens  ainsi  qu'une 
chose  couverte  &  adumbree  de  grands  et  pro- 
fonds  mysteres,"  ^  Homer  would  assuredly  not 
have  labored  to  suit  names  to  things  nor  named 
Agamemnon  for  suffering,  travail  and  trouble, 
Orestes  for  a  sylvan  nature,  Atreus  for  inexor- 
ability, Tantalus  for  infelicity  .^  Having  thus 
dwelt  upon  the  appropriateness  of  the  queen's 
name,  Sainte-Marthe  takes  up  the  subject  of  the 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  35. 
'  Ibid.,p.  35.  Cf.  Cratylus,  esp.  388,  390,  391,  394,  395, 
397,  423,  424,  431. 
2d 


402         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

pearl  it  signified ;  and,  while,  in  dealing  with  it, 
he  leaves  Plato  for  PHny  and  illustrates  anew 
his  double  indebtedness  to  the  ancients  and  the 
scriptures,  a  mystical  element  remains  noticeably 
present,  especially  in  the  analogies  which  he 
draws  at  the  end  between  the  character  of  the 
queen  and  the  pearl. 

Beginning  with  a  quotation  from  Pliny  on  the 
subject  of  pearls,*  he  confirms  it  by  Christ's 
comparison  of  the  kingdom  of  God  to  a  pearl 
and  adds  St.  Augustine's  variations  upon  this.^ 
Thereupon  he  makes  reference  to  common 
custom,  illustrated  as  it  was  by  one  of  his  own 
phrases  in  his  rondeau  to  Anne  d'Arbigny :  "  Les 
Frangois  en  leur  langue  nomment  la  Marguerite 
'Perle'  &  la  chose  perfaicte  en  toute  perfection 
&  estim^e  n'avoir  sa  pareille,  ils  appellent  une 
'Perle.'"  This  he  follows  by  a  short  passage 
on  the  medicinal  value  of   pearls  drawn  from 

^  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.  The  translation  is  from 
Pliny,  IX,  56:  "que  Pline  dit  emporter  Thonneur  &  le 
pris  sur  toutes  choses  precieuses  &  ha  voir  perfection  en 
blancheur,  grandeur,  rotondite  &  pois, "  etc. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  35  et  seq.  The  quotation  is  from  St. 
Augustine,  Ex  quoest.  Matthei,  Patr.  Lat.,  Vol.  XXXV, 
cols.  1371  and  1372. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  403 

one  of  the  medi2eval«lapidaries/  returns  without 

*  "  Les  M6decins  donnent  des  grandes  vertus  aux 
Marguerites,  lesquelles  nous  ne  r^citerons  pr^sentement 
par  leur  noms  &  ordre,  car  seroit  chose  trop  ennui[eu]se 
pour  la  prolixite,  mais  nous  en  parlerons  briefvement 
d'aulcunes.  Les  Marguerites  &  Perles  servent  de  souve- 
rain  remede  au  mal  de  ccEur  &  a  tout  evanouissement, 
&  pource  Ton  dit  qu'elles  confortent  &  fortifient  les 
esprits.  Or,  a  quelles  personnes  les  esprits  defaillent 
plus  qu'a  ceuls  qui  sont  agit^s  d'adversite  &  ne  veoient 
aulcun  port  oil  se  puissent  tirer  a  saulvet6  ?  Marguerite 
devoit  estre  le  divin  instrument  et  organe  par  lequel 
le  Dieu  de  consolation  reconforteroit  les  afflig^s.  Les 
Perles  sont  grandement  utiles  contre  I'humeur  m^lanco- 
lique,  dont  surviennent  maintes  pernicieuses  &  mortelles 
maladies ;  Marguerite  devoit  estre  illustree  par  le  Seigneur 
de  Royalle  dignite,  de  grandeur  d'auctorite  &  d'abondance 
de  biens  de  fortune  pour  secourir  &  soullager  tous 
pauvres  necessiteus  &  indigents,  &  tous  ceuls  qui  seroient 
en  tribulation  d'esprit.  Les  Perles  proffitent  singulifere- 
ment  aux  nerfs  des  ceils,  deseichent  leurs  humeurs, 
nettoient  leur  ordure  &  eclarcissent  la  veue;  en  Mar- 
guerite devoit  estre  la  main  de  Celuy  qui  tire  les  souffre- 
teus  hors  de  la  fange,"  etc.  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Marguerite 
de  Navarre,  p.  36  et  seq.  These  qualities  of  the  pearl  are 
enumerated  in  the  first  French  translation  of  the  Latin 
lapidary  of  Marbodius,  in  other  respects  a  garbled  version 
of  Pliny.  Nothing  of  the  sort  occurs  in  the  original  of 
Marbodius,  nor  in  the  three  other  translations  published 
by  M.  Pannier. 

"  Cuntre  gute  corel  est  bone 

Et  cuntre  tac  ke  naist  en  ume. 

Cuntre  mal  d'oilz  est  sa  nature,"  etc.  11.     873-875. 
—  L.  Pannier,  Les  lapidaires  francais  du  tnoyen  age  des 
Z//«,  Z/Z/e,  &  XlV'siecles,  p.  65. 


404         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

acknowledgement  to  Plinyf  whom  he  translates 
almost  verbatim/  and  makes  between  the 
qualities  of  Marguerite,  and  those  of  the  pearl,  as 

^  "  Encor  adjouteray  je  que  les  Perles  naissent  dans 
la  mair  &  se  trouvent  en  la  mair;  toutefois  elles  hont  plus 
grande  societe  avec  le  del  qu'avec  la  mair."  "Ex  eo 
quippe  constare  coelique  eis  majorem  societatem  esse 
quam  maris."  "II  fault  aussi  soigneusement  contre- 
garder  les  perles  affin  qu'elles  ne  perdent  leur  plaisante 
blancheur. "  "Usu  atteri  non  dubium  est  coloremque 
indiligentia  mutare."  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  37, 
Pliny,  IX,  54  and  56. 

"L'on  doit  pareillement  prendre  bonne  garde  que  les 
Perles  ne  trempent  aulcunement  en  vinaigre,  car  bien 
tost  se  resouldroient  en  liqueur."  Here  Sainte-Marthe 
is  evidently  indebted  to  Pliny's  account  of  the  incident 
of  Cleopatra  and  the  pearl :  "  Ex  prsecepto  ministri  unum 
tantum  vas  ante  eam  posuere  aceti,  cujus  asperitas 
visque  in  tabem  Margaritas  resolvit."  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de 
M.  de  N.,  p.  38,  Pliny,  IX,  58. 

This  is  not  the  only  time  Sainte-Marthe  borrows  from 
Pliny  without  naming  him.  Elsewhere  (Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de 
M.  de  N.,  p.  109)  he  writes  of  the  death  of  the  queen, 
"  car  comme  celuy  qui  porte  en  un  anneau  une  pr^cieuse 
emeraude,  quoy  qu'en  la  regardant  elle  remplisse  ses 
ceils  &  ne  les  puisse  saouUer,  si  est  ce  qu'il  ne  congnoit 
quel  proffit  luy  porte  sa  gratieuse  verdeur  jusques  a 
ce  qu'elle  soit  saillie  hors  de  son  ceuvre,  car  lors,  ne 
veoiant  plus  cest  object  qui  luy  recr^oit  ses  oeils,  il 
regrette  la  pierre  perdue,  dont  ne  tenoit  grand  compte 
quand  il  I'havoit  k  son  plaisir. "  It  is  clear  that  Sainte- 
Marthe  here  had  in  mind  the  passage  in  Pliny  on  the 
emerald :  "  Nullius  colons  aspectus  jucundior  est.     Nam 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  405 

described  in  the  latter  two  sources,  one  of  those 
favorite  seriatim  comparisons  parodied  by  Rab- 
elais in  Lasdaller's  exposition  of  the  Twenty- 
fourth  Psalm/  He  finds  analogies  between 
the  queen's  purity,  grandeur  and  consistency, 
and  the  whiteness,  size  and  roundness  of 
the  pearl;  between  her  aid  to  the  downcast 
and  afflicted,  and  its  supposed  stimulating 
powers;  between  her  usefulness  to  the  poor  in 
tribulation,  and  its  avail  against  melancholy 
humors;  between  her  divine  gift  of  drawing 
the  unfortunate  from  the  mire,  and  the  cleans- 
ing effect  of  the  pearl  upon  the  eye.  Again,  he 
compares  pearls,  born  in  the  sea  yet  alHed  to  the 
sky,  to  the  woman  bom  in  the  world  yet  aspiring 
to  heaven;  between  the  immaculate  pearl  and 
the  queen  unspotted  by  pleasure;  between  the 

herbas  quoque  virentes  frondesque  avide  spectamus: 
smaragdos  vero  tanto  libentius  quoniam  nihilo  omnino 
viridius  comparatum  illis  viret.  Praeterea  soli  gem- 
marum  contuitu  oculos  implent,  nee  satient.  Quin 
et  ab  intentione  alia  obscurata,  aspectu  smaragdi 
reereatur  acies.  Scalpentibus  gemmas  non  alia  gratior 
oculorem  refectio  est:  ita  viridi  lenitate  lassitudinem 
mulcent."  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.,  XXXVII,  16.  And  cf.  also 
infra,  pp.  456,  569,  570,  571,  and  573. 
1  Cf.  (Euvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  143. 


406         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

care  needful  to  protect  the  pearl  from  stain,  and 
the  education  of  Marguerite ;  between  the  effect 
of  vinegar  on  the  pearl,  and  her  modest,  humane 
manners.^  The  reader  is  tempted,  for  all  Sainte- 
Marthe's  eloquence,  to  smile  at  his  efforts  to 
justify  by  strained  comparisons  the  Platonic 
theory  with  which  he  embarked  upon  the  sub- 
ject. 

The  passage  on  the  pearl,  however,  has  an- 
other interest.  It  shows  its  author  for  once 
the  complete  man  of  his  time  rather  than  the 
mere  enthusiastic  humanist.  Here  classical 
knowledge,  mediaeval  tradition,  Christian  learn- 
ing, and  the  sense  of  contemporary  Hfe  all  play 
their  part.  Reference  to  the  habits  of  his  time, 
as  in  the  allusion  to  vernacular  usage,  has  its 
interest  in  view  of  Sainte-Marthe's  usual  absorp- 
tion with  the  ancients,  the  Scriptures,  and  the 
fathers,  his  all  but  slavish  reliance  upon  author- 
ity for  argument.  Such  appeals  to  experience, 
though  uncommon  compared  with  his  more  fre- 
quent reference  to  authority,  are  sufficiently 
present  in  Sainte-Marthe's  Orations  to  throw 
light  for  his  readers  upon  the  life  of  his  time ; 

'  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  38. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  407 

and  several  of  his  descriptive  passages,  also,  give 
a  lively  picture  of  his  own  entourage.  For  in- 
stance, son  and  brother  as  he  was  of  distinguished 
physicians,  Sainte-Marthe,  naturally,  displays 
the  interest  of  his  time  and  of  his  mistress  in 
hygiene  and  pathology.^  He  quotes  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  doctors  as  to  meals,^  notes  the 
treatment  of  lethargic  patients,'  and  refers  in 
true  Rabelaisian  style  to  those  who  "assomes 
de  lethargie  perdent  la  memoire,  a  raison  de  la 
pituite  froide  at  humide  qui  occupe  les  poste- 
rieurs  ventricules  du  cerveau."  *    Whatever  the 

'  "  EUe  devisoit  done,  a  son  disner  &  soupper,  tantost 
de  Medecine  comme  des  viandes  mal  saines  ou  salubres 
au  corps  humain,  et  des  choses  naturelles,  avec  les  sieurs 
Schyron,  Cormier,  Esterpin,  ses  Medecins  trfesexperts 
&  trfesdoctes,  qui  soigneusement  la  regardoient  boire  & 
menger,  comme  Ton  observe  en  cela  les  Princes."  Or. 
fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  69. 

'  "  Elle  n'ignoroit  les  Medecins  ordonner  que,  quand 
nous  delib^rons  mettre  a  table,  nostre  esprit  doibt  estre 
libre  &  depouill6  de  tout  ennuy  &  solicitude,  &  que  nos 
viandes  ne  doivent  moins  estre  confites  de  propos  joyeus 
&  recreatifs  que  de  sel,  ou  d'aultres  saulse  provocante 
I'appetit."     Ibid.,  p.  68. 

'  "  Comme  il  fault  bastre  &  pinser  le  lethargique  pour 
I'eveiller;  ainsi  leur  fault  comme  par  force  faire  entendre 
leur  dommage."     Or.  fun.  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  7  r°. 

*  Ibid. 


408         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

value  of  this  diagnosis  may  be,  it  is  at  least  a 
step  towards  reality  in  a  man  whose  chief  notion 
of  tigers,  for  example,  is  that  music  maddens 
them,^  or  whose  reference  to  so  common  a  thing 
as  the  defensive  power  of  animals  is  drawn — the 
reader  must  infer  it  from  the  inclusion  of  "porc- 
espic"  and  "narce"  —  from  classic  sources.^ 

Again,  his  glance  at  the  vices  of  the  age, 
gaming,  dissolute  pomp  and  the  "gouffre  des 
bastiments,"  gives,  as  it  were  in  a  flash,  the 
seamy  side  of  Renaissance  magnificence,^  and  his 
reference  to  the  sweat  of  the  poor,  at  whose 
expense  the  rich  loaded  their  tables,  even  strikes 
a  note  seldom  heard  in  the  sixteenth  century: 
"Qui  es  ce  qui  doubte  qu'elle  n'eust  peu  remplir 
son  ventre  de  viandes  exquises,  delicates,  pre- 
cieuses  &  cerchees  par  mair  &  par  terre,  reluire 
de  toutes  parts  d'or  &  de  pierrerie  &,  ce  que  font 
plusieurs,  reparer  son  corps  &  charger  sa  table 
des  sueurs  d'aultruy?"*  Elsewhere  his  satirical 
sketch  of  the  occupations  of  the  ladies,  as  of 
the  conversation  of  the  gentlemen  of  his  time, 

»  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  pp.  42  and  78. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  57. 

»  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  30  r°. 

<  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  67. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  409 

shows  the  former  passing  the  days  "en  oisivet^ 
&  vaines  parolles/'  the  latter  concerned  with 
war,  the  chase,  vengeance  and  bloodshed  or 
the  trifles  of  love.  "  Qu'appelleras  tu  choses 
graves?"  he  asks  such  an  one,  "Je  croy  que 
sera  de  confire  les  disners  &  les  souppers  des 
faicts  de  la  guerre,  des  armes,  des  bardes  de 
chevauls,  de  la  chase,  de  la  vollerie,  de  banquets, 
de  boubans,  d 'amours,  de  blasphemes,  de  ven- 
geance, d' effusions  de  sang,  de  mettres  les  hommes 
en  pieces,  et  de  semblables  nobles  et  vertueux 
propos."  ^ 

This  censorious  note  is  common  in  Sainte- 
Marthe's  treatment  of  contemporary  conditions. 
In  the  course  of  his  Orations,  the  venality  of 
ofiices,^  the  routine  of  courts,^  are  held  up  to 
scorn,  the  circumstances  of  attendance  on  the 
great  bitingly  set  forth.*  There  are  nobles,  he 
writes,  glad  enough  to  number  in  their  house- 
holds learned  and  able  men,  perhaps  of  inferior 
birth,  but  it  is  another  matter  to  honor  their 

1  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  71. 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  85-86. 

'  Ibid.,  passim;  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  Fr.  d'A.,  passim,  esp. 
fols.  14  r°,  19  Y°  and  31  v". 

*  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  83  et  seq. 


410        CHARLES  DB   SAINTE-MARTHE" 

virtues,  and  often  no  more  account  is  made  of 
them  than  of  muleteers  or  kitchen  sculHons.  A 
page  or  two  further  on  Sainte-Marthe  continues 
the  subject  with  a  passion  which  recalls  that 
of  Areusa's  arraignment  of  mistresses  in  the 
Celestina}  There  are  masters  who  consider  their 
servants  not  as  free  men  but  as  slaves  and  beasts, 
who,  having  not  only  used,  but  abused,  their 
service,  think  too  much  done  for  their  dependents 
if  they  have  merely  given  them  food  and  drink, 
and  that  but  as  may  chance.  And,  suppose 
wages  agreed  on,  when  the  poor  wretches  ask 
that  reward  of  their  diligence,  labor  and  service, 
which  their  wages  in  fact  are,  they  get  but  ill 
for  good  from  ingrates  who  outrage,  beat  and 
abuse  them.^ 

Sainte-Marthe  was  not  the  first  in  France  to 
voice  this  wrong.  Eustorg  de  Beaulieu  had  been 
beforehand  with  him  in  making  such  complaint  ^ 
of   what  was  apparently  a  crying  evil  of   the 

*  La  Cdestine,  Nouvelle  Collection  Jannet,  p.  136.  Four 
or  five  editions  of  a  translation  through  the  Italian  had 
appeared  by  1550;  i.e.  1524,  1527,  Paris;  1529,  Lyons; 
1529,  Paris;  1542,  Paris. 

2  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  87. 

^  Cf.  Divers  Rapportz.  Rondeaux. 


THE   FUNERAL  ORATIONS  411 

times;  but  Sainte-Marthe  had  already  in  the 
Poisie  frangoise  anticipated  the  older  poet  in 
resentment  of  another,  and  kindred  abuse,  in 
denouncing  the  arrogance  of  the  upstart  noble; 

"  Monsieur  de  tiltre  &  un  villain  de  faict, 
Tel  qu'aujourdhuy  par  argent  on  le  faict. "  * 

In  both  Funeral  Orations  he  returns  to  this  attack 
with  a  fire  suggesting  a  personal  grievance.  If 
a  great  lady  like  the  Duchess  of  Beaumont  was 
humble,  what  should  be  the  feelings  of  those 
"messieurs  engentillastr^s,"  descended  from 
notaries  and  shoemakers,  or  grooms  and  scul- 
lions, who  call  others  "villein,"  despise  and 
repulse  them?  Defense  of  Marguerite's  habit 
of  surrounding  herself  with  "gens  de  longue 
robbe  &  de  bonnet  rond  "  betrays  the  personal 
animus  which  guided  Sainte-Marthe's  pen. 
With  whom  should  she  converse?  With  such 
nobles  as  her  critic?  Prudent  and  learned 
nobles  there  were,  of  course,  but  Sainte-Marthe 
means  a  gang  of  bullies  and  bravos,  of  whom  to 
ask  their  opinion  of  letters,  prudence,  council  or 
the  government  of  the  republic,  were  to  ask  the 

'  Elegie,  A  Monsieur  Veruist,  Doyen  de  Macon.    De  la 
vraye  Noblesse.     P.  F.,  p.  217. 


412         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

blind  to  see,  the  deaf  to  hear,  the  dumb  to 
speak,  or  from  a  marble  statue  counsel  and  sage 
deliberation .  But  what  of  those  * '  gownsmen  ?  "  ^ 
Are  they  "villeins"?  But,  if  they  have  both 
titles  of  nobility  at  once,  yea,  if  they  are  of 
noble  and  ancient  race  and  house,  and  there- 
withal illustrious  and  splendid  in  virtue,  shall 
they  be  declared  no  longer  noble  because  they 
wear  gowns?  What  of  the  gownsmen  who 
founded  the  Roman  republic,  etc.?^  The 
obvious  vanity  is  the  more  pardonable  that, 
as  we  have  noted  before,  pique  heightened 
Sainte-Marthe's  powers,  and  inspired  him  to 
eloquence. 

"0  Seigneur  Dieu,"  thus  he  takes  up  the 
same  subject  elsewhere,  "  si  un  tas  de  glorieux 
&  superbes  Nobles  du  jourd'huy  pouvoient 
nombrer  ainsi  par  ordre  les  rengs  &  lignes  de 
leurs  Ancestres,  par  quel  moyen  pourroit  estre 
leur  impudente  violence  arrestee  &  abbatue? 
Qui  dureroit  devant  euls?  lis  sont  pent  estre 
descendus  de  Porchiers,  de  Cousturiers,  de 
Chaussetiers  ou  d'aultres  gents  mechaniques,  & 

'  "  Robbes  longues. " 

'  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  71  et  seq. 


THE   FUNERAL  ORATIONS  413 

encor  de  plus  vile  et  plus  abjecte  condition,  & 
sont  les  premiers  du  Nom,  je  dy  les  premiers 
Nobles  de  leur  race.  Nobles,  dy  je,  a  bon  et 
loyal  tiltre,  Dieu  le  sgait;  ce  neantmoins  ils 
hont  le  coeur  si  orgueilleus  &  si  enfl^,  &  sont 
tant  coustumiers  de  mespriser  toutes  personnes 
qu'ils  cuident  qu'il  n'y  ait  hommes  qu'euls. 
Mais  ceuls  qui  sont  illustres  d'ancienne  lioblesse, 
exterieurement,  je  dy  ^  leurs  moeurs  &  fagon 
de  faire,  monstrent  ass4s  leur  noblesse,  car  ils 
hont  en  euls  je  ne  sgay  quoy  d'une  bont6  naifve, 
qui,  les  separe  manifestment  de  la  f^rocit^ 
des  fauls  nobles.  Et  comme,  si  tu  dores  un 
vaisseau  de  cuivre,  pour  un  certain  temps  il 
haura  bien  la  couleur  de  Tor,  mais  k  la  longue 
la  dorure  se  consume  &  efface,  en  sorte  que 
le  cuivre  demeure  &  apparoit  nud;  ou,  si  ce 
vaisseau  est  de  pur  or,  plus  I'accommoderas  k 
ton  usage  &  service,  plus  il  reluira,  &  plus  beau 
&  plus  fin  apparoistra  Tor.  Ainsi,  tous  ceuls 
qui  faulsement  se  ventent  du  tiltre  de  Noblesse, 
quoy  qu'il  tarde,  decouvrent  k  la  fin  par  leurs 
moeurs  &  conditions  leur  villennie  &  lachet^  k 
ceuls  avec  lesquels  ils  conversent;  mais  les 
vrays   Nobles   monstrent,    k   la   frequentation 


414         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

ext^rieure,  Tint^rieure  noblesse  &  expriment 
leur  g6n6rosite,  tant  en  faicts  qu'en  parolles."  ^ 
Sainte-Marthe's  concern  in  the  interests  of  his 
day,  as  shown  by  his  share  in  the  controversy  on 
the  question  of  woman,  has  already  been  noted. 
The  discussion  in  general  focused  upon  the 
subject  of  her  worthiness  or  unworthiness  rather 
than  upon  that  of  her  position  and  privileges. 
The  suggestions  of  Erasmus  on  the  latter  aspect 
of  the  question  had,  on  the  whole,  not  fructified. 
We  may,  then,  regard  as  an  advance  upon  the 
ordinary  defense  of  the  sex,  Sainte-Marthe's 
eloquent  plea  for  the  right  of  woman  to  educa- 
tion and  learning.  He  made  it  in  reply  to 
those  who,  like  others  before  them,  considered 
learning  not  meant  for  women,  "aliene  de  I'ofRce 
&  estat  de  la  femme." '  Sainte-Marthe,  indeed, 
differs  from  his  master  Plato  in  considering  that 
certain  activities,  such  as  the  conduct  of  an 
army,  the  government  of  a  republic,  or  public 
speaking  belong  only  to  man,  while  others,  keep- 
ing the  house,  caring  for  their  husbands,  and 
having  an  eye  on  their  establishment,  are  the 

1  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N .,  p.  32. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  76  et  seq. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  415 

proper  function  of  women.  Still,  no  one  can 
deny,  he  continues,  "s'il  n'a  du  tout  perdu  le 
sens,  le  jugement  &  la  raison,"  that  other  matters 
are  common  to  both,  such  as  strength  and  magna- 
nimity, justice,  temperance,  continence,  religion 
and  generally  all  the  other  virtues.  If  this  be 
so,  he  asks,  why  should  woman  not  be  allowed 
to  draw  from  the  common  fountain,  common  to 
them  and  all  men  ?  If  those  who  read  philosophy 
and  consider  the  Holy  Scriptures  to  learn  thence 
integrity  of  morals,  are  held  to  be  good,  wise 
and  prudent,  why  should  we  forbid  women  to 
read  the  same  books  ?  To  clinch  the  argument, 
Sainte-Marthe  gives  a  list  of  the  learned  women 
of  antiquity,^  and,  since  other  names  than  these 
are  needed  to  support  his  plea  that  women  should 
not  be  denied  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  as  if 
it  were  impious  and  intolerable  in  them  to  talk 
of  what  men  arrogate  to  themselves  "plus  par 
auctorit6  tirannique  que  de  droit  et  de  raison,"  ^ 
he  cites  the  examples  of  Catherine  of  Sienna  and 
Hildegarde  of  Germany,  as  of  Fabia,  Marcella 
and  Eustochia,  correspondents  of   St.  Jerome. 

^Cf.  supra,  p.  375,  n.  2. 

^  Or.  fun.  de  Marguerite  de  Navarre,  p.  79. 


416        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

There  was  no  singularity  in  Sainte-Marthe's 
views  of  women  other  than  the  warmth  of  his 
plea  for  her  enlightenment.  He  could  indeed 
write  with  respect  of  famous  women  of  antiquity, 
"illustres  Amazons,"  for  instance,  "qui,  par 
leur  virile  courage  &  leurs  excellent,  proeus  & 
magnanimes  gestes,  se  sont  donne  une]  eternelle 
renomme,"  ^  or  speak  of  heroines  and  the  virtues 
which  had  won  them  repute  and  immortal  fame ; 
still  more,  could  he  admire  in  a  woman  of  his 
own  time  the  "heroic  and  virile  heart  that  led 
her  to  prefer  to  pass  her  time  in  pursuits  worthy 
of  a  man ; "  ^  but,  though  he  may  have  cherished 
an  ideal  in  some  sort  fulfilled  by  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  Sainte-Marthe's  conception  of  woman 
as  she  actually  was  differed  little  from  that  of 
the  men  of  his  time. 

His  eagerness  for  her  enlightenment,  indeed, 
he  shared  with  a  far  greater  mind,  not  to  be 
credited  with  defense  or  admiration  of  the  sex, 
and  yet  also  captivated,  at  least  at  a  given 
moment,  by  the  prospect  of  woman  nobly 
trained.  Rabelais's  dream  of  Thelema,  where 
"il  n'estoit  entre  eux  celuy,  ne  celle  qui  ne  sceust 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  92.  *  Ibid.,  p.  76. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  417 

lire,  escripre,  chanter,  iouer  d'instruments  harmo- 
nieux,  parler  de  cinq  &  six  langaiges,  &  en  iceulx 
composer  tant  en  carme  que  en  oraison  solue," 
and  where  "  ianiais  ne  feurent  veues  dames  tant 
propres,  tant  mignonnes,  moins  fascheuses,  plus 
doctes  k  la  main,  a  I'agueille,  k  tout  acte  mulie- 
bre  honneste  &  libere,  que  1^  estoient,"  ^  seems 
to  echo  Sainte-Marthe's  plea  for  feminine  edu- 
cation. Yet,  in  their  general  conception  of 
woman,  these  two,  man  of  genius  and  man  of 
talent,  personal  enemies  it  may  be,  and,  in  any 
case,  little  sympathetic  in  spirit,  are  united  in 
indorsing  the  common  view  of  their  day.  How 
can  a  woman,  asks  Sainte-Marthe,  referring  to 
the  loss  of  Frangoise  d'Alengon,  "how  can  a 
woman  have  laid  under  obligation  the  whole  of 
France?  No  otherwise  than  as  a  fruitful  tree, 
a  fecund  mare,  a  spreading  stream,  benefits  its 
owner,  as  all  the  mothers  of  great  men  have 
benefited  their  country,  by  conceiving  and  bear- 
ing them,  as  the  original  source  of  whose  useful- 
ness they  should  be  forever  honored.^  Again, 
condemning  those  who  hold  their  wives  in  such 

1  (Euvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  206.  * 

^  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  35  v°-36  v°. 
2e 


418         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

servitude  that  they  dare  not  cough  before  them, 
the  orator  yet  feels  it  proper  for  a  woman,  as 
St.  Paul  recommends,  to  keep  silence  in  her 
husband's  presence,  and  to  speak,  according  to 
Plutarch's  precept,  only  with  and  through  him, 
and  he  especially  commends  in  Marguerite  her 
wifely  obedience  and  submission.  ''Mais  la  tres- 
prudente  Royne  sgavoit  bien  1' office  d'une  bonne 
&  vertueuse  femme,  qui  est  de  ne  contester 
avec  son  mary  par  caquetterie,  mais,  comme  dit 
S.  Paul,  se  taire  en  sa  presence  &,  si  elle  veult 
aprendre  quelque  chose,  I'interroger.  Et,  ores 
que  S.  Paul  n'en  auroit  one  parle,  si  avoit  elle 
leu  en  Pleutarche  que  la  femme  doibt  parler 
avec  son  mari  &  par  son  mari  &  non  se  cour- 
roucer  si  elle  parle  par  la  bouche  d'aultruy,  ainsi 
que  fait  le  menestrier. 

"Elle  eust  bien  peu  avec  d'aulcunes  caquetter 
devant  son  mari ;  elle  eust  peu  luy  rompre  pro- 
pos  quand  il  eust  parle;  elle  eust  peu  usurper 
son  auctorite;  elle  eust  peu  contredire  k  son 
commandement,  mais  le  recognoissant  avec  Sara 
comme  son  seigneur,  I'honoroit,  luy  obeissoit 
comme  k  son  chef ;  je  d'y  qu'elle  gaigneoit  sa  grace 
&  s'i  entretenoit  par  toute  humihte  &  ob^is- 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  419 

sance.  Quand  il  commandeoit  quelque  chose 
si  tost  ne  I'avoit  dit  qu'il  estoit  faict,  car  jamais 
ne  lui  contredisoit  &  tant  I'aimeoit  qu'elle  n'a 
craint  d'entretenir  so  grace  k  son  detriment 
&  dommage."  ^  All  this  corresponds  with  Rabe- 
lais's  presentment  of  the  virtuous  woman  taught 
to  cleave  only  to  her  husband.  "  .  .  .  le  cherir, 
le  seruir,  totalement  I'aymer  apres  Dieu.  .  .  . 
Car  comme  le  mirouoir  est  diet  bon  et  perfaict, 
non  celluy  qui  plus  est  ome  de  dorures  et  pierre- 
ries,  mais  celluy  qui  veritablement  reprsesente 
les  formes  obiectes:  aussi  celle  femme  n'est  Ja 
plus  a  estimer,  laquelle  seroit  riche,  belle,  ele- 
gante, extraicte  de  noble  race;  mais  celle  qui 
plus  s'efiforce  auecques  Dieu  soy  former  en  bonne 
grace  &  conformer  aux  meurs  de  son  mary."  ^ 
Sainte-Marthe's  omission,  too,  of  all  mention  of 
a  mother's  educative  influence  in  the  passage 
on  the  conception  and  birth  of  great  men,  well 
befits  an  author  who,  praising  the  work  of  the 
Queen  of  Navarre,  adorned  "de  telle  v6nust6 
&  de  si  profonde  &  abundante  doctrine,"  adds 
that  the  reader  would  never  suppose  he  were 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  p.  73  et  seq. 
'  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  148  et  seq. 


420        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

reading  the  composition  of  a  woman  but  of 
"quelque  tresgrave  &  tresingenieus  auteur,"  ^ 
who  writes  of  Frangoise  as  "  ce  feminin  &  fragile 
vaisseau, "  ^  and  who  no  more  forgot  the  poet's 
"  varium  et  mutabUe"  ^  than  had  Rabelais  before 
him  when  treating  of  that  sex  "tant  fragil,  tant 
variable,  tant  muable,  tant  inconstant  &  im- 
perfaict  que  nature  me  semble  (parlant  en  tout 
honneur  &  reuerence)  s'estre  esguaree  de  ce  bon 
sens  par  lequel  elle  auoit  cr64  &  form6  toutes 
choses  quand  elle  a  basty  la  femme."  * 

•  Another  movement  of  his  time,  concerned 
with  education,  keenly  interested  Sainte-Marthe, 
and  here,  too,  he  meets  Rabelais  on  a  common 
ground.  He  deplores  the  defects  of  the  in- 
struction of  the  period,  which  he  perceived  "au 
tresgrand  regret  &  dommage  tant  de  nous  que 
de  la  R^publique,"  to  be  most  corrupt,  perni- 
cious and  detestable.  If  parents  would  do  away 
with  such  and  follow  the  method  of  the  Persians, 
"de  maulvais  &  depraves  esprits  ils  en  feroient 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  80. 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Ft.  d'A.,  fol.  32  v°. 

»  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  97.  "Car  il  fault  havoir 
egard  au  sexe,  que  le  Poete  appelle  variable  &  muable,  & 
S.  Pierre  escrit  que  c'est  un  vaisseau  fragil  &  infirme. " 

*(Euvres,  Yol  II,  p.  157. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  421 

de  bons,  &  ceuls  qui  de  leur  naturelle  inclination 
sont  bons,  ils  rendroient  meilleurs."  ^  Rabelais, 
who  also  had  his  word  of  admiration  for  the 
Persians,^  had,  some  sixteen  years  earlier,^  de- 
clared his  opinion  of  the  books  and  teachers  of 
his  time,  whose  "s<javoir  n'estoit  que  besterie,  & 
leur  sapience  n'estoit  que  moufles,  abastardisant 
les  bons  &  nobles  esperitz,  &  corrompent  toute 
fieur  de  ieunesse."  *  The  description  of  the 
education  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  enthusias- 
tically interpreted  by  Sainte-Marthe,  reads  like 
a  page  from  Rabelais 's  account  of  the  ideal 
education  of  Pantagruel,  especially  taken  in 
conjunction  with  Marguerite's  table  conversa- 
tion in  later  life  and  her  panegyrist's  remark 
on  the  subject:  "Somme  il  n'y  avoit  un  seul 
moment  d'heure  qui  ne  fust  par  elle  emploie  k 
tous  propos  honnestes,  delectables  &  utiles;"^ 

1  Cf.  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  38. 

2  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  34. 

^  Professor  C.  H.  Page,  the  latest  editor  of  Urquhart's 
Rabelais,  somewhat  doubtfully  places  the  date  of  the 
earliest  edition  of  Gargantua,  following  Brunet,  between 
1534  and  1535;  Rabelais,  p.  xliv.  And  cf.  (Euvres  de 
Rabelais  (Marty-Laveaux),  Vol.  VI,  p.  323. 

*  (Euvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  59. 

»  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  deM.de  N.,  p.  69. 


422        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

"  Ceste  noble  done  et  sage  Dame  ne  laissa  celle 
qui  luy  estoit  bailee  en  charge  (Marguerite) 
estre  dissolue  par  voluptes,  abandonnee  a  super- 
fluites  &  vains  boubans,  ne  corrompue  de  parolles 
oisifves  &  deshonnestes,  qui  est,  de  nostre  temps, 
Tinstitution  presque  de  tous  les  grands  Seigneurs, 
mais  prudemment  Toccupa  a  tous  louables  & 
vertueus  exerciees,  dignes  du  nom  &  tiltre  de 
Princesse  et  d'une  future  Royne.  Aussi  luy 
furent  bailies  des  domestiques  Precepteurs, 
hommes  bien  experiment's  en  maintes  bonnes 
choses,  prudents  et  excellents  en  toutes  manieres 
de  Science  &,  pour  dire  en  somme,  tels  que  les 
Philosophes  requierent  trouver  aux  Courts  des 
Princes  &  aux  Maisons  des  Seigneurs  au  lieu 
d'un  tas  de  flatteurs,  de  fols  et  de  gens  du  tout 
inutiles."  ^ 

There  are  other  subjects  on  which  Rabelais  and 
Sainte-Marthe  were  in  accord.  Rabelais,  before 
Sainte-Marthe,  had  made  allusion,  jocular,  it 
is  true,  to  the  mystical  significance  of  names; 
both  agreed  on  the  prophetic  value  of  dreams ;  ^ 

»  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  40^1.  Cf.  Rabelais, 
Garganiua,  Chap.  XXIII,  CEuvres,  Vol.  I. 

^  Rabelais,  Quart  Livre,  Chap.  XXXVII;  Tiers  Livre, 
Chap.  XIII;  (Euvres,  Vol.  I. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  423 

both  referred  in  this  connection  to  Socrates' 
interpretation  of  the  lines  from  Homer  as 
indicating  his  own  approaching  death,  though 
Rabelais  actually  used  this  as  authority  for  the 
Virgilian  lots,  Sainte-Marthe  as  proof  of  the 
import  of  dreams.^  And,  in  this  connection, 
Rabelais  no  less  than  Sainte-Marthe  brackets 
the  Scrjj^tures  and  classics  together,  "les  sacres 
lettres  le  tesmoignent  les  histoires  prophanes 
I'asoeurent. "  ^  Plato's  saying  on  king-philoso- 
phers or  philosopher-kings  impressed  both;'  and 
both  dwell  upon  the  need  of  self-rule  in  him 
who  would  govern  others/  But  such  similarities 
are  almost  negligible  in  view  of  the  body  of 
Rabelais's  work.  It  is  more  surprising  that  two 
authors,  each  steeped  in  the  classics,  each  pre- 
sumably drawing  from  the  same  sources,  should 

*  It  will  be  remembered  that  Rabelais  represents 
Socrates  as  "  oyant  en  prison  reciter  ce  metre  de  Homere 
diet  de  Achilles  9.  Iliad. "  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  54.  Sainte- 
Marthe  gives  the  true  account  of  the  vision  "  Socrate  en 
Platon,  estant  prisonnier  veit  en  dormant  une  tresbelle 
femme  qui  I'ayant  appell6  par  son  nom  lui  dist  ce  vers 
d'Homfere."     Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  106. 

«  (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  67. 

'  Cf.  supra,  p.  391,  and  Rabelais,  (Euvres,  Vol.  I, 
p.  168. 

*  Cf.  supra,  p.  386,  and  Rabelais,  (Euvres,  Vol.  I,  p.  189. 


424        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

have  fallen  upon  so  few  common  allusions,  than 
that  men  so  temperamentally  different  should 
have  shared  a  few  common  views.  Their  differ- 
ences appear  especially  in  the  effect  upon  them 
of  Plato's  philosophy.  Sainte-Marthe's  idol  and 
his  doctrines  are,  on  the  whole,  referred  to  by 
Rabelais  with  a  smile,*  and  this  divergence  is  in- 
dicative of  others.  Despite  the  points  mentioned 
on  which  they  coincided,  we  may  conclude  that 
Sainte-Marthe  probably  owed  little  or  nothing 
to  Rabelais  as  regards  subject-matter. 

He  appears,  nevertheless,  to  have  read  him  well, 
for,  involuntarily  it  would  seem,  his  own  work 
shows  the  impress  made  upon  him  by  the  force 
and  vitality  of  Rabelais'  style.  For  example, 
the  trick  of  enumeration  which  the  latter  employs 
with  such  verve  and  power  is  to  be  found  many 
times  in  Sainte-Marthe's  prose,  as  when  he  writes 
of  the  "remunerations  constitutes  aux  vertueux 
&  heroiques  faicts,  comme  les  couronnes,  les 
triumphes,  les  trophies,  les  images  &  statues, 
les  magistrats,  les  dignites  &  aultres  pareils 
honneurs,"  or  asks  elsewhere,  "0\l  est  celuy, 
si  ce  n'est  un  homme  de  tout  alien^  d'humanite, 

1  Cf.  for  example,  CEuvres,  Vol.  II,  pp.  22,  27,  31,  150. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  425 

qui  ne  prise,  qui  n'aime,  qui  ne  revere  la  candeur, 
la  charite,  la  piete  de  ceste  tant  liberale,  tant 
magnifique  &  tant  vertueuse  Royne?"^  Per- 
haps the  best  examples  of  the  many  which 
might  be  adduced  are  those  occurring  in  the 
account  of  the  queen's  grief  on  the  death  of  her 
son.  Here  the  art  lies  in  heightening  the 
description  with  every  clause:  "Mais,  oiu 
presque  toutes  les  femmes  en  telle  fortune 
accusent  le  Ciel,  mauldissent  la  Mort,  remplissent 
I'air  de  hurlements  &  vaines  plainctes  &,  du  tout 
failHes  de  courage,  demeurent  ainsi  que  mortes, 
estonn^es  &  stupides.  Marguerite  ouit  la  triste 
nouvelle  de  la  mort  de  son  fils  de  coeur  constant 
&  asseure.  .  .  .  Cela  certes  semble  chose  in- 
audite  &  inacoustumee  k  ceuls  qui  jugent 
grande  injure  estre  faicte  aux  trespasses  si  les 
vivants  ne  sont  vestus  de  noir,  ne  se  tourmentent 
de  deuil,  ne  frappent  leur  poictrine,  ne  s'arrachent 
les  cheveuls,  ne  se  deffont  eulxmesmes  d'impa- 
tience  &  de  desepoir. "  ^  The  reader  is  tempted, 
also,  to  attribute  to  unconscious  recollection 
of  Rabelais  such  expressions  as  "un  mespris  des, 

1  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  24  and  89. 
»  Ibid.,  p.  50. 


426        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

choses  basses  &  terrestres,"  "les  vertueux  & 
heroiques  faicts  de  tous  ces  Roys  &  Princes," 
"  la  dehontee  loquacite  des  gents  de  nulle  valeur."  ^ 
The  resemblance  is  no  less  evident  for  consist- 
ing in  matters  so  general  as  the  rhythm  of  the 
sentence,  or  the  amalgamation  of  French  and 
Latin  words  into  a  native  idiom  clearly  removed 
from  the  classical,  as  in  the  description  of  those 
"qui  ont  este  aveugles  de  pareille  cecity  &  sont 
tumb^s  en  mesme  fosse  d'erreur  &  temerite, "  ^ 
or  in  Sainte-Marthe's  accomit  of  himself,  "Qui 
ne  suis  exuberant  en  resonantes  parolles  &  n'ay 
abondance  de  sentences  copieuses."  ^  It  is,  how- 
ever, in  his  nobler  and  more  soaring  passages  that 
the  orator  most  betrays  his  debt  to  the  author  of 
Pantagruel.  One  striking  example  may  suffice. 
Sainte-Marthe  is  describing  the  goodness  of  God, 
"lequel  nous  rend  toutes  les  heures  du  jour, 
manifeste  tesmoinage  de  sa  misericorde  &  liberal- 
ite,  ne  punissant  ceuls  qui  I'offensent  de  la  rigueur 
de  sa  justice,  mais  les  admonnestant  se  recoign- 
oistre  &  amender,  les  attendant  venir  k  penitence, 

»  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  31,  57,  and  77. 

*  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  p.  77. 

3  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fols.  42  v°  and  30  v°. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  427 

&  les  recevant  amoureusement,  &  leur  pardon- 
nant  tresbenignement,  quand  ils  implorent  la 
pitie :  commandant  pour  nous,  au  ciel,  a  la  terre, 
&  aux  mers,  nous  produire  ce  qui  est  necessaire 
a  nostre  vie."  ^  Such  a  passage  carries  the  reader 
back  to  more  than  one  eloquent  outburst  in 
Pantagruel;  as,  for  example:  "N'est  ce  honorer 
le  seigneur,  createur,  protecteur,  seruateur? 
N'est  ce  le  recongnoistre  vnicque  dateur  de  tout 
bien  ?  N'est  ce  nous  declairer  tous  dependre  de 
sa  benignite?  Rien  sans  luy  n'estre,  rien  ne 
valoir,  rien  ne  pouoir:  si  sa  saincte  grace  n'est 
sus  nous  infuse?  N'est  ce  mettre  exception 
canonicque  a  toutes  nos  entreprinses  ?  &  tout 
ce  que  proposons  remettre  k  ce  que  sera  dispose 
par  sa  saincte  volunte,  tant  es  cieulx  comme  en 
la  terre  ?  N'est  ce  veritablement  sanctifier  son 
benoist  nom?  "  ^ 

Since  his  Funeral  Orations  show  such  traces 
of  the  influence  upon  his  style  of  a  man  with 
whom  Sainte-Marthe  had  few  or  no  affinities,  still 
clearer  evidence  might  be  expected  in  them  of 
the  impress  of  authors  for  whom  he  professed 

1  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  22  r°. 
» (Euvres,  Vol.  II,  p.  148. 


428         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

admiration.  Yet  Calvin  left  no  mark,  and  Mar- 
guerite of  Navarre  but  a  slight  one,  upon  Sainte- 
Marthe's  prose.  .  We  have  seen  with  what  eager- 
ness Sainte-Marthe  looked  forward  to  the  perusal 
of  the  Christianae  Religionis  Institutio,  whose 
strong  effect  upon  his  theology  is  even  more 
evident  in  the  Poesie  Francoise  and  the  Para- 
phrases than  in  the  Funeral  Orations.  Yet  the 
vigorous,  compact,  logical  style  of  Calvin's  prose 
has  left  not  the  slightest  trace  upon  Sainte- 
Marthe's.  Apart  from  temperamental  diver- 
gences between  the  two  men,  which  no  admiration 
could  bridge,  and  which,  in  spite  of  the  paucity 
of  models,  must  have  rendered  abortive  any 
attempt  at  imitation  on  Sainte-Marthe's  part, 
there  may  have  been  a  practical  obstacle.  Judg- 
ing by  his  letter  to  Calvin,^  Sainte-Marthe  un- 
doubtedly read  the  Latin  version  as  soon  as  he 
could  get  access  to  it,  and  may,  therefore,  have 
remained  unacquainted  with  the  French.  With 
the  unpublished  Heptameron,  on  the  other  hand, 
it  would  be  natural  to  suppose  Sainte-Marthe 
familiar.  In  spite  of  its  author's  sympathetic 
account  of  the  Dauphin's  literary  project  from 

^  Cf.  supra,  p.  42. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  429 

which  he  barred  out  the  learned  and  "ne 
voulloyt  que  leur  art  y  fut  mesl6,  &  aussi  de 
paour  que  la  beaulte  de  la  rh^torique  feit  tort 
en  quelque  partye  a  la  verite  de  Thistoire,"^ 
it  remains  in  general  likely  that  she  would  con- 
sult, about  literary  work  that  occupied  her  mind, 
the  men  of  letters  in  her  court.  One  motive 
of  abstinence  suggests  itself,  however,  and  that 
a  compelling  one.  The  Queen  of  Navarre  may 
well  have  doubted  whether  the  philosophical 
weight  of  the  discussions  in  the  Heptameron 
would  outbalance  the  lightness  of  many  of  its 
plots  in  the  minds  of  men  who,  like  Sainte- 
Marthe,  regarded  her  principally  as  the  leader 
in  a  spiritual  movement ;  as 

"un  d^esse  femme. 
Femme,  laquelle  au  monde  converseoit, 
Mais  qui,  d'esprit,  femme  n'apparaissoit."^ 

Even  if  acquainted  with  it,  however,  Sainte- 
Marthe  probably  regarded  the  Heptameron 
a  work  which  the  Queen  composed,  as  Brantome 
has  it,  "en  ses  gayettez,"  as  unworthy  of  serious 

*  Heptameron,  Prologue,  Vol.  I,  p.  247. 
'  Or.  fun  ...deM.de  N.,  ed.  1550,  Dedication,  fol. 
Aiij.  v°. 


430         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

consideration,  and,  for  whatever  cause,  he  makes 
not  the  slightest  allusion  to  it  when  dealing  with 
the  Queen  of  Navarre's  "(Euvres  &  Meditations."* 
Its  philosophical  ideas,  which  might  have  struck 
him,  were  already,  if  less  expressively,  present 
in  Marguerite's  earlier  poems,  and  he  had  little 
to  learn  from  it  in  that  regard;  he  was  prob- 
ably incapable  of  feeling,  certainly  of  emulating, 
its  delicate  humor;  and  the  completeness  of 
its  presentment  of  contemporary  life,  even  if 
he  had  apprehended  it,  was  not  a  thing  to 
be  consciously  imitated  in  funeral  orations.  If 
Sainte-Marthe  owes  anything  to  the  Hep- 
tameron  it  is  as  a  model  of  picturesque  and 
convincing  narrative;  and  here  he  may  be 
said  to  have  equalled  if  he  did  not  surpass 
its  author. 

A  fair  example  of  his  power  in  this  direction, 
showing  his  selection  of  the  most  telling  details, 
his  skOful  use  of  direct  quotation,  and  the  sense 
of  movement  which  he  succeeds  in  conveying, 
is  his  account  of  the  hurried  journey,  already 
referred  to,  taken  by  Marguerite  on  hearing 
of  her  child's  sickness.     Its  beauty  must  excuse 

»  Or.  fun  .  .  .  deM.de  N.,  pp.  79  and  80. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  431 

its  repetition  here  in  spite  of  its  comparative 
accessibility  in  Montaiglon's  text :  ^ 

"Mais  je  vous  veuls  encores  dire  un  aultre  ex- 
emple  de  rare  piete,  force  &  Constance,  qui  se 
trouve  en  Marguerite ;  car  comme  sa  fille  Jheanne 
estoit  tr^sgrievement  malade  en  la  royalle  Maison 
de  Plessis  l^s  Tours,  &  le  bruict  fust  a  la  Court, 
estant  lors  a  Paris,  que  ceste  bonne  Princesse 
tendoit  a  la  mort,  la  vertueuse  mere  Marguerite, 
sur  les  quatres  heures  du  soir,  commanda  luy 
admener  sa  lectiere,  disant  qu'elle  vouloit  aller 
vers  sa  fille  &  que  chascun  des  siens  deliberast 
de  partir.  II  n'y  avoit  rien  prest;  les  Officiers 
&  serviteurs  estoient  absents  &  ^quart^s,  tant 
par  la  ville  de  Paris  que  par  les  villages;  il 
estoit  desja  basse  heure,  car  ce  fut  au  plus 
courts  jours:  le  temps  estoit  aussi  contraire 
pour  la  pluye,  et  ne  sa  lectidre  ne  ses  mulcts  de 
coffres  n' estoient  1^  aupres.  Cela  veoiant,  la 
courageuse  Royne  emprunta  la  lectiere  de 
Madame  Marguerite,  sa  niepce,  se  met  dedans 
&,  contente  de  petite  compaignie,  deloge  de 
Paris  et  s'en  va  jusques  au  Bourg  la  Royne, 

*  L'  HeptamSron  des  Nouvelles  de  .  .  .  Marguerite  .  .  . 
de  Navarre.    The  Or.  fun.  comprises  pp.  23-130,  of  Vol.  I. 


432        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

"  Quand  ils  furent  la  venus,  ne  s'en  alia  de- 
scendre  a  son  logis,  aiiis  alia  tout  droit  a  I'Eglise, 
oti,  ainsi  qu'elle  vouloit  entrer,  diet  aux  assis- 
tants que  le  coeur  luy  signifieoit  je  ne  sgay  quoy 
de  la  mort  de  sa  fille,  &  les  priea  tous  affec- 
tueusement  se  retirer  &,  pour  une  petite  heure,  la 
laisser  seule  au  Temple.  Tous  luy  ob dissent  &, 
en  grand  ennuy,  attendent  leur  maistresse  a  la 
porte  de  I'Eglise.  La  Seneschalle  de  Poictou/ 
tr^sfidele  Dame  &  tressoigneuse  de  Marguerite, 
entra  seule  avec  elle. 

"  Estant  Marguerite  entree,  se  met  a  genoils 
devant  I'image  de  Jesus  crucifix,  fait  a  Dieu 
priere  du  profond  du  cceur;  elle  souspire,  elle 
pleure,  elle  luy  confesse  toutes  ses  offenses  & 
tourne  sur  elle  la  seule  cause  de  la  maladie  de 
sa  fille,  demande  treshumblement  pardon  & 
supplie  que  la  sante  de  la  malade  lui  soit 
octroiee  mais  c'estoit  avec  condition  si  I'en- 
t^rinement  de  sa  requeste  estoit  h  I'une  & 
I'aultre  necessaire,  sgaichant  bien  que  la  vo- 
lunte  de  Dieu  doibt  estre  tout  demand^e.  .  .  . 

*  Louise  de  Dallou,  wife  of  Andr6  de  Vivonne,  Sene- 
schal of  Poitou.     She  was  Brantdme's  grandmother. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  433 

Marguerite,  apres  sa  priere  faicte,  se  li^ve,  sort  de 
I'Eglise  et  trouve  a  la  porte  plusieurs  grands 
personnages  qui  commencerent  de  lui  donner 
courge  par  maintes  bonnes  consolations,  auxquels 
elle  dist:  "0  mes  amis,  il  ne  me  fault  attendre 
que  les  hommes  adoulcissent  ma  douleur  par 
leur  conseil  &  consolation,  car  Celuy  seul  me 
consolera  k  qui  plaist  par  cette  dure  adversity 
faire  essay  de  ma  patience  et  de  ma  Constance. 
Mais,  puis  que,  le  temps  pass6,  ne  m'a  point 
abandonee  en  tant  d'infortunes  ou  j'estois  en- 
veloppee,  j'espere  que  je  ne  seray  trompee  de  mon 
attente,  car  desja  son  sainct  Esprit  prommet  au 
mien  que  ma  fille,  tant  perilleuse  &  desesp6ree 
soit  la  maladie  qui  Fafflige,  sera  delivr6e  &  re- 
couvrera  sa  premiere  sant^. 

"  En  tenant  ces  propos,  arrive  a  son  logis,  entre 
&,  apres  qu'elle  se  fut  un  petit  repos^e,  son 
Maistre  d'hostel  Tadvertit  de  soupper.  Elle 
lave  &  s'assiet  k  table,  mais  je  vouldrois,  6 
Alengonnois,  ou  que  tr^sbien  vous  sgeuss^s,  ou 
que  je  vous  peusse  suffisamment  reciter  les  pro- 
pos qu'elle  tint,  en  souppant,  de  la  bonte,  de 
la  pi6t6,  de  la  mis^ricorde  de  Dieu,  de  quelle 
haulteur  de  parolles  elle  exprima  la  puissance 
2f 


434         CHARLES   DE   SAESTTE-MARTHE 

&  la  providence  divine,  de  quelle  gravity  de 
sentences  elle  r^cita  la  mis  ere  &  la  calamity 
humaine. 

"  Apres  qu'elle  eut  souppe,  de  rechef  commanda 
k  chascim  de  sortir  de  sa  chambre  &,  quant  elle 
eut  quelque  espace  de  temps  vaqu6  a  oraison, 
se  feist  apporter  la  Bible.  L'ayant  ouverte, 
s'agenoille  &  s'appuye  sur  un  petit  banc,  &, 
comme  elle  vint,  le  S.  Esprit  ainsi  I'ordonnant, 
k  s'arreter  sur  le  passage  ou  nous  est  recitee 
Toraison  que  feist  k  Dieu  Ezechie,  Roi  de  Juda, 
quand  il  demanda  prolongation  de  sa  vie  apres 
que  le  Prophete  luy  eut  adnonce  la  mort,  sans 
que  personne  y  penseast,  de  loing  fut  entendu 
venir  un  Poste  qui,  au  son  de  son  cor,  monstroit 
ass^s  qu'il  alloit  en  diligence.  Adonc  vous  les 
eussies  tous  veus  ches  la  Royne  fort  etonnes 
&,  ainsi  que  dit  le  Proverbe,  tenants  le  loup 
aux  aureilles,  car  ils  n'estoient  encores  bien 
assures  quelles  nouvelles  le  Courier  apportoit. 

"Au  signe  de  la  Poste  Marguerite  se  lieve, 
court  k  la  fenestre,  Touvre,  demande  oii  va  le 
Courier  &  quelles  nouvelles  il  porte.  Personne 
ne  luy  respond,  car  qu'eussent  ils  peu  respondre  ? 
Si,  pour  la  consoler,  luy  eussent  dit  qu'il  apportoit 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  435 

bonnes  nouvelles  &  il  eust  este  aultrement,  la 
vaine  esp^rance  de  si  courte  joye  eust  possible  re- 
nouvelle  &  de  plus  fort  augments  sa  douleur 
&  tristesse.  Et,  si  ainsi  eust  est6  que  sa  fille 
fust  decedee,  ou  est  celui  qui  eust  voulu  si 
soubdainement  luy  dire  &  se  faire  messager  de 
si  triste  fortune  ?  Veoiant  Marguerite  que  per- 
sonne  ne  lui  respondoit,  retourne  a  son  oraison; 
mais  6  Seigneur  Dieu,  de  quelle  affection  d'esprit 
&  de  quelle  ardente  foy  elle  parloit  a  toy !  Et, 
comme  elle  estoit  ainsi  demour^e  entre  crainte 
&  esperance,  Nicolas  d'Anguye,  lors  Evesque  de 
Saix,  maintenant  de  Mande,  au  logis  duquel  le 
Courier  etoit  descendu,  s'en  vint  a  la  maison  de 
la  Royne,  frappe  k  la  porte  de  sa  chambre.  On 
luy  ouvre ;  il  entre  &  trouve  ceste  bonne  Princesse 
estant  h  genoils,  la  face  inclin^e  contre  terre,  & 
intentifve  k  oraison. 

"Un  peu  apres  elle  se  lieve  &,  detoum^e  vers 
le  venerable  Evesque :  "Monsieur  de  Saix, "  luy 
dist-elle,  "  venes  vous  icy  pour  adnoncer  k  une 
dolente  mere  la  mort  de  sa  fille  unique  ?  J'entens 
bien  qu'elle  est  maintenant  avec  Dieu?"  Le 
tr^sprudent  homme,  auquel  une  singuliere  pi6t6 
de    moeurs    est    conjoincte    avec   une   assuree 


436        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

erudition  &  exact  jugement,  ne  voulut  emou- 
voir  les  esprits  de  la  Royne  par  une  trop  soub- 
daine  joye,  ains  tresmodestement  luy  respondit 
que  v6ritablement  sa  fille  vivoit  avec  Dieu  ainsi 
qu'avec  luy  vivent  tous  ceuls  I'esprit  desquels  vit 
par  Foy,  car  il  est  mort  oiu  il  n'y  a  point  de  foy, 
mais  qu'elle  estoit  encores  en  ce  monde,  que  la 
fiebvre  I'avoit  lais6e,  que  son  flux  de  sang  estoit 
arrests  &  que  les  Medecins  envoioient  toute  bonne 
et  joyeuse  nouvelle,  ce  qu'il  avoit  entendu  par 
les  lettres  que  le  Courier  avoit  apportees. 
Quand  Marguerite  entendit  ce  propos,  elle  ne 
commencea,  comme  plusieurs  eussent  fait,  de 
monstrer  une  insolente  &  effr^nee  joye  pour  si 
bonne  nouvelle,  mais,  les  mains  levees  au  Ciel, 
treshumblement  le  remercia. "  ^ 

Such  a  passage  is  by  no  means  exceptional. 
Both  orations  offer  many  examples  of  close  ob- 
servation and  clear  expression,  gifts  of  the  true 
narrator.  And  Sainte-Marthe  was  evidently 
conscious  of  his  pictorial  powers,  declaring  of 
those  who  mourned  the  duchess  of  Beaumont: 
"Quand  ils  Hront  cest  louenge  funebre,  I'image 
de  la  trespassee  se  representera  k  euls,  qui  leur 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  52-55. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  437 

causera  une  consolation  &  contentement  par  la 
memoire  d'elle.  "* 

Their  passages  of  graphic  narrative  and  pre- 
sentment of  visual  images  are  not,  however,  the 
most  noteworthy  features  of  the  Orations.  It 
was  in  gifts  of  oratory  that  Sainte-Marthe 
really  shone,  and  here  it  is  when  heated  with 
indignation  that  he  is  most  fluent  and  most  elo- 
quent :  "  Que  si  Ton  nous  vouloit  pressor  de  trop 
pres  pour  nommer  ceuls  qui  sont  tombes  jus- 
ques  en  ceste  rage  que  d'avoir  ause  dehontement 
mesdire  d'elle,"  he  writes,  for  example,  "ceuls 
la  apertement  &  en  public,  ceuls  cy  secretement 
&  soubs  les  cheminees,  les  uns  aux  tavernes, 
les  aultres  en  leurs  maisons,  les  aultres  aussi  en 
leurs  Legons  &  Sermons,  certes  sa  doulceur,  sa 
benignite,  sa  Constance,  seroit  asses  manifest^e 
&  congnue  k  toutes  sortes  de  gents."  ^  Sainte- 
Marthe's  skill  with  verse  as  an  instrument  of 
invective  has  been  remarked  upon ;  his  use 
of  prose  for  the  same  purpose  is  no  less  telling. 
The  fire  and  energy  of  his  attack  ennoble  even 
his   exaggerations   and  personalities.      He  lifts 

»  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  21  r°. 
»  Or.  fun.  ...deM.de  N.,  pp.  56-57. 


438        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

his  voice  against  ingratitude  thus:  "O  extreme 
impudence,  O  ingratitude  Scythique !  Mais  ce 
n'est  grand  merveille  d'entendre  ceuls  avoir  este 
impudents  qui  ont  surpasse  toute  memoire  d'in- 
gratitude,  je  dy,  qui  sont  monstres  les  plus 
ingrats  dont  jamais  on  ouit  parler?"  "0 
quelle  honte  hauront  nos  babillardes,  qui  de 
Savetieres  se  font  grandes  Dames  &  encores, 
qu'elles  soient  descendues  de  basse  maison  et 
marines  k  des  nobles  &  illustres  personnes  aus- 
quels  elles  doivent  tout  ce  qu'elles  sont,  ce 
neantmoins  ce  sont  de  glorieuses  coquardes,  qui 
ne  portent  honneur  k  leurs  maris,  &  n'en  tiennent 
compte  non  plus  que  de  simples  Charbonniers, 
&,  tant  h  la  maison  que  dehors,  leur  langue  est 
un  traquet  de  moulin  &  un  vray  cymbale,  en 
sorte  que,  quand  elles  caquettent  leurs  inepties, 
on  diroit,  k  les  ouir,  que  c'est  un  tintamarre  de 
chaulderons,  tabourins  &  clochettes."  ^  For  his 
oratory,  Sainte-Marthe  owed  little  to  French 
models.  The  commonplaces  of  the  rhetoric  of 
the  time,  as  Montaiglon  has  noted,  are  commonly 
absent  from  his  work,  but,  even  in  passages 
where   the   tactics   of   the  orator  are  most  in 

*  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  M.  de  N.,  p.  74  et  seq. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  439 

evidence,  Sainte-Marthe  can  redeem  them  by  the 
picturesqueness  of  his  phrases  and  a  certain  sus- 
tained energy,  and  generally  succeeds  in  resisting 
the  temptation  to  mere  grandiloquence.  When 
he  speaks  of  the  world  "  qui  n'est  que  vanity, 
n'ha  rien  que  vanite,  promet  que  vanity,  ne  poeut 
donner  que  vanite:  et  par  consequent,  il  fait 
celuy  qui  se  rend  son  esclave,  cercheur  de  vanite, 
amateur  &  admirateur  de  vanite,"  ^  though  the 
attempt  to  charm  the  ear  by  rhythmic  repetition 
is  too  obvious  to  be  altogether  successful,  Sainte 
Marthe  stops  short  of  distasteful  extremes. 
When  he  addresses  death,  fortune,  and  the  in- 
fluential stars,  his  verve  redeems  the  bombast 
he  does  not  escape:  "O  Mort,  si  nos  injures 
pouvoient  de  toy  nous  venger,  &  diminuer  aussi 
la  douleur  que  nous  sentons  de  ta  violence  & 
crudelit^,  que  tu  serois  assaillie  s'opprobres,  que 
tu  serois  picquee  de  Satyres,  que  tu  serois  assiegee 
d'invectives,  que  tu  serois  assommee  d'oultrages. 
Et  vous  Astres  &  corps  celestes,  si  nostre  foy 
permettoit  donner  telle  vertu  &  tels  effects  k  vos 
influences,  que  les  Ethniques  &  infideles  leur 
attribuent,   &   que   nos   maledictions   peussent 

1  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  10  r°. 


440        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

dormer  aucun  soulagement  a  nostre  dueil,  que 
d'imprecations  vous  oyries  de  nous !  Et  toy- 
Fortune,  qui  desires  estre  recognue  &  reveree 
pour  la  seule  regente  de  ce  monde,  si  nostre 
Religion  consentoit  k  te  recevoir  pour  telle,  que 
tu  serois  souvent  appellee  muable,  indiscrete, 
inique,  cruelle!"  ^ 

It  must  be  confessed  that  there  are  a  few 
passages  in  which  Sainte-Marthe's  taste  fails 
him  completely,  as  when  he  compares  the 
duchess  of  Beaumont  to  the  Trojan  horse,  in 
that  from  her  ''  ont  este  procr^es  tant  de 
tresnobles  Princes,  freres,  k  I'honneur,  proesse 
&  vertu  desquels  toute  I'esperance  des  Francois 
.  .  .  pour  aujourd'huy  se  repose;  "^  or  when  he 
likens  to  the  court  of  Francis  I,  "la  Court  de  ce 
grand  Dieu,  Empereur  &  Seigneur  de  tout  le 
Monde."  ^  Again,  with  exasperating  bluntness 
of  sensibility  he  consoles  his  hearers  by  the 
reminder  that  if  Marguerite  of  Navarre  is  gone. 
Marguerite  of  France  remains:  "  Elles  ne  differ- 
ent de  nom,  de  sumom,  de  maison,  de  sang, 
d'armoiries;    il   pent   estre   qu'elles   differoient 

1  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  5  r°. 

«  Or.  fun.  de  M.  de  N.,  pp.  44-45.  *  Ibid.,  p.  115. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  441 

quelque  peu  en  grandeur,  car  Tune  estoit  Royne 
&  I'aultre  attend  encor  le  tiltre  Royal,  mais  elle 
est  tresdigne  d'estre  colloquee  non  avec  un  Roy 
seulement,  mais  avec  un  Monarche  &  dominateur 
de  tout  ce  monde.  Que  si  le  tresdebonnaire 
Dieu  nous  donneoit,  ce  que  tous  esperons  &  de 
tr^sbon  cceur  luy  demandons,  que  la  Niepce 
mist  sur  sa  teste  la  couronne  que  la  Xante  a 
laisee,  nous  n'haurions  plus  occasion  de  regretter 
Marguerite  de  Valois,  Royne  de  Navarre."  ^ 
Sainte-Marthe  is  even,  on  occasion,  not  above 
the  least  worthy  tricks  of  the  orator.  The 
oration  on  the  Queen  of  Navarre  was,  in  fact, 
never  delivered;  yet  its  author  thus  prepares 
to  exhort  his  expected  audience:  "Mais  vostre 
maintien  6  Allengonnois,  m'incite  &  contraint  k 
parachever  ce  que  j'ay  commence,  &  desja  je 
sents  en  moy  mon  coeur,  vous  veoiant  ainsi 
attentifs,  s'estre  tant  enhardy  que  je  ne  puis 
plus  r^sister  a  vostre  autorite,  qui  ha  sur  moy 
puissance."  ^ 

Defects  like  these,  however,  are  rare  in  Sainte- 
Marthe's  prose;  and  he  may,  on  the  whole,  be 

i  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  117-118. 
»  Ibid.,  p.  29. 


442        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

said  to  stand  alone  among  his  immediate  con- 
temporaries in  the  matter  of  feeling,  taste  and 
eloquence.  The  reader  has  only  to  compare  his 
Orations  with  similar  works  much  admired  in 
their  time  in  order  to  appreciate  Sainte-Marthe's 
superiority,  such  works,  for  example,  as  Ducha- 
tel's  two  funeral  orations  on  the  king,  to  one  of 
which  Sainte-Marthe  himself  refers  as  "une 
tresorn4e  &  tresrenomm6e  Oraison."  ^  The  clear 
and  picturesque,  if  somewhat  elaborated  and 
prolix,  exposition  of  Sainte-Marthe's  thought 
contrasts  favorably  with  the  disconnected  ideas, 
the  long,  inorganic  sentences,  the  awkward  meta- 
phors of  Duchatel's  orations,"  his  true  touch 
in  matters  of  feeling,  with  his  predecessor's 
labored  expressions.  Hardly  once  does  the  latter 
succeed  in  conveying  profound  feeling  in  telling 
words ;  Sainte-Marthe's  Oration,  on  the  contrary, 
overflows  with  emotional  expression  which  con- 
vinces without  transgressing  the  bounds  of  taste, 
such  as,  "O  quelle  douleur,  quelle  angoisse,  quel 
chagrin  &  soulcy  avoit  la  dolente  mere  de  voir 
son  enfant  en  si  pitoyable  estat?"^ — his  excla- 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  40.  "  Cf.  p.  629. 

»  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  33. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  443 

mation  on  the  distress  of  Frangoise  at  her  child's 
ilhiess.  It  is,  naturally,  when  speaking  of  the 
death  of  the  Queen  of  Navarre  that  Sainte-Marthe 
is  most  moved  and  most  touching.  Whether 
expressing  his  sense  of  the  finality  of  death, 
or  the  grief  and  faithful  love  of  the  survivors, 
Sainte-Marthe  knows  how  to  reach  the  hearts 
of  his  auditors.  He  finds  words  for  their  despair 
and  for  their  loyalty:  "Que  voulons  nous 
done  puisque  nostre  volunte  n'ha  plus  de  puis- 
sance? C'est  fait."  "Mais  je  sents  bien,  6 
Alengonnois,  oil  tendent  les  plainctes  que  vous 
faictes  contre  la  Mort,  c'est  que  plus  ne  veoy^s 
vostre  Marguerite  en  ce  Monde,  plus  ne  paries 
k  elle,  car  elle  est  estendue  morte  en  son 
sepulchre."  "  Laissons  done  les  froids  &  faincts 
colladateurs  des  morts  refraischir  leur  m^moire, 
ou  en  lisant  les  inscriptions  des  sepulchres  ou 
en  regardent  les  statues  qui  leur  sont  erigees, 
car  nous  havons  tous jours  memoire  de  la  Royne 
de  Navarre."^  Perhaps  Sainte-Marthe 's  most 
convincing  words  are  those  of  consolation.  He 
pictures  the  queen  at  rest  after  the  business  of 
the  day  was  over  —  "Fame  de  laquelle,  qui  tout 

1  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  116,  117,  118. 


444         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

le  jour  a  est6  diffuse  par  le  corps  &  respandue 
aux  sens,  descharg^e  de  son  fardeau,  se  r^unit 
par  un  douls  dormir  &  se  caiche  au  dedans,  si 
bien  que  jamais  elle  ne  fut  veue  dormir  plus 
doulcement  ne  plus  k  son  aise.  Ou  est  eelui  de 
nous,"  he  continues,  "  qui  seroit  marri  de  son 
repos  ?  Et,  si  son  Valet  de  chambre  ouvroit  la 
porte  k  quelques  uns  qui  feissent  tel  bruit  qu'elle 
s'en  eveillast,  ne  luy  dirions  nous  toutes  les 
injures  du  monde  &,  quand  elle  reposeroit, 
n'imposerions  nous  silence  k  un  chascun?  Ne 
les  advertirions  nous  de  marcher  tout  beau? 
Que  n'en  faisons  nous  aujourd'huy  autant?"  he 
concludes,  simply.^ 

No  less  frequent  with  Sainte-Marthe  than  the 
true  expression  of  feeling  is  the  happy  use  of 
simile,  the  happy  turn  of  phrase.  He  compares 
the  Duchess  of  Beaumont  to  a  spring, ' '  une  claire 
fontaine,  qui  de  ses  crystalins  bras  embrasse 
&  circuit  tout  le  pais,  arrose  les  pr^s,  &  liberale- 
ment  distribue  de  son  eau,  pour  esteindre  la 
soif  des  hommes,  des  bestes,  des  arbres,  des 
herbes  &  de  toutes  les  creatures  de  la  terre,"  ^ 

»  Or.  fun.  ...  deM.de  N.,  pp.  114-115. 
'  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  36  r°. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  445 

and  compares  the  virtues  of  Marguerite  to  a 
glittering  light,  in  an  account  of  the  Emperor's 
suit,  which,  for  the  rest,  reads  like  a  page  from  a 
fairy  tale :  ''Et  comme  ceuls  qu'elle  avoit  attires 
a  son  admiration  semoient  par  tout  &  a  tous 
les  rares  vertus  d'elle,  tantost  fut  la  renommee 
espandue  jusques  a  Charles,  aujourd'huy  Em- 
pereur  &  lors  Roy  des  Espaignes,  qu'en  la  Court 
du  Roy  de  France  estoit  une  jeune  fille,  Princesse, 
excellente  en  beault6  &  resplendissante  de 
vertus  comme  d'une  clart6  estincellante  par  ses 
raions.  Charles,  esmeu  de  ce  bruit,  commen^ea 
se  sentir  frappe  de  Famour  de  la  vierge,  qu'il 
n'avoit  one  veue,  dont  il  envoia  en  France 
ses  Ambassadeurs  la  demander  pour  luy  en 
marriage."^  The  artful  simpHcity  of  such  a 
description  would  be  hardly  ma  ched  in  any 
contemporary  author,  but  it  is  by  no  means  un- 
common in  Sainte-Marthe's  Orations.  In  one 
place,  speaking  of  the  birth  of  Marguerite,  Sainte- 
Marthe,  by  sheer  grace  and  artlessness,  almost 
persuades  his  hearers  of  the  impossible :  "  Quand 
done  elle  fut  sortie  du  ventre  de  sa  mere,  si  tost 
ne  fut  entree  en  ce  Monde  que  si  grands  signes 

1  Or.  fun.  .  .  .deM.de  N.,  p.  44. 


446         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

&  certains  indices  d'une  tresexcellente  indole 
appamrent  au  visaige  de  cest  enfant  que  quicon- 
ques  la  regardoit,  comme  touche  d'un  divin 
augure,  soubdainement  se  promettoit  d'elle  je 
ne  sgay  quoy  de  bon  qui  excedderoit  la  naturelle 
inclination  de  la  mortalite  &  condition  humaine. 
Elle  monstroit  un  visaige  riant  a  tous  ceuls  qui 
la  regardoient,  &,  estant  nue,  presentoit  a  un 
chascun  sa  main,  comme  si  elle  eust  voulu  donner 
sa  foy  de  ne  se  laisser  jamais  surpasser  a  per- 
sonne  en  humanite,  doulceur  &  liberalite. ''  ^ 
Such  graceful  phrases  as  adorn  these  passages 
abound  in  both  orations.  "Je  n'en  scaiche 
aultres,"  Sainte-Marthe  tells  the  Alengennois, 
''qui  deussent  plus  tost  se  revestir  de  noir  & 
estre  solitairement  triste  que  vous."  ^  "Mettons 
toute  tristesse,  dueil  &  melancholie  hors  de 
nostre  esprit,"^  he  exhorts  them,  echoing  a  re- 
frain of  Salel's,  and  thus  addresses  those  who 
mourned  Frangoise  d'Alencon:  "Laissons  ces 
charnelles  louanges  aux  chamels  &  mondains; 
qui  ne  prisent  que  les  choses  extemes,  caduques 

1  Or.  fun  ...  deM.de  N.,  p.  33. 
«  Ibid.,  p.  109  etseq. 
»  Ibid.,  p.  121. 


THE  FUNERAL  ORATIONS  447 

&  transitoires,"  ^  —  a  phrase  whose  musical 
fall  must  have  pleased  his  ear,  since  he  repeats  it 
concerning  her  daughter  Catherine  de  Bourbon's 
renunciation  of  the  world  and  all  "delices  mon- 
daines,  caduques  &  transitoires."  ^ 

It  is  evident,  then,  that  the  Orations  are  to 
be  credited  with  grace  no  less  than  eloquence; 
and  these  quahties,  combined  with  a  taste,  if  not 
unerring,  still  in  the  main  correct,  and  brought 
into  the  service  of  profound  feeling,  entitle  them 
to  consideration  as  noteworthy  performances  for 
their  time.  It  was  more  probably  their  remark- 
able erudition  which  gained  for  them,  in  an  age 
passionately  concerned  with  learning,  that 
"grand  applaudissement  de  toute  la  France" 
recorded  by  Scevole  de  Sainte-Marthe ;  but  it 
is  his  appeal  to  the  more  elemental  feelings,  no 
less  than  his  reflection  of  the  thought  of  his 
generation,  which  justifies  the  claim  of  their 
author  to  a  respectable  place  in  the  history  of 
French  prose  as  well  as  in  that  of  ideas. 

1  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  9  v°. 
'  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Fr.  d'A.,  fol.  40  r". 


CHAPTER  IV 

LATIN   WORKS 

Sainte-Marthe's  Latin  paraphrases  of  the 
Seventh  and  Thirty-third  ^  Psalms,  although 
composed  within  a  short  time  of  one  another  and 
published  together,  were  produced  under  very 
different  circumstances;  his  Latin  Meditation 
on  the  Ninetieth  Psalm  ^  after  an  eventful  in- 
terval of  ten  years ;  yet  the  Paraphrases  and  the 
Meditation  do  not  fail  to  exhibit  the  common 
impress  of  their  author's  individuality. 

This  shows  itself,  for  instance,  in  the  theology 
which  lay  at  the  bottom  of  his  thought,  a  theology 
obviously  in  some  measure,  at  least,  derived  from 
Calvin.  All  three  works  lay  stress  upon  'pre- 
destination,' 'election,'  'grace,'  'providence'  ; 
all  animadvert  upon  'works'  and  'merits,'  al- 
though the  doctrine  of  the  depravity  of  human 

1  The  Thirty-fourth  in  our  version.  For  the  sake  of 
convenience,  it  will  be  referred  to  as  in  Sainte-Marthe's 
title. 

^  The  Ninety-first  in  our  version.     Cf.  supra,  note. 
448 


LATIN  WORKS  449 

nature  is  clearly  stated  only  in  the  first  Para- 
phrase. This,  the  Paraphrase  upon  the  Seventh 
Psalm,  shows  the  least,  the  Meditation  upon  the 
Ninetieth  Psalm  the  greatest,  caution  in  doctrinal 
matters.  The  former  devotes  a  third  of  its  pages 
to  the  exposition  of  theological  views  at  least 
open  to  suspicion;  the  latter,  without  altering 
these  views,  deals  in  saving  clauses  and  depre- 
cates censure.  Its  author,  for  example,  as  we 
have  seen,  emphatically  declares  against  schism, 
"quum  extra  Ecclesiam  non  sit  salus,  atque 
solos  illos  pro  suis  Deus  agnoscat  qui  manent 
in  Ecclesia,"  as  again,  in  his  Argument,  he  takes 
care  to  disarm  those  who  may  discover  in  his 
Paraphrase  too  much  stress  upon  faith,  too  much 
scorn  of  'works'  and  'merits':  "De  fide  quum 
loquimur,  de  sola  fide  dicimus,  quae  bona  opera 
per  Charitatem  profert:  ne  quis  putat  nudam 
illam  fidem,  hoc  est,  pietate  vacuam,  eas  promis- 
siones  expectare  debere  quae  hie  vere  credentibus 
fiunt."  ^  The  whole  is  in  the  tone  of  a  man  pre- 
pared to  submit  his  judgment  to  that  of  the 
Church,  a  man  who  is  ready  to  exclaim:  "Adju- 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Meditatio  paraphrastica,  fols.  14  r° 
and  7  r°. 

2g 


450        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

torium  altissimi,  est  Ecclesia  sacrosancta,  Cujus 
caput  est  Christus. "  ^ 

And,  if  Sainte-Marthe's  actual  theology  under- 
went no  appreciable  change  in  the  course  of 
ten  years,  this  is  notably  true  also  of  its  prac- 
tical fruits,  which  held  him  to  the  ascetic  con- 
ception of  life  at  a  moment  when  the-  early 
movement  of  the  Renaissance  inclined  a  man  of 
his  time  and  associations  to  a  view  wholly  dif- 
ferent. In  his  Paraphrase  of  the  Thirty-third 
Psalm  written  in  his  first  movement  of  joy  and 
gratitude  at  his  release,  he  writes:  ''Non  habet 
ille  grata  Pharisseorum  opera,  qui  sua  merita 
tactitant,  &  suae  iustitiae  sanctitatem  tribuunt : 
set  eorum  qui  se  abnegant  ipsos,  ac  prorsus  dis- 
trahuntur  a  suis  adfectibus.  Qui,  spretis  huius 
mundi  uoluptatibus,  in  lachrymis,  in  uigiliis,  & 
in  ieiunii,  vitam  transigunt. "  ^  Ten  years  later 
he  makes  his  ascetic  point  of  view  even  plainer. 
The  declaration  with  which  he  opens  his  Medita- 
tion on  the  Ninetieth  Psalm  could  not  more 
clearly  forswear  the  material  paganism,  the  mere 
sensual  delight  in  life  which  played  so  large  a  part 

•  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  14  r°. 

•  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii  Paraphrasis,  p.  192. 


LATIN  WORKS  461 

in  the  Renaissance.  The  sentiments  of  Petrarch 
surveying  the  world  from  Mount  Ventoux  were 
not  more  characteristically  mediaeval:  "Quum 
ego  mecum  statum  mundi  hujus  consydero,  ac 
rerum  prope  omnium,  cum  cotidiana  varietate, 
frequentes  mutationes  ante  oculos  pono  meos, 
mihi  videtur  perpuichre  sibi  consulere,  qui,  quse- 
cumque  hie  videt  ac  intuetur  pro  vanitate  ducit : 
atque  et  a  mundo,  et  ab  iis  rebus  quae  in  mundo 
sunt  omnibus,  animum  abducit  ac  in  solum 
ilium  cunctorum  opficem  Deum,  mentis  suae 
aciem  dirigit.  Nam,  ubi  humanae  felicitatis, 
quam  homo  in  vanitate  collocat,  principium, 
progressionem,  incrementum,  statum,  ac  finem 
tandem  ipsumque  exitum  diligenter  perspexeri- 
mus,  nemo  certe  homo  erit  (nisi  prorsus  judicio 
careat)  qui  felicissimum  esse  non  dicat  illium 
Qui  habitat  in  adjutorio  altissimi."  ^  Further 
on  in  the  Meditation  Sainte-Marthe's  words 
suggest  that  he  had  consciously  in  mind  some 
of  the  views  popular  with  the  men  of  the  Re- 
naissance. He  not  only  deprecates  the  Re- 
naissance conception  of  '  Nature '  as  interpreted 
by  the  skeptic,   "qui    denique    pro    altissimo, 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medil.,  fol.  1  r°. 


452  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Naturam  nescio  quam  introducit  cui  attribuit, 
quidquid  terra  alit,  procreat  ac  vegetat," 
but  he  definitely  attacks  one  of  its  extreme  theo- 
ries, the  'omnis  voluptas  bona  est,'  so  frankly 
set  forth  by  Laurentius  Valla.  ^  "Dicunt  prse- 
terea,  Naturae  adfectibus  prorsus  acquiescendum 
esse,  ut  quoquo  se  inelinent,  eo  proni  ac  prse- 
cipites  ferri  debeamus,  ac  proinde  ridiculum 
existimant,  cupiditates  cordis  sic  cohibere,  ut, 
quam  habeamus  a  Natura  libertatem,  nescii 
cuidam  spiritati  seruituti  adligemus.  Huic 
opinioni  non  refragatur  sapientia  Carnis;  nam 
quomodo  reclamaret  sententiae  ita  sibi  adridenti  ? 
Non  repugnat  Mundus:  quandoquidem  nullos 
habet,  qui  suos  fines  latius  dilatent :  neque  non 
potest  iis  plausibilis  esse,  qui  Mundo  adeo  addict 
sunt,  ut  nihil  ahud  quam  Carnem  spirent."  ^ 

But,  although  Sainte-Marthe  may  have  ex- 
pressed his  inner  convictions  when  he  set  his 
face  against  the  pagan  aspect  of  the  Renaissance, 
he  assuredly  did  violence  to  himself  in  suppress- 
ing in  these  Latin  works  all,  or  almost  all,  obvious 

*  Cit.  Bruneti^re,  Hist,  de  la  litt.  Frangaise  classique,  Vol. 
1,  p.  15.  The  De  Voluptate  ac  summo  bono  had  been  pub- 
lished as  lately  as  1512. 

'  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  14  r°  and  18  r". 


LATIN  WORKS  453 

evidence  of  his  humanistic  sympathies.  His 
frequent  quotations  are  scriptural  quotations, 
his  examples  almost  invariably  scriptural  ex- 
amples. To  readers  familiar  with  the  Funeral 
Orations  the  taste  which  eliminated  practically 
all  classical  allusions  from  scriptural  Paraphrase 
and  Meditation  presupposes  a  discipline  little 
short  of  heroic.  Sainte-Marthe  must  have 
checked  himself  at  every  page,  almost  at  every 
sentence.  As  a  fact,  although  in  the  dedicatory 
letters  he  yields  freely  to  his  classical  proclivities, 
he  succeeds  in  suppressing  all  but  four  or  five 
direct  classical  references  in  the  works  them- 
selves. We  should  tear  our  hearts  and  not  our 
garments,  "atque  eo  minus  bachantium  more 
in  proprios  artus  saevire " ;  when  enemies  sur- 
round him,  who  would  not  wish  to  be  covered 
"clypeo  illo  fortissimo,  quo  apud  Homerum 
Teucer,  Aiacis  f rater;  a  morte  servatus  est"  ?  to 
speak  of  justification  by  'merits'  and  'works' 
alone,  what  is  it  else,  but  to  pile  mountains 
on  mountains  and  attempt  a  violent  assault 
of   heaven,  "Gygantum  poeticorum  instar"?i 

^  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraphrasis,  p.  91 ;    In 
Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  22  r®  and  20  r*. 


454        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Sainte-Marthe  indulges  himself  elsewhere  also 
with  this  simile.  God  will  destroy  those,  who, 
trusting  in  their  own  powers,  are  ready  to 
venture  anything :  "forte  montes  montibus  super- 
ingesturi  ut  te  caelo  propellant,  quemadmodum 
Gygantes  fecisse  quondam  finguntur,  ut  lovem  ^ 
solio  suo  deturbarent.  Set  quo  tendit  Poetarum 
figmentum  .  .  .  nisi  quod  (ut  ait  scriptura)  non 
saluabuntur  in  multitudine  uirtutis  suae?"^ 
These,  with  a  reference  to  the  riches  of  Croesus, 
a  characterization  of  the  vulgar  crowd  as 
Euripus  and  Polypus,  and  a  reference  to  aveng- 
ing conscience  as  "ultricem  illam,  infestissimam 
molestissimamque  furiam  Alastoram  in  con- 
scientia,"  ^  sum  up  the  obviously  classical  orna- 
ments he  permitted  himself  in  a  total  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty-seven  pages.  But  Sainte- 
Marthe  could  not  so  easily  divest  himself  of 
the  substance  of  the  classics  which  had  become 
part  of  the  stuff  of  his  mind.  Surely  the  e/a/co? 
oSovTcov  occurred  to  him  when,  paraphrasing  the 
verse,  "  Prohibe  linguam  tuam  a  malo  &  labia 
tua   ne   loquantur   dolum,"    he   ushers   in    St. 

*  In  Psalmum  Septimum    .  .  .  Paraph.,  p.  61. 

^  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  9  v**  and  37  v". 


LATIN  WORKS  455 

James'  metaphors  of  fire  and  of  the  bitted 
horse  with  "Cogita  diligenter  apud  te,  quam  ab 
caussam  Natura  linguae  dentes  &  labia,  tanquam 
vallum  aliquod,  opposuerit :  nempe  ut  non  possit 
quando  uolet  prorumpere  ac  blaterare  ac  futilia 
pleraque  inaniter  effutire  quae  longe  praestaret 
tacuisse;"  ^  and  Horace  scarcely  less  than  Job, 
to  whom  he  makes  marginal  reference,  must 
have  been  in  his  mind  when  he  wrote,  "  Proinde 
si  saeviat  fortuna,  non  dejiciar  animo:  si  quid 
prosperitatis  adfulserit,  non  insolescam,"  ^  or 
elsewhere  expanded  the  same  idea  with  an  elo- 
quence in  which  reminiscence  of  his  own  experi- 
ence plays  its  part.'  Again,  Lucretius  was  at 
least  the  original  source  of  one  of  his  similes: 
"Ut  enim  quum  puero  volumus  absinthium  dare, 
oras  poculi  melle  circum  linimus,  quo  puer, 
melhs  dulcedine  allectus,  quidquid  in  poculo 
continentur  mellitum  esse  putet,  ac  haustu  uno 
in  ventrem  mittat.*  And  if  Hor3,ce  and  Homer 
informed  his  mind,  Sainte-Marthe  was  indebted, 

1  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii,  Paraph.,  p.  179. 
»  Ibid.,  p.  148. 

»  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  16  v°.    Sainte-Marthe 
returns  to  this  idea  later  in  the  Meditation,  fol.  25  v°. 
*  Ibid.,  fol.  17  v". 


456        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

as  theologian  no  less  than  as  orator,  to  Pliny 
for  his  natural  history. 

Paraphrases  and  Meditation,  as  little  as  the 
Orations,  indicate  that  he  cast  an  actual  observ- 
ing eye  upon  fauna  and  flora,  though  these  afford 
him  many  a  convenient  simile.  In  his  Para- 
phrases siich  prodigies  are  to  be  met  with  as 
a  porcupine  (hystrix)  compounded  of  Pliny's 
*  hystrix '  and  '  harinaceus,'  ^  as  the  "  Bonasus 
animal"  (qui),  quoniam  comibus  inutiliter  im- 
plexis  laedere  non  potest,  fugiens  fimum  reddit : 
cuius  contactus,  insequentes  ut  ignis  aliquis 
comburit," 2  or  as  the  'rhododendron,'  poisonous 
to  animals  but  affording  to  man  a  cure  for  the 
venom  of  serpents.'  Even  when  he  did  not  go 
to  Pliny,  Sainte-Marthe  relied  upon  his  imag- 
ination rather  than  upon  his  own  observation 
in  such  matters  as  when  he  represents  chickens 
defending  themselves  against  a  hawk,  "suaeim- 
becilitatis  oblift"  !* 

'  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  p.  59.  Cf.  Pliny, 
VIII,  Chaps.  LIII  and  LVI. 

» Ibid.,  p.  107.     Cf.  Pliny,  VIII,  Chap.  XVI. 

*  Ded.  to  Galbert,  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph., 
p.  9.     Cf.  Pliny,  XVI,  Chap.  XXXIII. 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  22  r°. 


LATIN  WORKS  457 

However  small  Sainte-Marthe's  perception  of 
natural  phenomena,  he  is,  in  his  Latin  works, 
more  lavish  of  illustrations  drawn  from  actual 
life  than  is  the  case  in  his  funeral  orations. 
This  was  perhaps  because  his  abstinence  from 
classical  illustration  or  allusion  threw  him  back, 
when  scriptural  examples  did  not  suffice  him, 
upon  his  own  experience  of  life.  It  may  be, 
indeed,  that  he  actually  owed  to  recollections  of 
Rabelais  rather  than  to  his  own  observation  so 
lively  an  account  of  a  city  in  danger  of  siege  as  the 
following:  "Si  quando  hostium  adventu  terre- 
tur  civitas,  statim  omnem  curam  adhibent  cives, 
ne  incauti  deprehendantur,  muros  reficiunt,  val- 
lum et  fossam  reparant,  arces  armis,  hastilibus, 
lanceis,  bombardis,  telis  missilibus  muniunt,  ex- 
cubias  collocant:  in  summa,  sese  omnes  operi 
accingunt,  quo  imparatos  eos  hostis  non  adgredi- 
atur:  in  hanc  enim  solicitudinem  si  non  incum- 
berent,  nullo  negocio  expugnarentur ; "  *  but 
other  illustrations  may  with  more  probability 
be  set  down  as  the  fruit  of  his  own  obser- 
vation.    He   dwells,   for  instance,  with   great 

1  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  12  v°.  Cf.  Rabelais, 
CEuvres,  Vol.  II,  pp.  6  and  7. 


458        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

vividness  upon  the  unhappy  conditions  of  the 
time  at  which  he  wrote:  "Hodie  propemodum 
exanimamur  omnes  mcerore,  cum  fructus  terrse 
sementi  non  respondent,  cum  feruent  omnia 
beUis,  cum  grassatur  pestis,  cum  cruciamur  in- 
audito  quodam  genere  morborum,  ciuim  uexant 
nos  Bestise,  cum  urget  fames  &  homines  una 
cum  brutis  animantibus  iugulat."  ^  Again,  he 
describes  the  fall  of  courtiers:  "Eos  Principes 
exosculabuntur,  amplectentur,  amabunt,  lu- 
benter  audient,  honoribus  ac  divitijs  cumula- 
bunt:  set  quid  inde?  Si  enim  fortuna  reflarit 
odiosior,  in  quas  ilU  miserias  recident,  testes 
erunt  complures,  quos  nostra  memoria  vidimus, 
a  summo  favore,  aula  excludi,  et  ignominiose 
in  vincula  pertrahi ;  atque  alios,  bonis  publicatis, 
cruci  suflfigi;  alios  capite  truncari,  alios  carceri 
perpetuo  mancipari;  alios  relegari."  ^  Else- 
where he  gives  in  a  few  words  a  convincing 
picture  of  poverty:  "Quod  si  te  rerum  omnium 
penuria  sic  divexabit,  ut  quantam  quantam 
operam  impendas,  ut  tua  industria  tibi  ac  tuis 
victum  pares,  non  possis  tamen:  ac  te  interim 

*  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  p.  100. 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  10  r°  and  v°. 


LATIN  WORKS  459 

destituant  homines  auxilio  prorsus  omni,  ac 
despiciant  et  a  ste  reiiciant,  clama:  refugium 
meum  es  tii  Deus  meus."^  In  yet  another  place 
he  attacks  insatiable  money  getters  and  usurers 
with  a  page  of  fine  bluster  which  a  modem 
agitator  might  envy.  Small  doubt  that  it  was 
inspired  by  his  own  bitter  experience  of  things : 
"Faciunt  quidem  illi,  quod  plerosque  in  theatre 
facere  videmus,  qui  sedilia  occupant,  ac  super- 
uenientes  excludunt :  sibi  proprium  uendicaates, 
quod  omnium  usui  patet.  In  hunc  modum, 
pecuniae  studio  ducti,  quod  commune  est  priores 
inuadunt,  ac  suum  ex  prseoccupatione  faciunt. 
Imo  uero  latronum  similes  sunt,  qui  uias 
obsident.  Ut  enim  illi  praetereuntibus  insidian- 
tur  &  comprehensos  rebus  nudant  suis  &,quan- 
doque  iugulant;  rapiunt  quae  in  agris  sunt, 
domos  expilant,  &  subterraneis  foveis,  quaecun- 
que  ui  furtoue  sustulerunt,  ac  incursionibus  de- 
praedati  sunt,  aurum,  argentum,  uestes,  armenta 
&  similia  recludunt:  Ita  ipsi,  per  fas  &  nefas 
proximorum  facultates  rapiunt,  &  in  areas  suas 
reponunt,  quas  ut  aliquando  expleant,  Lepores 
agunt,  qui  simul  pariunt  &  aliud  alunt  &  rursum 

^  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  18  v". 


460         CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

superfcetant.*  Nam  egentibus  mutuo  pecu- 
niam  numerant  ad  foenus,  &  dantes  statim 
petunt,  &  ponentes  tollunt  et  foenerant,  quod 
pro  foenore  accipiunt:  interim,  miseri  qui  in 
illorum  ses  inciderunt,  explicantur  nunquam; 
fiuntque  similes  equo,  qui,  accepto  semel  freno, 
sessorem  alium  post  alium  fert.  Set  tametsi 
pecuniam  undecunque  &  quocunque  modo  ac- 
cumulent,  &  aurum  auro  superingerant,  nUiilo- 
mii»us  tamen  satiari  semel  non  possunt,  etiam 
si  thesauri  omnes  ipsis  circumfluxerint :  atque 
quo  plus  habent,  plus  appetunt,  &,  cum  inferno 
cadaueribus  mortuorum  inexplebili,  nunquam 
dicunt  satis  est.  Sunt  interim  feroces  &  uiolenti, 
ac  diuitias  suas  ostentantes,  liber  hie  sese  regnare 
putant ;  quasi  multos  pati  tyrannos,  nempe  dis- 
cruciari,  auaritia,  ira,  liuore,  cupiditate  uindictae, 
metu,  spe,  non  sit  ipsissiniam  seruitatem  seruire, 
&  uix  uiuere:  tantum  abest  ut  eos  regnare 
credam."  ^  xhe  convincing  illustration,  in  this 
passage,  of  the  seats  at  a  theater  is  matched  by 
other  allusions  to  contemporary  conditions.    To 

*  Sainte-Marthe    is    here    indebted    to    Pliny,   VIII, 
Chap.  LXXXI. 

'  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxonii,  Paraph.,  pp.  175  et  seq. 


LATIN  WORKS  461 

illustrate  his  points  Sainte-Marthe  refers,  for  ex- 
ample, to  the  farmer  dismissed  for  negligence, 
"qui  .  .  .  semina  non  spargat,  rura  non  scindat, 
vites  non  colat;"  to  the  false  coiner,  to  whom 
Satan  is  likened ;  to  the  alternating  hardship  and 
ease  of  military  service;  to  the  press  no  more 
necessary  to  perfecting  olive  and  grape  for  human 
use  than  are  persecutions  to  the  Christian's 
preparation  for  heaven,  to  the  heralds  who  pub- 
lish, the  envoys  and  public  letters  that  emphasize, 
the  decrees  of  princes.*  Perhaps  his  most  telling 
reference  to  the  customs  of  his  time  is  his  ac- 
count of  the  temptations  to  brawling:  "Itaque 
si  te  quispiam  atroci  aliquo  et  inhonesto  conuitio 
impetit,  unde  possis  infamiam  aliquam  contra- 
here,  Deus  bone,  quam  hie  vetus  ille  Adam  com- 
movetur !  Quam  succenset !  Quam  indigne  fert 
opprobrium  quantum  vis  etiam  justa  ratione  in- 
flictum !  Imo  vero,  ita  hodie  Carnis  pervicacia 
et  superbia  apud  plerosque  ferme  omnes  invaluit, 
ut  si  quis,  vel  colaphum  in  os  tibi  impegerit,  vel 
te  mentitum  esse  dixerit,  statim  sit  tibi  educto 

1  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxiii.  Paraph.,  p.  183;  In  Psalmum 
xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  27  v°;  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  . 
Paraph.,  pp.  75,  83,  85. 


462        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHB 

gladio  fmstatim  discerpendus,  nisi  mavis  per- 
petua  ignominia  conspergi."  ^  However,  the 
bulk  of  Sainte-Marthe's  Latin  performances  con- 
sidered, their  allusions  to  the  external  aspects  of 
life  itself  are  not  abundant  and  even  in  some  of 
these  an  unrecognized  literary  source  may  be 
suspected. 

For  the  more  general  matters  of  human  feel- 
ing, good  and  bad,  Sainte-Marthe  finds  happy 
and  telling  expression.  He  portrays  vividly 
enough  the  terrified  child  as  it  flees  to  its  mother, 
"ac  in  ejus  amplexus  salutis  suae  spem  ponit 
omnem,"  ^  and,  if  one  eloquent  passage  on  friend- 
ship ^  owes  something  to  recollections  of  Cicero, 
Sainte-Marthe  speaks  from  his  own  heart  when 
in  another  he  describes  angels  performing  their 
ministry  in  the  guise  of  friends.*  He  satirizes 
with  effect  the  common  human  desires  for  honor, 
riches  and  love,  no  less  than  for  remembrance 
after  death.  The  righteous  man,  he  writes,  does 
not  say  to  the  Lord,  "Cumula  me  honoribus, 
dignitatibus,  opibus,  proventibus ;  da  mihi  pacem 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  19  r°. 
2  Ibid.,  fol.  21  r°. 

*  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii,  Paraph.,  p.  153. 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  39  r°. 


LATIN   WORKS  463 

toto  vitae  mese  tempore;  da  mihi  bene  datatam 
et  egregia  forma  uxorem;  da  quaecunque  mihi 
collibuerint " ;  and  he  points  out  how  vainly  men 
attempt  to  gain  from  posterity  an  immortal 
name,  "operibus,  traditionibus,  institutionibus, 
sedificiis  ac  similibus  quae  relinquunt."  ^  Con- 
science, again,  could  hardly  be  better  charac- 
terized than  by  Sainte-Marthe ;  "timore  undique 
&  tremore  perculsa,  dolore  quodam  perpetuo 
torquetur.  Suspitiosa  est,  anxia  est,  angulos. 
metuit,  umbras  formidat :  &  in  lecto,  &  in  mensa, 
&  in  foro,  &  interdiu,  &  noctu,  &  in  ipsis 
frequenter  somnijs,  suae  iniquitatis  simulachra 
uidet :  &  quem  extra  intuetur  nemo,  sentit  con- 
tinuum ignem,  quo  uiua  intus  et  sine  spe  ulla 
refrigerij  consumitur  &  flagrat."  ^  But  it  is 
naturally  in  matters  of  religious  experience  that 
Sainte-Marthe  is  at  his  best;  the  love  of  God, 
gratitude  and  trust  towards  Him,  penitence, 
worship  and  spiritual  aspiration:  such  motions 
of  the  soul  call  out  his  best  gifts.  "Itaque 
agnoscamus,  confiteamur   &  palam  ac   passim 

^  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  15  r° ;  In  Psalmum  .  .  . 
xxxiii,  Paraph.,  p.  189. 

'  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii,  Paraph.,  p.  185. 


464         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

praedicemus  magnitudinem,  gloriam,  maiestatem, 
honorem,  grauitatem,  splendorem  ac  omnipo- 
tentiam  eius :  quod  cum  faciemus,  ilium  quidem 
magnificabimus " ;  so  his  worship  expresses  it- 
self.^ "Laudabo  cum  Dauide,"  he  writes  else- 
where, "quod  multis  me  periculis  inuolutum 
explicauerit,  ac  liberauerit  a  malis  omnibus. 
Laudabo,  inquam  eum,  bonitatem  eius  narrabo, 
misericordiam  eius  prsedicabo,  ac  paternum  plane 
■  erga  nos  adf ectum  eius  recensebo :  &  (quod 
fecisse  Apostolos  legimus)  in  patienta  expectabo 
Spiritum  eius  sanctum."  ^  Paraphrases  and 
Meditations,  in  fact,  overflow  with  expressions 
of  deep  personal  piety. 

Even  the  few  passages  it  is  possible  to  quote 
suffice  to  show  the  fluency  and  correctness  of 
Sainte-Marthe's  Latin.  He  is  as  much  at  home 
in  it  as  in  his  native  tongue,  probably  indeed 
more  at  home,  since  in  using  it  he  had  the 
advantage  of  models  without  number,  while 
as  a  writer  of  French  prose  he  was  still  to  some 
extent    a    pioneer.'    It   is   impossible  to  read 

•  In  Psalmum  .  .  ,  xxxiii,  Paraph.,  p.  154. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  150. 

»  Colletet's  criticism  has  its  interest :  "  Comme  la  ndtre 


LATIN  WORKS  465 

Sainte-Marthe's  Latin  works  and  not  feel  sur- 
prise at  Montaiglon's  assumption  that  French 
must  have  been  the  original  form  of  the  funeral 
oration  for  the  Queen  of  Navarre,  even  though 
it  was  first  published  in  Latin.^  Sainte-Marthe's 
Latin  impresses  the  reader  above  all  as  exactly 
conveying  its  author's  thought.  He  plays  no 
tricks  with  it,  nor  disports  himself  in  it  with  the 
Ciceronian  flourishes  of  his  friend  Breton,  for 
example;  he  does  not  even  give  the  impression 
of  the  artist's  search  for  the  right  word;  his 
periods  flow  easily  and  simply  with  his  thought. 
Occasional  telling  phrases,  as  when  he  writes  of 
John  the  Baptist  "acrioribus  verbis  mordens  con- 
scientias  Judaeorum,"  or  of  the  check  given  to 
Balaam  "festinanti  ad  maledicendum  Israeli," 
have  an  air  rather  of  happy  accident  than  of 
deliberate  effort. ^  It  might  seem  natural  that, 
in  the  Paraphrases,  Sainte-Marthe   should   be 

(langne)  n'avait  pas  encore  de  son  temps  de  hautes  Eleva- 
tions, on  peut  dire  que  son  Elocution  latine  I'emporte 
m6me  de  bien  loin  sur  sa  diction  frangaise."  Vies  des  poetes 
frangois,  fol.  445  r°. 

^  Ed.  Heptamiron,  Vol.  I,  p.  3. 

'  In  Psalmum  Septimum  et  Psalmum  xxxiii,  Paraphrasis, 
pp.  34  and  167. 
2h 


466         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

little  tempted  to  virtuosity,  since  the  first  is  the 
anguished  cry  of  his  heart  for  help,  the  second 
his  exultant  thanksgiving  for  deliverance.  But 
he  himself  takes  pains  to  declare  that  the  sim- 
plicity of  his  style  is  the  result  of  deliberate 
choice.  He  has  a  definite  theory  of  the  proper 
style  for  a  theologian.  "Desiderabit  in  ea 
Momus,"  he  writes,  "dictionem  elegantiorem 
ac  nitidiorem,  atque  nauseat  ad  omnia  quae 
rhetorum  condimentis  et  omamentis  carent." 
But  Sainte-Marthe  has  his  objection  ready; 
he  is  writing  for  those  who  desire  sound  doctrine 
however  expressed  rather  than  ill  opinions  set 
forth  by  the  most  eloquent  author ;  and,  in  any 
case,  although  eloquence  may  be  required  in 
most  disciplines,  the  theologian's  boast  should 
be  simplicity :  "in  hoc  ipso  laudatur  Theologus, 
in  quo  aquae  laus  est,  nimirum  ut  probatur  si 
nihil  sapiat  Ula :  sic,  si  infans  sit  ipse,  &  a  Musis 
alienus."  ^  Elsewhere,  in  his  preface  to  the  Latin 
version  of  his  Funeral  Oration  on  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  Sainte-Marthe  has  much  to  say  of 
the  strictures   of  the   rhetoricians   who   could 

*  Ded.  to  Galbert.    In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph., 
pp.  14  and  15. 


•         LATIN  WORKS  467 

not  endure  any  infractions  of  their  rules  and 
condemned  digressions  or  quotations.  But  the 
Ciceronians,  ''qui  malunt  Cicer[on]ianos  se  quam 
Christianos  esse,"  were  still  more  exacting. 
They  despised  the  placid  style  of  the  juriscon- 
sult and  condemned  all  that  did  not  attain  to 
Cicero's  eloquence,  nor  considered  the  profounder 
doctrine  which  proved  a  writer  more  than  a 
mere  grasshopper  delighting  the  ear.^  It  is  per- 
haps a  little  surprising  to  find  Sainte-Marthe  on 
this  side  of  the  Ciceronian  controversy  consider- 
ing his  close  relations  with  Dolet  and  Breton, 
especially  as,  in  the  Poesie  Francoise,  he  had 
represented  the  palm  for  eloquence  as  passing 
from  Cicero  to  Erasmus,  from  Erasmus  to  Bembo 
and  Sadolet,  and,  finally,  to  Dolet.  In  any 
case  the  result  of  his  views  upon  his  Latin  prose 
style  was  admirable.  His  language,  wholly  free 
from  self-consciousness,  lends  itself  perfectly  to 
his  feeling,  and,  in  this  respect  at  least,  the 
Meditation,  composed  at  leisure  at  a  period  of 
greater  maturity,  marks  little  advance  upon  his 
eariier  efforts,  the  two  Paraphrases. 

*  C.  Sanctomarthanus  lectori  candido.      In  ohitum  .  .  . 
Margaritce  .  .  .  Oratio  funehris,  p.  2  et  seq.   Cf.  p.  586  et  seq. 


468         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARftlE 

If,  however,  Sainte-Marthe's  use  of  the  Latin 
language  was  as  efficient  in  his  eariiest  attempt 
as  it  ever  became,  the  same  cannot  be  said  of 
either  the  matter  or  construction  of  the  Para- 
phrase of  the  Seventh  Psalm.  This  work  is 
obviously  inferior  to  its  two  successors  in  these 
regards.  Composed  in  prison  at  a  moment  of 
despair,  it  is,  in  the  main,  not  only  an  appeal 
to  God  for  help,  but  a  cry  for  vengeance  upon 
the  writer's  enemies,  and  its  bitterness  is  so  in- 
tense that  no  profession  of  Christian  resignation 
nor  explanation  of  Christian  theology  can  con- 
ceal it.  Sainte-Marthe  dwells  upon  his  wrongs, 
his  destitution,  his  bonds,  his  physical  sufferings 
in  a  foul  dungeon,  upon  the  accusations  against 
him,  and  the  machinations  against  his  life  ^  of 
enemies  "quos  nullo  plane  ratione  mitigare 
possum."  2  He  protests  his  innocence,  his  con- 
viction that  his  sufferings  are  for  righteousness' 
sake,  "propter  nomen  tuum "  or  '' ob pietatem," ' 
and  calls  down  vengeance  upon  his  enemy  : 
"In  numero  filiorum  irae,  hostes  nostri  sunt:  & 

*  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  pp.  19,  21,  70, 
112,  26,  41,  et  passim. 

»  Ibid.,  p.  58.  »  Ibid.,  pp.  25-27. 


LATIN  WORKS  409 

quotquot  nos  persequuntur.  Quare,  in  filios  irse, 
exurge  Domine  in  ira  tua:  &  elevare  propter 
indignationem  inimicorum  meorum."  ^  He  ob- 
jurgates his  enemy  freely,  and,  after  impugning 
his  motives  and  attacking  his  private  life,  ex- 
horts him  with  an  assumption  of  piety  singularly 
unpleasing:  ''Redi  ergo  ad  te,  &  exuto  ueteri 
Adamo  cum  actibus  suis  omnibus,  nouum  indue : 
hoc  est,  non  secundum  carnis  desideria  uiuito,  set 
secundum  spiritum,  et  voluntatem  CHRISTI. 
.  .  .  Set  iam  me  uox  clamantem  deficit,  neque 
plus  certe  proficio  mea  cohortatione,  quam  qui 
iEthiopem  conabitur  dealbare."  ^  Even  when 
Sainte-Marthe  is  only  exhorting  the  wicked  in 
general  to  repentance,  and  in  the  name  of 
charity,  it  is  more  than  likely  that  he  had  his 
personal  enemies  in  mind:  "Cogor  hie  uos  pro 
charitatis  officio  adhortari,  6  caeci  &  miseri,  qui 
nuUis  cohortationibus,  nullis  prsedicationibus, 
nullis  item  exemplis  adhuc  moueri  potuistis,  ut 
relictis  tenebris  ad  lucem  confugiatis.  Non  est 
tam  execrandum  peccati  genus,  quo  delectati 
non  sitis,  ut  carnis  uestrse  titillationibus  satis- 

*  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  p.  36. 
'Ibid.,  p.  113. 


470        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

fieret.  Nullum  est  ignominise,  infamise  probri- 
que  genus,  quo  non  asperseritis  nomen  piorum. 
Nulla  est  tyrannis,  nulla  crudelitas,  quam  non  ex- 
ercueritis  in  corpora  seruorum  Dei,  &  eorum  qui 
salutem  uestram  uobis  adnuneiarunt."  ^  The 
intensity  of  all  this  is  none  the  less  hysterical  for 
having  been  expressed  under  the  stress  of  great 
provocation.  Toward  the  end  of  the  Para^- 
phrase,  however,  Sainte-Marthe  becomes  less 
preoccupied  with  his  own  situation  and  makes 
application  of  the  text  more  general  and  more 
doctrinal.  Beginning  with  the  distinction  be- 
tween true  and  false  penitence,  he  proceeds  to 
discuss  'total  depravity,'  'salvation  by  faith,' 
'grace,'  the  punishment  of  the  unrepentant, 
'election,'  'free  will,'  'Providence,'  the  duty  of 
thankfulness,  as  of  confessing  Christ  in  word  and 
deed ;  and  he  closes  on  a  note  of  hope  and  trust 
in  the  Lord. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  here  the  theologi- 
cal bias  of  Sainte-Marthe' s  treatment  of  such 
subjects,  which  has  already  been  dealt  with. 
Long  discussions  of  doctrinal  points  and  allusions 
to  the  author's  own  situation  are,  in  the  main,  the 

•  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  pp.  94-95. 


LATIN  WORKS  471 

only  external  matters  conveyed  into  the  body  of 
this  Paraphrase  in  the  course  of  its  exposition. 
In  general  Sainte-Marthe's  method  of  procedure 
is  simple  enough.  He  takes  up  each  verse  of 
the  Psalm  in  turn,  without,  as  a  rule,  directly 
quoting  it  except  in  the  margin,  and  amplifies 
it  with  abundant  quotations  from  other  passages 
of  the  Scriptures  germane  to  it  in  thought 
and  wording.  So  ample  are  these  quotations, 
that  here  and  there  the  expansion  of  the  text 
consists  of  them  alone,  and  they,  it  must  be 
owned,  are  often  only  approximately  correct,  the 
references  noted  in  the  margin  frequently  inac- 
curate. For  all  the  crudity  of  its  conception,  the 
Paraphrase  is  not  without  bursts  of  eloquence, 
and  the  more  vigorous  of  these,  inspired  by 
Sainte-Marthe's  feeling  towards  his  enemies, 
not  only  owe  much,  as  might  be  expected,  to 
Scripture  phraseology,  but  are  tinged  with  that 
hebraizing  spirit  which  puritanic  movements 
have  so  generally  imported  into  Christianity. 
For  example,  expounding  the  phrase  "Dominus 
judicat  populos,"  Sainte-Marthe,  after  quoting 
Jeremiah's  exhortation  to  Zedekiah  as  the 
proper  guide  for  a  just  judge,  continues: 


472 


CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 


Esa.  5. 


Deut.  27. 


Esa.  10. 


Esa.  59. 


Jere.  5. 


Deut.  24 
«fe27. 


Prov.  24. 
Jerem.  5. 


"Id  ne  obseruatis?  id  ne  facitis? 
ludicet  uos  Dominus,  non  ego,  iudi- 
cent  uos  opera  uestra,  non  ego.  Set, 
audite  quam  uos  mercedem  reporta- 
bitis,  pro  uestro  tarn  corrupto  iudicio. 
Vae  qui  dicitis  malum  bonum,  ponentes 
tenebras  lucem,  &  lucem  tenebras: 
ponentes  amarum  in  dulce,  &  dulce  in 
amarum.  Vae,  qui  iustificatis  impium 
pro  muneribus,  &  iustitiam  iusti  aufer- 
tis  ab  eo.  Vae,  qui  conditis  leges 
iniquas,  &  scribentes,  iniustitiam 
scribitis,  ut  opprimatis  pauperes  in 
iudicio:  ut  uim  faciatis  caussae  hu- 
milium  populi,  ut  sint  uiduse  proeda 
uestra,  &  pupillos  diripiatis.  Vae,  qui 
retrorsum  iudicatis,  &  iustitia  a  nobis 
longe  stat,  &  in  plateis  uestris  corruit 
ueritas.  Vae  nobis,  qui  caussam  uiduae 
non  iudicastis,  &  caussam  pupilli  non 
dixistis.  Maledicti,  qui  peruertitis 
indicium:  &  dicet  omnis  populus 
Amen.  Nunquid  super  ijs  non  uisi- 
tabo  ?  dicit  Dominus,  aut  super  gentem 
huiusmodi,  non  ulciscetur  anima  mea  ? 


LATIN  WORKS  473 

Haec  ad  uos  dicta  sunt,  6  sacrilegi  & 
nefarij  ueritatis  osores:  qui  iudicium 
in  amaritudinem  (ut  ait  Propheta), 
&  iustitiam  in  absynthium  uertitis:  Amos  6. 
hoc  est,  qui,  sontes  absoluitis,  &  in- 
sontes  opprimitis,  adeoque  adminis- 
tratis omnia  tyranice,  &  corrupts."  ^ 

Such  vigor  of  vituperation,  attained  by  the  sim- 
ple stringing  together  of  quotations,  shows  hardly 
less  ingenuity  than  close  acquaintance  with  the 
Scriptures.  Sainte-Marthe  is,  however,  far  from 
incapable  of  introducing  interpretations  of  his 
own.  A  few  lines  farther  on  he  applies  the 
scriptural  image  of  the  deaf  adder  that  stoppeth 
her  ears  to  those  that  will  not  hear  even  the  most 
learned  and  the  wisest  preach  the  scriptures. 
Not  only  will  they  not  hear,  he  adds,  but  they 
await  their  chance  of  falling  upon  the  preacher, 
"ut  mordeant  gladijs  dentium  &  molarium."  ^ 
Sometimes  he  conveys  surprising  energy  into 
these  more  original  interpretations.  For  ex- 
ample, writing  of  God,  as  the  just  judge  before 
whom  all  are  equal,  he  brings  the  figure  home 

1  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  pp.  54-55. 
^  Ibid.,  p.  55. 


474        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

to  his  readers  by  means  of  definite  concrete 
images,  familiar  to  the  thought  of  all:  "Sit 
Papa,  sit  Inaperator,  sit  Rex,  sit  Dux,  sit  Car- 
dinaUs,  sit  Comes,  sit  praepotens  aliquis  &  prse- 
diues  uir,  nihil  apud  eum  sua  autoritate  plus 
ualebit  in  iudicio  quam  uidua  et  edentula  anus, 
qu^m  faber,  quam  agricola,  quam  mendicus."  * 
Besides  ingenuity  and  force  of  expression 
amounting  to  eloquence,  the  Paraphrase  boasts 
one  or  two  examples  of  that  concise  clearness 
which  Sainte-Marthe  occasionally  attains  in  the 
midst  of  his  prolixity.  "Nam  uos  non  metuit," 
he  writes,  "qui  uester  est  factor:  uos  non  re- 
formidat  qui  uester  est  Dominus:  uestra  con- 
silia,  &  impias  molitiones  uestras  non  ueretur,  qui 
uos  in  nictu  oculi,  redigere  ad  nihilum  potest."  ^ 
Nor  does  this  early  effort  of  Sainte-Marthe  as 
theologian  lack  the  effective  use  of  the  rhetorical 
question :  "  Quam  ob  caussam,  Dathan  et  Abyron 
uiuos  terra  deglutiuit  ?  Quare  maledixit  JESUS 
Chorozaidi  ?  quare  Bethsaide  ?  quare  Caper- 
naom?  Quare  funditus  euersas  &  solo  sequatse 
fuenmt  lerosolimse  ?"  ^    But  although  this  Para- 

*  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  p.  53. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  79.  »  Ibid.,  p.  100. 


LATIN  WORKS  476 

phrase  shows  evidence  of  profound  acquaintance 
with  the  Scriptures,  although  it  is  not  devoid  of 
eloquent  invective,  and  is  occasionally  adorned 
with  quaint  or  vivid  illustration  and,  though 
rarely,  with  clear  or  telling  oratory,  these 
redeeming  features  are  few  in  comparison  with 
its  defects.  As  a  whole,  it  is  bitter  in  tone,  poor 
in  invention,  careless  in  arrangement  and  need- 
lessly verbose. 

The  Paraphrase  upon  the  Thirty-third  Psalm 
shows  some  improvements  upon  it.  Written 
upon  Sainte-Marthe's  release  from  prison,  the 
Psalm  in  question,  chosen  because  it  expressed 
his  thankful  gratitude,  is  naturally  without 
the  bitterness,  still  less  the  vindictiveness,  of  the 
earlier  Paraphrase.  The  opening  exclamation 
gives  the  keynote  of  its  feeling  throughout :  "Si 
quisquam  est  mortalium,  cui  data  fuerit  un- 
quam  occasio  benedicendi  Dominum  Deum,  ac 
ei  gratias  agendi,  pro  acceptis  ab  eo  prseter 
meritum  magnis  et  multis  beneficiis:  ipsum 
esse  me,  fateri  certe  Veritas  cogit."  *  The  Para- 
phrase keeps  consistently  to  this  tone.  It  is,  in 
fact,  a  jubilant  pseon  of  praise  and  thankful- 

*  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiii,  Paraph.,  p.  145. 


476         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

ness,  concluding  with  the  promise  of  the  joys  of 
heaven. 

And  if  the  spirit  of  this  Paraphrase  is  more 
Christian  than  that  of  its  predecessor,  it  is 
also  less  doctrinal.  Doctrinal  pomts  are  indeed 
touched  upon  in  passing,  but,  although  they 
show  Sainte-Marthe's  point  of  view  unchanged, 
there  is  no  exhaustive  discussion  of  them,  as  in 
the  preceding  Paraphrase.^  The  whole  course  of 
procedure  is  more  natural,  if  less  crude.  Each 
verse  of  the  Psalm  paraphrased,  instead  of  being 
merely  expanded  by  other  scriptural  quotations, 
is  introduced,  elucidated,  amplified  by  illustration 
and  explanation  more  or  less  original,  although 
with  abundant  scriptural  ornament.  Much  is 
drawn  from  Sainte-Marthe's  own  experience, 
more  from  his  own  heart.  When  he  paraphrases, 
for  instance,  with  eager  exultation,  the  words 
"Laus  eius  semper  in  ore  meo,"  he  leaves  no 
doubt  that  his  own  gratitude  is  finding  its  ex- 
pression: "Nullum  erit  mihi  prsefixum  tempus, 
nulla  stata  hora,  nullus  certus  dies,  nullus  item 

•  Cf.  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiij,  Paraph.,  pp.  145,  152, 
170^  171,  173,  177,  178,  179,  182,  186,  192,  194,  197,  198, 
201. 


LATIN  WORKS  477 

constitutus  modus  laudis  eius.  Sit  mane,  sit 
uesper,  sit  dies,  sit  nox,  sit  festus  dies,  sit  pro- 
festus,  sit  serenitas,  sit  tempestas:  ego  omni 
tempore,  omni  die,  omni  hora,  omni  momento, 
omni  denique  in  loco  prsedicabo  bonitatem  Dei 
mei,  &  laudabo  Nomen  eius  in  perpetuum."  * 
Again,  his  description  of  the  meek  referred  to 
in  the  verse  "Audiant  mansueti  &  Isetantur," 
aided  but  not  overw^helmed  by  scriptural  allu- 
sion, is  fitted  to  persuade  the  reader  that  Sainte- 
Marthe's  personal  ideal  is  being  set  before  him : 

"  Qui  uim  faciunt  nulli,  set  Isesi  facile  Rom.  lo. 
condonant  iniuriam ;  qui  non  retaliant 
malum  malo,  set  pro  malo  rependunt 
bonum ;  qui  rixosas  non  amant  diuitias, 
non  opes,  non  latifundia,  non  dig- 
nitates,  non  honores,  set  quietam  pau- 
pertatem,  atque  adeo  ueram  animi 
tranquillitatem ;  qui  noscunt  seipsos,  Rom.  4. 
ac  proinde  nihil  iustitiae  ac  sanctitatis 
mentis  et  operibus  tribuunt  suis,  set 
Fidei  in  JESUM  CHRISTUM;  qui 
abnegarunt  sese,  &  opera  sua  mala 
habent    quammaxim^    exosa,     seque    Mat.  is 

1  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiij,  Paraph.,  p.  149. 


478         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

plane  cruci  subiecerunt,  ac  solius  Dei 
manui  commiserunt ;  quique  (ut  semel 
finiam)  uere  Deum  timent,  &  de  quibus 
Psai.  23.  scriptum  est,  diriget  mansuetos  in 
iudicio."  ^ 

Throughout  the  Paraphrase  the  reader  feels  him- 
self in  vital  touch  with  the  author.  He  no  longer 
has  merely  to  marvel  at  scriptural  learning 
"undique  decerptam,"  but  is  refreshed  with  the 
realities  of  human  feeling.  He  realizes  that  the 
author  is  setting  before  him  the  results  of  a  deep 
religious  experience,  whether  the  difference  be- 
tween abject  and  filial  fear  is  explained  in  con- 
nection with  the  psalmist's  exhortation,  "Timete 
Dominum  omnes  sancti  ejus,"  the  restlessness 
of  the  lusts  of  the  flesh  and  of  their  satiety  de- 
scribed,— "expletos  magis  cruciat  saturitas  quam 
cruciaret  fames  " — or  the  loving-kindness  of  God 
compared  with  that  of  man,  —  "Longe  quidem 
alius  est  benigni  illius  patris  coelestis  fauor,  longe 
diuersa  illius  amicitia."  ^  What  there  was  of 
the  fanatic  in  Sainte-Marthe  shows  itself  in  his 
prophecy  of  the  change  of  opinion  inevitable 

'  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiij,  Paraph.,  p.  152. 
»  Ihid.,  pp.  171,  185,  190. 


LATIN  WORKS  479 

when  the  light  of  the  world  shall  shine,  "  pulsis 
traditionum  humanarum  tenebris  " ;  ^  what  of  the 
philosopher,  in  his  view  of  death,  inevitable  in 
any  case:  ''Non  est  nobis  obscurum  nos  com- 
muni  naturae  lege  mori  debere:  proinde  quid 
refert,  utrum,  uel  morbus  uel  alius  casus  uitam 
auferat,  an  persecutor  ?"  ^  These  may  be  the 
commonplaces  of  faith  or  stoicism,  but  they 
bear  none  the  less  the  impress  of  their  author's 
individuality.  Nothing  that  Sainte-Marthe  has 
to  say  in  this  Paraphrase  may  be  profound,  or 
illuminating,  but  it  is  at  least  real  and  at  first 
hand. 

The  stylistic  value  of  the  work  is  not  great. 
It  has  a  certain  eloquent  flow,  often  redundant, 
and  shows  some  evidence  of  its  author's  gift  of 
phrase.  It  is  even  occasionally  adorned  with 
telhng  imagery,  the  result  obviously  of  Sainte- 
Marthe's  familiarity  with  the  scriptures  and 
imitation  of  their  language  —  inevitable  in  a 
Paraphrase.  He  writes  thus  of  his  release,  for 
example:  "post  tempestates  multas  mihi  Sol  ille 
ueritatis  purissimus  illuxit,  &  e  tenebris  &  car- 

'  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  p.  195. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  196. 


480        CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

cere,  in  lucem  &  libertatem  reuocauit."^  Con- 
stancy and  faith,  he  says  again,  are  best  shown  in 
affliction,  "ut  aut  unguentorum  suauis  &  bonus 
odor,  aut  aromatum  fragrantia  non  sentitur 
nisi  moueantur  ilia,  haec  frangrantur  uel  incen- 
dantur."  ^  g^t  it  is  not  flow,  nor  phrasing,  nor 
imagination,  which  stamps  this  Paraphrase  as 
superior  to  its  author's  earlier  attempt.  It  is 
the'  power  by  which  Sainte-Marthe  makes  its 
Latin  the  vehicle  of  sincere  and  contagious 
emotion.  Sincerity  breathes  from  every  page, 
and  it  was,  the  reader  must  feel,  the  reality  of 
his  feeling  rather  than  any  art  or  skill  which 
showed  him  here  the  way  to  convincing  ex- 
pression. 

If  Sainte-Marthe's  later  Paraphrase  was  an 
advance  upon  his  first,  both  are  far  behind  his 
Meditation  on  the  Ninetieth  Psalm.  Composed 
much  later,  at  the  maturity  of  his  powers  and 
after  years  of  prosperous  experience  in  a  larger 
world  than  he  had  known  before  his  imprison- 
ment, the  Meditation  gives  every  evidence  of  its 
author's  ripened  temper.     It  is  throughout  the 

'  In  Psalmum  .  .  .  xxxiij,  Paraph.,  p.  165. 
2  Ibid.,  p.  196. 


'  LATIN  WORKS  481 

performance  of  a  man  of  the  world,  of  a  writer 
sure  of  his  powers.  Its  theology,  though  un- 
changed, is  more  conciliatory;  there  are  in  it 
few  traces  of  personal  bitterness.  If  Sainte- 
Marthe  dwells  upon  the  vanity  of  the  world,  he 
does  not  minimize  the  force  of  its  allurements. 
The  work  shows  more  intentional  arrangement ; 
the  style  is  more  conscious.  The  care  Sainte- 
Marthe  gives  to  style  makes  him,  in  fact,  predeux 
at  times,  as  his  refinements  of  thought  lead  him 
into  breaches  of  taste  of  which  he  would  have 
been  incapable  when  composing  his  far  cruder 
Paraphrases. 

His  attention  to  method  shows  itself  from 
the  first  in  the  Argument  with  which  Sainte- 
Marthe  prefaces  the  Meditation.  He  conceives 
of  the  Psalm  as  having  three  interlocutors  —  the 
Prophet,  the  Man  of  faith,  the  Spirit  of  God; 
and  their  colloquy  contains  the  doctrine,  —  and 
here  Sainte-Marthe  neatly  sums  up  the  matter  of 
the  work  —  ''ut  qui  Christianismum  profitetur 
et  deo  fidit,  undecumque  munitissimus  et  tutissi- 
mus  sit:  nee  Daemonum  subdolas  tentationes, 
nee  mundi  malignitatem,  nee  hominum  insidias, 
nee  pestis  contagionem,  nee  bestiarum  etiam 
2i 


482        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHB 

noxiarum  impetum  et  ssevitiam  formidare  am- 
plius  possit."^  The  Prophet  opens  the  colloquy 
with  the  promise  that  he  who  dwelleth  urrder 
the  defense  of  the  Most  High  shall  abide  under 
the  shadow  of  the  Almighty.  Encouraged 
thereby,  the  Man  of  faith  reflects  that  he  will 
not  blush  nor  fear  to  confess  the  Lord  his  hope 
and  his  stronghold,  his  God  in  whom  he  will 
trust.  Hardly  has  he  so  reflected,  when  the 
Prophet  interrupts  him  and  continues  the 
Psalm  from  the  third  through  the  eighth  verse. 
In  these  verses,  Sainte-Marthe  explains,  the 
prophet  confirms  the  opening  promise  of  the 
Psalm,  "tanta  sane  cum  energia,"  that  the  faith- 
ful approaches  God  Himself  with  the  first  words 
of  the  ninth  verse,  "For  thou.  Lord,  art  my  hope." 
The  prophet  interrupts  him  and  continues  the 
Psalm  until  the  fourteenth  verse,  showing  the 
outcome  of  hope  in  the  promises  of  God :  "  Nemo 
est  autem,  si  modo  Dei  amore  vel  minimum  tan- 
gatur,  qui,  quum  hac  legit  et  secum  expendit, 
gaudio  non  subsiliat ;  atque  sentiat  incredibilem 
in  animo  consolationem,  ubi  clare  perspicit, 
nihil  sibi  a  rebus  quibuscumque  noxiis  periculi 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  5  r°. 


LATIN  WORKS  483 

imminere."  ^  The  last  three  verses,  the  four- 
teenth to  the  sixteenth,  are  spoken  by  the  Lord 
to  confirm  the  words  of  the  prophet,  "ne  is  putet 
hominis  tantum  verba  et  promissiones,  non  Dei 
esse."^  The  words  of  God,  as  expressed  in  these 
verses,  are  analyzed  by  Sainte-Marthe,  divided 
and  subdivided  in  a  manner  which  shows  that, 
for  all  his  response  to  new  intellectual  impulses, 
he  was  still  hampered  by  scholastic  training. 
Out  of  them  he  constructs  a  premise  and  a  con- 
clusion : 

"  Fidelis  nomen  Domini  cognoscit, 
ergo 
Fidelis  Deum  invocare  potest ;  " 

shows  the  conclusion  confirmed  by  authority, 
that  of  the  Spirit  of  God ;  and  proceeds  to  explain 
still  further  that  the  "long  life"  of  the  last  verse 
is  life  eternal,  that  "my  salvation"  is  Christ 
Jesus,  and  that  St.  John  was  referring  to  the 
promise  of  this  verse  when  he  wrote,  "these 
things  are  written  that  ye  might  believe,  and 
believing,  have  eternal  life."  Sainte-Marthe 
concludes  with  that  conciliatory  definition  of 
faith  which  has  already  been  quoted.' 

1  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  5  v". 

»  Ihid.,  fol.  6  r°.  '  Cf.  supra,  p.  449. 


484        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

It  has  seemed  worth  while  to  dwell  at  some 
length  upon  the  Argument,  because  its  methodi- 
cal arrangement  is  a  foretaste  of  that  employed 
in  the  Meditation.  Sainte-Marthe  does  not,  as 
in  the  Paraphrases,  merely  set  in  the  margin  each 
verse  of  the  Psalm  as  he  arrives  at  it  in  his  ex- 
position. The  Psalm  becomes  an  integral  part 
of  the  Meditation.  Its  verses,  or  parts  of  its 
verses,  occur  therein  as  a  refrain  repeated  again 
and  again  with  an  effect  almost  rhythmic.  The 
opening  words  of  the  Psalm,  for  instance,  "Qui 
habitat  in  adjutorio  altissimi,"  is  repeated 
twelve  times,  always  as  an  integral  part  of  a 
sentence.  Its  first  introduction  as  the  climax 
of  Sainte-Marthe's  exordium  has  an  air  almost 
fortuitous.  It  is  only  after  continued  re- 
iteration at  intervals  of  a  page  or  so,  that  it 
is  forced  upon  the  reader's  attention  as  the 
focusing  idea  of  the  argument.  Sainte-Marthe's 
whole  treatment  of  this  text  may  be  taken  as 
typical  of  that  which  he  employs  through- 
out the  Meditation  with  each  verse  or  portion 
of  a  verse  in  turn.  The  Meditation  opens  with 
a  reflection  upon  the  vanity  of  all  things  com- 
pared to  his   blessedness  "qui  habitat  in   ad- 


LATIN  WORKS  485 

jutorio  altissimi."  The  flesh  may  set  hopes 
upon  riches  "tanquam  in  sacra  quadam 
anchora";^  but  thief,  fire,  dice  or  a  rapacious 
lord  can  bring  the  rich  man  into  direst  poverty, 
and  if  chance  do  not  despoil,  yet  death  must. 
Not  the  rich  man,  then,  is  happy,  but  he  who 
dwelleth  under  the  defense  of  the  Most  High, 
"  qui  habitat  in  adjutorio  altissimi."  Ambition 
for  honors,  again,  tickles  many ;  for  those  who 
have  them  are  esteemed  and  sought  for  by  the 
people,  theirs  are  the  first  places  and  they  are 
at  the  helm  of  public  affairs,  while  private  men 
remain  inglorious  and  despised,  "qualicunque 
virtute  illustrentur. "  ^  Yet  the  examples  of 
history  show  it  unsafe  to  glory  in  the  dignities 
and  honors  of  the  world  or  to  depend  upon 
the  uncertain  favors  of  the  crowd  which  pulls 
down  its  own  favorites,  "et  quos  fuerat  in- 
audito  favore  prosecutus,  ex  inopinato,  capi- 
tali  ac  intestino  odio  perdidit. "  '  The  corrupt 
functionary,  however  high  his  honors,  will 
certainly  be  punished  "utcunque  procrastinet 
Deus  ac  ultionem  differat";  but  on  the  other 

^  In  Psalmum  xc  .  ,  .  Medit.,  9  v°. 
^  Ibid.  '  Ibid.,  fol.  10  r°. 


486         CHARLES    DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

hand,  the  upright,  if  incorruptible,  can  hardly 
escape  exasperating  some  one  in  power,  and 
runs  the  risk  of  being  destroyed  or  accused  of 
a  capital  crime.  How  can  he  be  happy,  then, 
who  shines  in  honors  so  uncertain  ?  Far  happier 
he  "qui  habitat  in  adjutorio  altissimi."  And 
courtiers,  "qui  sunt  Principibus  a  latere,  a  mani- 
bus,  ab  auribus,  a  secretis,"  their  fortune  seems 
to  be  a  smiling  one;  but  their  future  how  un- 
certain !  "Put  not  your  trust  in  princes  nor  in 
any  child  of  man;"  more  prudent  he  "qui 
habitat  in  adjutorio  altissimi."  Still,  there  are 
friends  to  whom  the  fallen  may  turn.  None 
can  doubt  the  necessity  of  friendship  in  the 
human  race,  "  nisi  simul  ambigat,  sint  ne  mundo 
aqua  et  ignis  res  necessarise,"  ^  and  a  true  friend 
is  an  incomparable  treasure;  but  man  is  subject 
to  vanity,  only  God  it  is  who  does  not  change. 
In  prosperity  a  man  has  many  friends,  but  in  ill 
fortune  his  false  friends,  "  ore  tenus  amici  isti," 
desert  him  "in  mediis  fluctibus,"  as  alloy  of 
gold  passes  away  in  the  smoke  of  the  furnace. 
The  wise  man,  then,  is  not  he  that  puts  all  his 
trust  in  friends  with  whom  he  has  feasted,  "  cum 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  10  r°  and  v°. 


LATIN  WORKS  487 

quibus  salis  modios  multos  consumpsit,"  but  he, 
"  qui  habitat  in  adjutorio  altissimi."  And  what 
shall  be  said  of  those  who  conceive  of  pleasure 
as  the  highest  good?  Sainte-Marthe  draws  a 
telling  picture  of  men  of  pleasure:  "potant, 
ludunt,  rident,  stertunt,  scortantur:  et  quid- 
quid  concupiscit  in  eis  caro,  id  perficiunt." 
None  live  more  peaceably  than  the  votaries  of 
pleasure,  no  one  troubles  them,  their  busy  con- 
cern to  fulfil  the  desires  of  the  great  recom- 
mends them  to  these.  They  succeed  in  every 
way,  in  fact.  What  could  be  happier,  were  it 
not  that  such  a  life  is  as  hateful  to  God  as 
pleasing  to  the  world  and  to  the  flesh?  But, 
apart  from  the  diseases  and  sudden  deaths  which 
they  may  entail,  pleasures  are  unhappy  things 
if  only  for  this  reason,  —  that  they  shut  us  out 
from  the  company  of  the  blessed.  The  man  of 
pleasure  is  not  happy  as  is  he  "  qui  habitat  in 
adjutorio  altissimi."  *  Nor  are  they  any  happier 
who  are  swollen  with  the  wisdom  of  this  world 
and  trust  in  'works'  and  'merits.'  The  wisdom 
of  the  flesh  is  hostile  to  God ;  it  is  folly  in  His 
sight.     And  here  Sainte-Marthe  again  embarks 

'  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  11  r°. 


488         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

upon  a  discussion  of  'merits'  and  of  'grace,' 
concluding  that  all  is  well,  not  with  him  who 
measures  his  justification  only  by  'merits,'  but 
with  him  "  qui  habitat  in  adjutorio  altissimi."  ^ 

His  treatment  of  this  first  text  shows  Sainte- 
Marthe  at  his  best.  His  application  of  the 
scriptures  to  the  experience,  spiritual  and  actual, 
of  his  readers  rings  true.  No  doubt,  as  they 
read,  comparisons  and  examples  occurred  to 
them  of  the  loss  of  riches,  fall  from  place,  be- 
trayal of  friendship,  disease  or  death  as  the 
result  of  indulgence,  —  all  common  enough  in 
that  age  of  intrigue  and  excess.  But  the  most 
striking  feature  of  the  passage  is  its  well  con- 
ceived and  carefully  followed  form,  and  in  that 
respect  also  it  is  typical  of  the  whole  Meditation. 
The  central  idea  is  never  obscured;  Sainte- 
Marthe  never  forgets  that  he  is  dealing  with  the 
protection  God  affords  to  his  elect  and  the 
benefits  that  must  accrue  to  them  through  such 
protection;  and  to  this  matter  he  confines  his 
commentary  upon  one  verse  after  another.  To 
treat  of  the  relation  of  God  to  the  soul,  how- 
ever, must  almost  necessarily  include  some  ex- 
*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  11  v°. 


LATIN  WORKS  489 

planation  of  the  world  as  it  is.  For  Sainte- 
Marthe  the  key  to  the  problem  of  the  actual 
world  is  to  be  found  in  the  doctrine  of  Providence, 
presented  in  an  aspect  at  least  suggestive  of  the 
fuller  sense  in  which,  in  the  next  century,  that 
doctrine  was  permanently  codified  for  the 
Gallican  church  by  Bossuet.  Sainte-Marthe  had 
already  treated  this  subject  in  the  Paraphrase  on 
the  Seventh  Psalm,  written  in  resentful  distress, 
but  there  he  lays  more  emphasis  upon  the 
problem  than  upon  its  resolution.  The  flesh 
would  persuade  the  faithful  that  God  must  love 
those  whom  He  favors  here  and  hate  those  whom 
He  afflicts,  and  so  even  the  righteous  have  felt ; 
and  Sainte-Marthe  instances  Job,  David,  Jere- 
miah, Habakkuk.  He  reminds  God,  indeed, 
of  His  promises  and  exhorts  Him  to  help  His 
servants,  but  his  tone  is  actually  far  from 
being  that  of  Christian  hope,  and  what  he  seems 
to  ask  is  vengeance  rather  than  justice.  In  the 
Paraphrase  he  touches,  indeed,  in  passing  on  the 
solution  of  the  problems  of  an  unjust  world,  but 
does  not  treat  the  subject  of  Providence  ex- 
haustively, while  in  the  Meditation  he  gives  his 
views  fuller  utterance.     And  even  here,  though 


490        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

he  presents  it  in  various  passages  of  the  Medita- 
tion, it  is  only  in  his  treatment  of  the  conclud- 
ing words  of  the  Psalm  that  Sainte-Marthe  fully 
sets  forth  his  conception  of  God's  part  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  world.  1  Here,  also,  the  difficulty 
is  indeed  clearly  propounded,  but  the  stress  is 
upon  its  solution  rather  than  upon  the  problem 
itself.  God  the  ruler  of  this  world,  this  life  for 
trial,  eternity  for  final  adjustment;  here  is  the 
proper  explanation.  This  world,  then,  is  to  be 
endured  as  it  is.  Elsewhere  Sainte-Marthe  had 
pointed  out  that,  for  God's  reasons,  power  be- 
longs to  princes  "tjuibus  non  sine  caussa  a  Deo 
commissus  gladius  est " ;  that  the  persecutor  may 
be  God's  instrument;  the  rich,  God's  stewards.^ 
Here  he  elaborates.  What  seem  evils  to  man  are 
so  little  so  in  the  eyes  of  God  that,  unless  they 
befall  the  elect  and  pious,  His  promises  are  not 
fulfilled.'  God's  promises  require  that  there 
shall  be  tribulations  in  this  world,  or  what  can 
be  their  meaning?     Worldly  wisdom  may  ob- 

1  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  47  r°,  50  r°. 
^  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,pTp.  128,  127;  In 
Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  16  r°. 

'  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  47  v°. 


LATIN  WORKS  491 

serve  that  the  followers  of  Christ  are  in  this 
world  despised  and  wretched,  "inglorii,  explosi, 
despicabiles,  ignominii,  lapidati,  pauperes,  et 
modis  omnibus  adflieti, "  although  God  had 
promised  them  glory. ^  ''0  caecum  Camis  judi- 
cium," exclaims  Sainte-Marthe,  exhorting  the 
Christian  to  shake  off  the  trammels  of  such 
reasoning:  ''absurdas  hujusmodi  et  impias  ratio- 
cinationes  (si  modo  animum  tuum  semel  occu- 
paverint)  quam  ocissime  excutias."^  If  God 
exalts  some  to  honor  and  increases  them  in 
riches,  for  the  most  part  He  renders  the  heirs  of 
eternal  glory  wretched  and  despised.  He  is  the 
only  master  of  riches,  honors;  He  is  their  dis- 
penser and  bestower.  Sainte-Marthe  urges  those 
who  are  powerful  and  noble  in  this  world  to 
beware  lest  they  forget  God  who  exalted  them. 
Let  them  never  forget  that  they  are  stewards, 
not  lords,  of  what  they  possess.  Let  them  not 
hastily  conclude  that  the  poor  and  wretched  are 
hated  by  God.  Let  them  rather  revere  and 
embrace  them  as  God's  favorites.^  Yet,  on  the 
other  hand,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  the 

^  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  47  v°  and  48  v°. 
»  Ibid.,  fol.  48  v°.  »  Ibid. 


492         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Lord  is  less  pleased  with  those  whom  He  does 
not  test  with  outward  crosses:  "Nam  licet 
Reges,  Principes  et  summates,  autoritate  valeant, 
divitiis  abundent,  honorati  sint,  atque  vivere 
videantur  pacatissimi,  sentiunt  tamen  in  spiritu 
crucem,  alius  graviorem,  alius  leviorem:  hie 
uno,  ille  alio  modo:  ac  frequenter  in  majoribus 
angustiis  et  doloribus  versantur,  quam  qui  in 
hominum  oculis  pares  cum  Hiobo  adflictiones 
sustinent. "  *  Only  those  live  ill  who  have  no 
cross  at  all  in  this  world.  It  is  not  here  that 
God's  promises  are  ultimately  fulfilled.  AMien 
He  promises,  "wdth  long  life  will  I  satisfy  him," 
He  means  eternal  life.  It  is  that  eternal  life 
which  is  to  justify  and  explain  the  Ufe  here. 
Time  is  lord  of  this  world ;  "  long  life  "  cannot  be 
lived  out  here.  Sainte-Marthe  elaborates  this 
idea  in  a  passage  singularly  eloquent;  and  his 
words  upon  the  transitoriness  of  time  sound 
again  a  faint  prelude  to  Bossuet's  famous  pas- 
sage on  a  similar  subject:  "Regit  et  gubernat 
Mundum  Tempus;  constat  autem  illud  mo- 
mentis,  horis,  diebus,  mensibus  ac  annis.  Certis 
horis  dies,  certis  diebus  mensis,  certis  mensi- 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit. 


LATIN  WORKS  493 

bus  annus  constituitur ;  certis  item  arniis  vitae 
humanse  spatium  et  curriculum  terminatur :  ubi 
tu  in  Mundo  longitudinem  dierum  reperies? 
Caelum  et  terra  transibunt ;  id  ita  futurum  esse 
soli  inficiantur,  qui  verbo  Dei  veritatem  et  cer- 
titudinem  tollunt :  quid  est  aliud  transire,  quam 
finem  accipere,  ubi  autem  finis  inibi  certe  lon- 
gitude dierum  esse  non  potest."  * 

Sainte-Marthe's  explanations  of  the  intellec- 
tual difficulties  of  the  Christian  are  not  always 
so  plausible  as  this.  For  instance,  when  he 
tries  a  fall  with  objections  to  the  doctrine  of 
predestination,  he  does  not  escape  the  vicious 
circle.  It  is  not  in  our  power  of  will  to  cry  to 
God  or  pray  to  Him  for  what  is  good.  So  they 
conclude  "qui  te  simul  cum  eis  lahguidum,  tor- 
pentem,  ac  stupidum  esse  volent. "  ^  They  do 
not  cry  to  God,  exclaims  Sainte-Marthe,  because 
they  do  not  wish  to;  they  would  cry  if  they 
willed  to,  but  they  cannot  will  it  because  they 
have  separated  themselves  from  Him  who  gives 
to  all  the  gift  both  of  right  willing  and  of  ex- 
ecuting the  right.'     But  such  vain  reasoning  is 

•  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  ,  Medit.,  fol.  49  v". 
^Ihid.,  fol.  46  v°.  »  /Md. 


494         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

exceptional  with  Sainte-Marthe.  As  a  rule  he 
shows  himself  in  the  Meditation  both  clear  and 
logical. 

Nor  are  clearness,  consistency,  certainty  of  ap- 
peal, the  only  literary  merits  of  this  work.  The 
power  of  graphic  description,  of  which  Sainte- 
Marthe  had  made  much  good  use  in  his  Funeral 
Orations,  is  no  less  in  evidence  in  the  Meditation. 
A  comparison  of  the  hypocrite  to  the  wolf  in 
sheep's  clothing  may  be  taken  as  an  example. 
It  was  a  favorite  subject,  on  which  Sainte- 
Marthe  had  already  expatiated  in  his  earliest 
Paraphrase.^  With  half  a  page  of  reaUstic 
touches  he  sets  before  us  the  Tartuffe  of  his 
generation,  whose  name,  for  Sainte-Marthe,  was 
doubtless  Mulct.  *'Sic  hypocrita,  jejunio  se 
macerabit,  lachrymis  se  conficiet,  totas  noctes 
in  oratione  f)emoctabit,  pannosus  ac  impexus  in 
medium  prodibit,  sua  charitatis  nomine  profuse 
largietur,  viduas,  vinctos,  ac  pupillos  visitabit  et 
solabitur,  mundum  detestabitur,  atque  de  coelesti 
patria  semper  loquetur.  Hsec  omnio  verse  pieta- 
tis  opera  esse,  nemo  (nisi  impius)  negabit:  set 
si  tu  interim  examines,  qualis  sit  homo  interior 
^  In  Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  pp.  59  and  66. 


LATIN  WORKS  495 

simulatae  istius  sanctitatis,  experiere  profecto, 
sanctulum  tuum  avaritia  sestuare,  caligare  ad- 
fectibus,  in  vindictam  toto  studio  ferri,  ambitione 
exardescere,  superbia  infiari,  spurca  venere  dis- 
solui,  ac  denique  nihil  minus  esse,  quam  cui 
assimilatur:  et  ut  in  summa  dicam,  sub  hac 
persona,  omnis  generis  vitia  pro  virtutibus  sese 
venditant. "  ^  There  are  many  such  graphic 
passages.  The  wayfarer,  "qui  media  nocte  in 
obscuro  loco  ambulat,  quo  vadat  plane  ignorant ; 
ac  nisi,  aut  lumen  habeat  aut  ducem,  periculum 
est  ne  in  foveam  aliquam  incidat,  vel  in  lapidem 
aliquem  impingat,  vel  sese  parietibus  illidat";^ 
Satan,  busying  himself  all  in  vain,  —  "  frustra 
tibi  insidias  struit,  frustra  laqueos  tendit,  frustra 
lapides  in  via  tua  jacit" '  —  these  are  examples 
of  the  many  images  which  Sainte-Marthe  with 
unerring  skill  brings  before  the  "  inward 
eye." 

Nor,  although  the  occasions  for  eloquence  are 
fewer,  is  the  Meditation  behind  the  Funeral 
Orations  in  oratorical  enthusiasm.  If  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Meditation  is  pictorial,  its  appeal 

^  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  28  r*. 

*  Ibid.,  fol.  24  v°.  '  Ibid.,  fols.  24  v°  and  40  v°. 


4d6        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

to  the  ear  is  hardly  less  than  to  the  visualizing 
faculty.  The  fire  and  force  of  the  orator  burst 
out  again  and  again.  Sainte-Marthe  deals  in 
exclamations,  in  the  rhetorical  question,  in  tell- 
ing repetitions  of  word  or  phrase,  in  sentences 
too  obviously  balanced.  It  is  difficult  at  times 
for  the  reader  to  persuade  himself  that  he  is 
perusing  a  pious  meditation,  and  not  listening 
to  impassioned  if  somewhat  artful  rhetoric.  It 
seems  certain,  at  least,  that  Sainte-Marthe  must 
more  than  once  have  imagined  himself  address- 
ing a  responsive  audience  rather  than  an  unim- 
passioned  reader.  He  seems  to  lash  himself 
with  sound,  and,  if  the  effect  is  sometimes  of 
over-excitement,  he  generally  succeeds  in  evad- 
ing mere  emptiness,  the  pitfall  of  the  writer 
who  relies  more  on  sound  than  sense.  Arrived 
at  the  verse  which  promises  the  faithful  de- 
liverance and  protection,  Sainte-Marthe  pauses 
in  his  exegesis  to  exclaim:  "0  mellita  verba! 
o  felicem  promissionem  iis  omnibus  qui  Deo 
fidunt !  Vides  o  Vir  pie,  quae  sit  merces  Fidei 
et  Spei  tuae:  nempe  liberatio.  Habitare  in 
adjutorio  altissimi,  dicere  illi,  susceptor  meus  et 
refugium  meum  es  tu:   quid  aliud  est,  quam 


LATIN  WORKS  497 

spem  in  eum  suam  defigere?"^  Again,  when 
he  treats  of  the  transitoriness  of  human  satisfac- 
tions, the  rhetorical  skill  of  the  form  is  matched 
by  the  penetration  of  the  thought:  "Quis  est, 
qui,  si  immortales  divitise,  honores  ac  voluptates 
essent,  non  cuperet  in  earum  protectione  com- 
morari?  Quis  fugeret  Principum  aulas,  si  una 
cum  ipsis,  favor  ac  amicitia  illorum  perennis 
et  incommutabilis  foret?  Quis  sese  totum 
amicorum  fidei  non  devoveret,  si  cum  corpori- 
bus,  amicitiae  nexus  non  dissolueretur  ?  Quis 
opera  sua  ac  merita  omnia  non  adoraret,  cui 
esset  certissimum,  ilia  Deum  sic  intueri,  ut 
pro  sola  operum  qualitate,  sine  sua  gratia,  nobis 
justitiam  dividat?"^  But  perhaps  the  best  ex- 
ample of  Sainte-Marthe's  hortatory  style  is  his 
summing  up  of  the  proper  Christian  view  of 
misfortune:  "Si  quidquam  tuae  fidei  seruandum 
commisero,  dicesne  a  me  injuriam  te  accepisse 
id  si  repetam  ?  Sanus  eras,  in  morbum  incidisti : 
dives  eras  in  penuriam  prolapsus  es:  in  precio 
apud  homines  eras,  nunc  inglorius,  ab  omnibus 
exploderis:   pacificam  ducebas  vitam,  nunc  te 

^  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  43  v**. 
*  Ibid.,  fol.  12  r°. 
2k 


498        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

impetunt  omnes :  heri  vivebas,  hodie  ad  mortem 
petraheris:  quid  quod  tuum  esset,  perdidisti? 
Sanitatem  tibi,  divitias,  honores,  pacem  et  vitam 
etiam  ipsam,  Deus  ut  creditor  commodarat,  quod 
suum  est  repetit  ac  tibi  aufert,  qua  tibi  expostu- 
landi  relinquitur  occasio?"  ^  Sainte-Marthe,  for 
all  such  telling  power  of  rhetoric,  is  not  always 
free  from  the  puerilities  which  beset  the  per- 
fervid  orator.  There  is  at  least  one  example  of 
that  legacy  from  the  schoolmen,  the  wearisome 
analysis  of  meaning,  from  which  modern  pulpits 
are  not  even  yet  entirely  freed.  In  whose  de- 
fense, asks  Sainte-Marthe,  shall  the  righteous 
dwell  ?  and  here,  where  the  dithyrambic  questions 
and  replies  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Psalm  might 
have  occurred  to  him,  he  prefers  a  needless  and 
childish  explanation  of  what  God  is  and  is  not. 
Well,  the  question  is  not  of  the  protection  of 
Satan,  the  god  of  this  world,  not  of  that  un- 
known god  of  the  Athenians;  the  righteous 
shall  not  dwell  in  the  defense  of  sculptured 
gods  and  images,  —  idols  whom  the  Gentiles 
worshiped  instead  of  God  —  nor  in  that  of  the 
god  of  the  Epicureans,  whose  god  is  their  belly, 

1  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  30  v°. 


LATIN  WORKS  499 

nor  in  that  of  the  god  of  misers  and  usurers, 
for  whom  money  holds  the  place  of  God,  but  in 
the  protection  of  the  God  of  heaven,  etc.^ 

Sainte-Marthe  does  not  often,  it  is  fair  to  say, 
fight  with  windmills  in  this  fashion,  but  the 
Meditation  cannot  be  even  so  far  acquitted  of 
the  vice  of  artificiality  of  another  sort.  The 
years  which  had  given  him,  with  a  knowledge 
of  life,  a  firm  touch  upon  his  instrument  and  a 
sure  instinct  for  the  telling  appeal,  had  also 
strengthened  its  author's  skill  and  subtlety 
in  the  art  —  as  such  he  probably  regarded  it 
—  of  far-fetched  interpretation,  the  counter- 
part of  which  is  that  conceited  treatment  of 
poetic  themes,  wherein,  as  has  been  shown, 
Sainte-Marthe  was  an  early  adept.  At  the 
time  he  composed  his  Meditation,  that  poetic 
vogue  was  nearing  its  height ;  and  it  was  natural 
that,  even  when  writing  religious  prose,  and 
even  in  Latin,  Sainte-Marthe  should  show  traces 
of  its  influence  upon  his  manner.  The  reader 
almost  catches  him  casting  about  for  quota- 
tion and  illustration  to  fit  some  fantastical  ex- 
planation of  the  text.     Perhaps  this  weakness 

•  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  12  v°. 


500         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

could  hardly  be  better  illustrated  than  by  his 
treatment  of  the  twelth  and  thirteenth  verses 
of  the  Psalm,  promising  the  faithful  that  angels 
shall  bear  him  up  in  their  hands  lest  he  dash 
his  foot  against  a  stone,  and  that  he  shall  go 
upon  the  lion  and  the  adder,  and  tread  the  young 
lion  and  the  dragon  under  his  feet.  Such  images 
gave  Sainte-Marthe  unlimited  scope  for  ingenuity 
more  accomplished  than  edifying,  and  he  elabo- 
rates the  theme  with  obvious  delight.^  Begin- 
ning with  a  long  exposition  of  the  functions  of 
angels  good  and  bad,  he  illustrates  liberally  with 
scriptural  examples.  He  treats  in  all  serious- 
ness an  imagined  objection,  whimsical  enough: 
"Quid  audio?  (dices)  Angelos  me  manibus  suis 
sublevaturos  ?  Atqui,  quum  Angeli  sint  spiritus 
et  spiritus  carnem  et  ossa  non  habeant,  qui  fieri 
poterit,  ut  manus  habere  queant  ?  "  ^  Thereupon 
he  enters  upon  a  long  disquisition  on  the  use  of 
the  word  hand,  as,  in  an  earlier  passage,  he  is 
at  pains,  as  if  confronted  wdth  a  real  difficulty, 
to  explain  the  shoulders  (in  our  version,  wings) 
and  feathers  of  the  fourth  verse  .^    The  stone  is, 

1  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  37  v°-43  v". 
«  Ihid.,  fol.  39  r».  » Ibid.,  fol.  21  r°. 


LATIN  WORKS  501 

of  course,  the  stone  of  stumbling,  against  which 
all  must  fall  in  the  darkness  of  this  world;  as, 
again,  it  is  the  stone  which  the  builders  rejected, 
destined  to  become  the  headstone  of  the  corner; 
and  Sainte-Marthe  cannot  resist  interpolating 
that  Satan  also  spreads  temptations  like  stones. 
It  is,  however,  when  he  comes  to  deal  with  the 
lion  and  the  adder,  the  young  lion  and  dragon, 
or  rather,  as  the  Vulgate  has  it,  "Aspidem  et 
Basiliscum  ,  .  .  Leonem  et  Draconem,"  that 
Sainte-Marthe  is  most  precieux  .and  most  far- 
fetched. Pliny,  fortunately  or  unfortunately, 
had  treated  of  all  these  creatures,^  and,  as  1  have 
already  implied  in  an  earlier  page,  Sainte-Marthe 
is  indebted  to  the  Latin  author  for  his  con- 
ception of  them.  If  an  asp  bite  a  man,  all  the 
afflicted  parts  must  be  cut  away;  so  if  Satan 
has  instilled  his  poison,  there  is  no  hope  for  the 
victim's  soul  unless  the  corrupt  affections  are 
cut  away.  The  breath,  no  less  than  the  touch, 
of  the  basilisk  destroys  plant  and  animal;  so 
the  devil  irremediably  destroys  those  whom  he 
touches  with  his  breath,  which  Sainte-Marthe 

»  Cf.  Pliny,  Hist.  Nat.,  VIII,  Chaps.  XXXV,  XXXIII, 
XII,  XIX. 


502         CHARLES  DE   SAlNTE-MARTHE 

chooses  to  interpret  as  his  subtle  temptations. 
The  dragon  hides  in  river  beds  and  surprises 
elephants  and  other  creatures ;  Satan,  whom  the 
scripture  in  fact  terms  "Dragonem  serpentum 
antiquum,"  ^  lies  lq  ambush  to  devour  the  un- 
wary. The  lion  attacks  his  prey  openly,  but 
is  terrified  by  fire;  so  Satan  visibly  assails 
those  whom  he  cannot  deceive  by  guile.  Nor 
does  Sainte-Marthe  forget  to  quote  St.  Peter's 
comparison  of  the  devil  to  the  roaring  lion, 
walking  about, and  seeking  whom  he  may  de- 
vour. And  what  fire  can  terrify  him  but  that 
fire  of  which  David  said,  "Ignitum  eloquium 
tuum,"  and  Solomon,  "omnis  sermo  Dei  ignitus," 
the  fire  indeed  with  which  Christ  put  him  to 
flight  ?  2  When  the  devil  transforms  himself  into 
an  angel  of  light  or  tempts  to  sins  of  the  flesh, 
he  is  an  asp,  a  basilisk,  a  dragon ;  when  he  per- 
forms the  works  of  Satan,  he  is  a  lion.  Serve 
SLQ,  Sainte-Marthe  continues  after  a  digression, 
and  you  will  be  devoured  by  the  lion,  of  whom 
it  is  written  "tanquam  a  conspectu  serpentis 
fuge  peccatum:  nam  si  acceseris  mordebit  te. 
Dentes  leonini  sunt  dentes  ipsius  animis  homi- 

*  Apoc.  chap.  XX,  2. 

*  I.e.  at  the  Temptation,  with  the  words  of  Scripture. 


LATIN  WORKS  503 

nium  exitiales."  Sainte-Marthe  takes  up  the 
ensuing  verses  only  after  he  has  made  all  the 
scriptural  allusions  to  lions,  adders,  basilisks 
and  dragons  which  come  to  mind,^  beginning 
with  David's  exclamation,  "Thou  breakest  the 
heads  of  the  dragon  in  the  waters,"  ^  which 
Sainte-Marthe  explains  as  referring  to  Pharaoh 
and  the  princes  of  Egypt. 

Such  a  passage  as  this  has  many  a  counter- 
part in  Sainte-Marthe's  Meditation;  the  arrow 
that  flieth  by  day  is  pride ;  the  terror  by  night 
is  despair  from  consciousness  of  sin;  the  "Dse- 
monium  Meridianum"  of  the  Vulgate^  is  Satan 
"transformed  into  an  angel  of  light."  He  can 
be  detected  only  by  the  true  light  which  gleams 
in  the  Christian's  shield  of  truth. ^  Perhaps 
Sainte-Marthe  comes  nearest  to  a  true  conceit 
when  treating  of  the  arrows  which  the  Lord  sends 
by  the  ministry  of  Satan,  arrows  called  "fiery 
darts  "  when  they  tempt  to  concupiscence,  anger, 
impatience,  blasphemies,  or  desperation.     Con- 

^  Psalm  Ixxiv,  v.  14. 

'  In  the  English  version,  "  the  sickness  that  destroyeth 
in  the  noonday." 

'  In  Psalmum  occ  .  .  .  Medit.,  fols.  26  v°,  24  v°,  27  v°, 
28  v«. 


504         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

necting  with  this  St.  Paul's  exhortation  to  take 
the  shield  of  faith  wherewith  to  "quench  all 
the  fiery  darts  of  the  wicked,"  Sainte-Marthe 
proceeds  to  elaborate  the  idea.  This  sort  of 
dart  kindles  in  him  whom  it  wounds  eternal 
fires,  and  leaves  behind  only  desperation  unless 
the  waters  of  saving  wisdom,  faith,  that  is,  in  the 
divine  promises,  quench  them.^  While  all  this 
is  in  line  with  scriptural  imagery,  its  elaboration 
of  metaphor  savors  of  the  literary  fashion  of  the 
day.  The  Scriptures  indeed  supply  the  arrow 
that  flieth  by  day,  the  arrows  of  the  Lord  and 
their  poison,  the  fiery  darts  of  the  wicked,  and 
the  command  to  quench  these,  but  it  is  perhaps 
not  too  much  to  say  that  the  Petrarchist  in 
Sainte-Marthe  gathered  these  images  together, 
and  added  the  figure  of  the  water  of  wisdom. 
Such  tendency  to  elaborate  metaphor  leads 
Sainte-Marthe  in  his  Meditation  into  grievous 
breaches  of  taste.  Still,  it  may  fairly  be  said 
that  the  faults  of  the  Meditation  are  far  more 
than  offset  by  its  merits.  If  occasionally  it 
inclines  to  ''sound  and  fury,  signifying  nothing," 
or  to  far-fetched  elaboration  of   metaphors,  if 

*  In  Psalmum  xc  .  .  .  Medit.,  fol.  37  v°. 


LATIN  WORKS  605 

it  is  not  wholly  free  from  errors  of  taste,  the 
Meditation  is  yet  on  the  whole  a  performance 
worthy  the  author  of  the  Funeral  Orations. 

The  coherence  of  its  structure,  its  careful 
sequence,  the  skill  and  finish  of  its  style,  its 
telling  application  of  worldly  experience  to  the 
spiritual  life,  its  persuasive  eloquence,  not  only 
set  it  far  above  Sainte-Marthe's  two  other  Latin 
works,  but  distinguish  it  among  the  numerous 
Latin  productions  of  the  time.  It  shines,  also, 
by  the  unaffected  grace  and  fluency  of  its  lan- 
guage, among  works  whose  effort  after  Ciceronian 
style  resulted  too  often  in  clumsy  and  obscure 
periods.  In  the  mere  use  of  language  and  in 
pictorial  power,  as  in  piety  profoundly  felt,  the 
Meditation  can  perhaps  hardly  claim  superiority 
over  the  two  Paraphrases ;  but  in  other  respects 
Sainte-Marthe's  Latin  works  exhibit  steady  gain 
in  power  and  skill.  The  Paraphrase  on  the 
Seventh  Psalm,  for  all  its  vigorous  language,  is 
too  violent,  too  crude,  and  too  confused  to  claim 
much  admiration  from  its  readers,  while  that 
on  the  Thirty-third  Psalm  arrests  attention  by 
its  ardor  and  its  occasionally  poetic  eloquence. 
Both  these  works,  however,  might  not  unjustly 


506        CHARLES  DB   SAINTE-MARTHE 

be  slighted  by  the  future  historian  of  Latin 
literature  in  the  Renaissance,  but  that  imaginary 
author  could  not  justly  deny  serious  appreciation 
to  Sainte-Marthe's  best  and  latest  work,  the 
Meditation  on  the  Ninetieth  Psalm. 


CHAPTER  V 

Conclusion 

With  the  Latin  works,  the  tale  of  Sainte- 
Marthe's  productions  comes  to  an  end.^    It  must 

1  We  know  that  he  had,  at  least  in  hand,  at  one  time 
or  another,  the  following  works,  of  which  one,  at  least,  was 
published :  a  theological  work  (c/.  letters  of  Breton  and 
Arlier,  supra,  pp.  51  and  72) ;  a  translation  of  parts  of 
Theocritus  (c/.  Dedication  of  the  P.  F.  to  the  Duchesse 
d'Estampes,  infra,  p.  563);  a  Book  of  Elegies  (c/.  Au 
Lecteur,  P.  P.,  infra,  p.  565);  a  "Livre  de  la  conjunction 
des  quatres  Langues  "  (c/.  Au  Lecteur  (errata),  P.  P., -p.  224) ; 
a  work  on  Funeral  Rites  (c/.  Dedication  to  Galbert,  In  the 
Psalmum  Septimum  .  .  .  Paraph.,  infra,  p.  574) ;  a  Legal 
Anthology  (cf.  ibid.) ;  Commentaries  on  the  One  Hun- 
dred and  Eighteenth  Psalm  (cf.  Letter  to  Furnaeus,  infra, 
p.  583) ;  a  metrical  translation  of  the  Psalms  (cf.  Letter 
to  Olivier,  infra,  p.  585).  Colletet  mentions  "une  belle 
paraphrase  Latine  des  sept  pseaumes  de  penitence  qui  a 
6t6  fort  bien  regue,  et  dont  quelques  auteurs  latins  de 
I'illustre  soci6t6  de  Jesus  ont  fait  mention."  Vie  des 
poetes  franQois,  fol.  447  v°.  This  may  be  a  reference  to 
the  preceding,  or  a  garbled  version  of  the  In  Psalmum 
Septimum  et  Psalmum  xxxiii,  Paraphrasis,  cf.  p.  164,  note  2. 
Brunet  mentions  (art.  Dolet)  a  "  Discours  de  Charles  de 
Sainte-Marthe  Au  lecteur  francois,"  as  included  in  a  sepa- 
607 


508         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

be  confessed  that  he  shows  himself  a  man  of 
striking  versatility  and  surprising  contrasts, 
if  not  of  any  great  originality;  influenced  in 
many  directions  by  the  new  intellectual  impulses 
and  cufrents  of  his  time  and  yet  bound  by  af- 
fection and  admiration  to  old  ways.  In  the 
Poesie  Francoise  he  proclaims  himself  a  devoted 
admirer  of  Marot  and  freely  imitates  him, 
practising  the  older  forms  of  poetry;  yet  is 
withal  an  early  Petrarchist,  and,  stranger  con- 
trast still,  an  early  Platonist  also,  applying  his 
Platonism  not  only  to  love,  but  also  to  the  pur- 
poses of  a  sincere  piety.  In  the  Paraphrases  he 
makes  it  evident  that  his  sympathies  are  with 
the  new  reformers,  yet  he  must  conciliate  eccle- 
siastical authority;  indeed,  in  bis  situation  at 
the  time  he  wrote  the  Paraphrases,  not  to  do  so 
might  have  cost  him  his  life.  In  his  Funeral 
Orations  he  appears  as  the  ardent   humanist, 

rate  (1560)  edition  of  La  forme  et  maniere  de  la  ponctuation 
et  accents  de  la  langue  francoise  etc.,  a  treatise  originally 
forming  part  of  Dolet's  La  maniere  de  bien  traduire  etc. 
This  separate  treatise  on  punctuation  is  not  to  be  seen  in 
any  of  the  public  libraries  of  J'aris,  and  I  have  been  unable 
to  consult  it.  I  suspect,  however,  that  Sainte-Marthe's 
Discours  is  merely  the  Dixain,  Au  Lecteur  Francoys,  al- 
ready dealt  with  in  these  pages.     Cf.  supra,  p.  253  et  seq. 


CONCLUSION  •  609 

the  convinced  admirer  of  ancient  life  and  wisdom, 
yet  averse  to  the  paganism  into  which  the 
sixteenth  century  humanists  were  so  easily  led; 
above  all  as  a  confirmed  lover  of  Plato,  and  yet, 
somewhat  regretfully,  so  the  reader  may  like 
to  fancy,  treating  Christians  and  Platonists  as 
belonging  to  separate  groups.  In  his  Latin 
works,  especially  in  his  Meditation  on  the 
Ninetieth  Psalm,  he  may  be  tracked  by  the 
curious  reader  to  classical  sources  that  betray 
the  humanist,  while  his  method  is  largely  that 
of  scholasticism.  For  final  contrast,  he  can 
shock  the  reader  of  his  Meditation,  a  work  in- 
stinct with  the  profundities  of  Christian  piety, 
by  dedicating  it,  in  the  interests  of  a  family 
feud,  to  the  author  of  a  base  and  hateful  attack 
upon  his  great  contemporary,  Rabelais. 

Beyond  a  doubt,  it  is  Sainte-Marthe's  inclina- 
tion to  new  ideas  which  gives  him,  as  the  author 
of  the  Poesie  Francoise,  a  claim  to  consideration. 
Even  a  prejudiced  reader  must  confess  the  in- 
trinsic worth  of  that  volume  but  slight.  Its 
epigrams  are  indeed  neat,  pointed,  even  polished, 
but  its  epigrams  form  an  inconsiderable  portion 
of  its  content.      The  remainder  has  only  rare 


510         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

flashes  of  grace  and  poetic  feeling  to  redeem  its 
heavy  prolixity.  If  Sainte-Marthe  is  to  be 
considered  as  a  contributor  to  French  literature, 
it  must  be  on  the  merits  of  his  two  Funeral 
Orations.  There,  accomplished  learning,  as  the 
time  measured  learning,  is  supported  by  graphic 
narrative,  a  highly  concrete  descriptive  gift, 
insight,  and  a  sense  for  language  which  resulted 
in  touching  eloquence.  By  these  gifts  Sainte- 
Marthe  made  the  Orations  the  convincing  vehicle 
of  genuine  emotion.  As  for  the  Latin  works, 
they  cannot,  of  course,  be  considered  in  the  light 
of  a  contribution  to  French  literature,  but 
neither  can  they  be  neglected  in  measuring  the 
worth  of  Sainte-Marthe's  literary  production. 
The  influence  of  contemporary  Latin  literature 
upon  French  prose  style  in  its  earlier  stages  still 
remains  to  be  studied,  but  it  may  be  asserted 
that  it  was  not  without  its  effect;  and  Sainte- 
Marthe's  Paraphrases  and  Meditation  should 
have  their  weight  in  any  consideration  of  such 
influence,  clothing  as  they  do  ideas  in  images 
often  elaborate,  and  both  in  Latin  prose  notice- 
able for  its  simplicity  in  an  age  when  ornate 
Latinity  was  a  thing  to  boast  of. 


CONCLUSION  511 

Apart  from  the  interest  which  these  produc- 
tions must  have  for  a  student  of  the  early  Renais- 
sance, Sainte-Marthe's  mere  personality  arrests 
the  attention,  owing  to  the  varying  scenes  and 
influences  amid  which  his  life  was  passed.  He 
spent  his  childhood  in  a  monastery,  famous  and 
closely  connected  with  the  court,  at  a  time  when 
it  had  just  passed  through  an  interesting  re- 
form. He  was  a  student  at  the  University  at 
Poitiers  when  it  was  shaken  by  the  profound 
spiritual  excitement  of  Calvin's  early  preaching ; 
a  teacher  at  the  new  "college"  at  Bordeaux,  and 
later  in  that  newly  re-organized  at  Lyons,  when 
both  were  in  the  ferment  which  the  new  learning 
infused  into  education.  He  was  acquainted 
with  Greek  and  Hebrew  at  a  time  when  a  knowl- 
edge of  these  tongues  was  still  new. 

Sainte-Marthe,  it  will  be  seen,  had  his  share,  if 
in  the  main  but  a  passive  one,  in  all  the  high  emo- 
tion of  that  passionate  time.  His  share  was,  in 
point  of  fact,  not  invariably  passive.  Undoubt- 
edly inclining  to  the  new  religious  doctrines,  in 
touch  for  a  moment  at  least  with  Calvin  and 
Genevan  Reform,  he  endured,  as  we  have  seen, 
his  meed  of   imprisonment  and  suffering,  but 


512         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

played,  it  is  probable,  no  very  valiant  part  in  the 
drama  of  Reform,  just  as  he  played  no  very  tell- 
ing one  in  the  vigorous  literary  movement  of  his 
time.  Early  connected  with  the  men  who  were 
to  form  the  famous  Lyonnese  school,  he  is  per- 
haps more  noteworthy  for  his  connection  with 
them  than  for  his  undeniable  anticipation  of 
their  themes.  His  associations,  in  fact,  were  in 
themselves  enough  to  preserve  his  name  to  pos- 
terity. He  looks  back  to  Marot  and  Saint- 
Gelais,  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  wel- 
comes in  Ronsard,  Du  Bellay,  and  the  new 
school.  Himself  possessed  of  fluent  Latin  and  a 
close  friend  of  elaborate  Ciceronians,  he  shared 
with  Dolet  his  enthusiasm  for  his  native  speech 
no  less  than  his  interest  in  Latinity.  He  was 
bound  by  ties  of  service,  intimacy  or  affection 
to  people  as  diverse  as  Calvin  and  Marguerite  of 
Navarre,  Ducher  and  Sceve,  Puy-Herbault  and 
Boissone.  His  association  with  the  Queen  of 
Navarre  was  so  intimate  that  the  choice  of  an 
orator  for  the  memorial  service  at  Alengon  fell 
upon  him ;  and  his  second  Funeral  Oration  was 
the  outcome  of  his  familiar  place  in  another 
household  hardly  less  closely  connected  with 


CONCLUSION  613 

the  fortunes  of  France;  for  the  Duchesse  of 
Beaumont's  family  included  the  father  of  Henry 
IV,  the  victor  of  Ceresolles,  the  Cardinal  de 
Bourbon,  afterwards  titular  king,  Charles  X, 
of  the  League,  and  the  founder  of  the  house 
of  Conde.  The  traces  left  by  Sainte-Marthe  of 
his  activities  as  Procureur  general  of  Beaumont 
under  Antoine  de  Bourbon  have  their  interest 
also  as  shedding  light  upon  the  life  of  the  time. 
It  is  perhaps  partly  as  the  result  of  this  variety 
of  association  and  activity  that  Sainte-Marthe 
leaves  with  his  readers  above  all  a  sense  of 
confusion ;  of  eloquence  whose  flow  is  somewhat 
ill-ordered;  of  a  feeling  for  language  emotional 
rather  than  intellectual;  of  an  imagination 
excited  and  disturbed.  He  may  profess  indeed, 
as  in  his  Funeral  Orations  for  example,  to  proceed 
upon  a  definite  plan  of  composition,  but  the 
result  is  not  the  more  organic,  and  only  in  his 
Meditation  can  there  be  said  to  be  anything 
like  structure.  We  must  not,  then,  set  down 
Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe  as  a  poet  of  great 
worth,  nor  even  as  a  finished  writer  of  prose 
or  an  accomplished  latinist,  but  rather  as  a 
writer  whose  remains  prove  him  to  have  taken 
2l 


514         CHARLES   DE    SAINTB-MARTHE 

an  eager  and  early  part  in  nursing  nearly  every 
fruitful  idea  which  found  its  way  to  France 
during  the  quarter-century  of  his  mature  ex- 
istence. It  would  be  hard,  indeed,  to  discover 
a  more  typical  average  man  of  the  Renaissance 
than  Sainte-Marthe,  or  one  who  more  aptly 
illustrates  the  effect  upon  a  man  of  imagination 
and  talents  of  its  conflicting  currents,  its  rich 
confusion. 


APPENDIX 

SCEVOLE  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE'S  LIFE  OF  CHARLES 
AND  JACQUES  DE  SAINTE-MARTHE. 

Carolus  et  Jacobus  Samaethani. 

Ne  tamen  videar  (quod  ille  ait)  alienos  agros  colere, 
proprium  negligere,  liceat  hie  postrem6  celebrare  duo 
Sammarthanaegentis  honestamenta  Carolum  &  Jacobum 
patruos  meos :  quorum  alter  Jurisprudentiam,  alter 
Medicinam  coluit,  vterque  Grsecam  linguam,  philo- 
sophiam  &  ingenuas  omnes  artes  non  leviter  aut  per- 
functorie,  sed  serio  diligenterque  amplexus  est.  Di- 
verso  tamen  more  nee  eodem  studiorum  instituto. 
Carolus  enim,  aurae  popularis  avidior,  perutiles  de  re 
sepulchrali  eommentarios  itemque  pias  in  Davidis  car- 
mina  commentationes  &  multa  varij  generis  poematia 
turn  Latina  turn  Gallica  publicavit,  Jaeobus  autem 
licet  Romani  sermonis  faeultate  perfectissimus,  tamen 
quod  homo  esset  inanis  glorise  nusquam  appetens, 
totum  istud  seribendi  studium  faeil6  neglexit,  uberri- 
mas  illas  multiplicis  eruditionis  opes  eodem  quo  seip- 
sum  tumulo  eonditurus,  nisi  haeredes  earum  reliquisset 
filios  elegantiora  studia  eum  exercitatione  forensi 
doctissime  adsequantes.  Hie  Scsevolae  patris  vestigia 
secutus  Lodoicae  &  Leonoras  Borboniis  coenobij  Fonte- 
515 


516  CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

braldaei  Principibus  illustrissimis  ad  extremam  usque 
senectutem  non  modo  in  arte  medica,  sed  etiam  in 
consiliis  &  omnibus  magni  momenti  rebus  fidelem 
nauauit  operam.  lUe  Margaretae  Nauarrse  auspiciis 
causarum  capitalium  apud  Alenconios  praefecturam 
adeptus  patronam  fato  functam  luculentissima  lauda- 
tione  consecravit.  Nee  ita  multo  post,  integro  adhuc 
aevo  nimia  vi  &  copia  sanguinis  oppressus,  emisit  ani- 
mam.  Cum  sanguis  ipse  ruptis  vasis  magno  se  impetu 
circum  praecordia  diffundens  nativum  repente  calorem 
suffocasset. 
—  Gallorum  Doctrina  Illustrium  .  .  .  Elogia,  Liber 
II,  p.  195  et  seq. 

COLLETET'S  TRANSLATION. 

Charles  et  Jacques  de  Sainte-Marthb. 

De  peur  qu'il  ne  semble,  comme  dit  im  Ancien,  qu'en 
cultivant  les  champs  d'autruy,  je  neglige  les  miens  pro- 
pres,  je  pretens  icy  faire  I'Eloge  de  ces  deux  ornemens 
de  nostre  Famille,  Charles  &  Jacques  de  Sainte-Marthe 
mes  deux  oncles.  Quoy  qu'il  fussent  tous  deux,  de 
profession  differentes,  &  que  I'un  se  fust  adonne  serieuse- 
ment  k  la  Jurisprudence,  &  I'autre  k  la  Medecine;  si 
est-ce  que  tous  deux  ils  furent  semblables  en  ce  poinct, 
qu'ils  se  rendirent  excellens  dans  Tintelligence  de  la 
langue  Grecque,  &  que  tous  deux  ils  s'appliquerent 
profondement  k  la  Philosophic,  &  a  la  cognoissance  de 
tous  les  autres  arts  Hberaux.  lis  les  practiquerent 
neantmoins  diversement,  &  n'eurent  pas  un  mesme 
but  dans  des  estudes  semblables.  Car  Charles  qui 
aimoit  passionn^tnent  cest«  reputation  que  Ton  ac- 


APPENDIX  617 

quiert  k  la  Cour,  &  parmy  le  Peuple,  apres  avoir  com- 
post vn  tres-docte  &  tres  utile  discours  des  Sepultures 
&  des  Pompes  funebres,  &  compose  de  doctes  &  de 
pieux  Commentaires  sur  des  Pseaumes  de  David,  avec 
plusieurs  autres  Poemes  FraiiQoise  &  Latins  sur  de 
differentes  matieres,  eut  soin  de  mettre  tous  ces  ouv- 
rages  au  Jour.  Quant  k  Jacques  de  Sainte-Marthe, 
quoy  qu'il  cognust  en  perfection  toutes  les  graces  de 
la  langue  Latine,  si  est-ce  que  n'estant  pas  touch  6 
du  desir  de  la  gloire  qui  s'acquiert  a  composer  des 
livres,  il  negligea  tellement  la  peine  que  Ton  prend  k 
les  escrire,  que  tous  les  thresors  des  diverses  sciences 
qu'il  possedoit,  eussent  este  enfermes  avec  luy  dans  vn 
mesme  tombeau,  si,  par  les  doctes  &  frequentes  con- 
ferences, il  ne  les  eust  communiquez  k  Louis,  &  h 
Frangois  de  Sainte-Marthe  ses  enfans,  qui  scavent 
encore  auiourd'huy  marier  dignement  la  function  du 
barreau  auec  I'exercise  des  belles  lettres.  Jacques, 
marchant  done  ainsi  sur  les  traces  de  son  Pere  Scevole, 
servit  jusques  a  vne  extresme  vieillesse  ces  deux 
Princesses  illustres,  Louise,  &  Leonor  de  Bourbon, 
Abbesses  de  Fontevrault,  non  seulement  en  quality 
de  leur  Medecin  ordinaire  mais  encore  comme  vn  fidele 
Conseiller,  qu'elles  consultoient  utilement  pour  elles, 
&  glorieusement  pour  luy  dans  toutes  leurs  affaires 
importantes.  Quant  k  Charles  de  Sainte-Marthe,  il 
s'insinua  dans  les  bonnes  graces  de  Marguerite  Royne 
de  Navarre,  &  comme  ce  fut  par  sa  faueur  qu'il  obtint 
rOffice  de  Lieutenant  Criminel  de  la  ville  d'Alengon, 
apres  la  mort  de  ceste  excellente  Princesse,  il  creAt 
que  pour  recognoistre  en  quelque  sorte  les  bienfaicts 
qu'il  avoit  receus  d'elle  pendant  sa  vie,  il  estoit  de  son 


518        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

debvoir  de  faire  son  Oraison  funebre  apres  sa  mort. 
Ce  qu'il  fit  certes  avec  vn  grand  applaudissement  de 
toute  la  France.  Mais  peu  de  temps  apres  il  se  sentit 
presse  luy  mesme  de  suivre  sa  bonne  Maitresse.  Car 
comme  il  estoit  d'une  humeur  extremement  sanguine, 
une  abondance  de  sang  sortie  de  ses  veines  avec 
violence  &  impetuosite,  malgre  les  vaisseaux  qui  le 
contenoient,  ayant  esteint  sa  chaleur  naturelle,  il  en 
fut  suflfoque  tout  a  coup,  &  en  mourut  en  la  fleur  de 
eon  aage,  Fan  1555. 

— Eloges  des  Hommes  Illustres,  Liv.  Ill,  pp.  372-374. 

PERSONS    TO    WHOM    SAINTE-MARTHE    AD- 
DRESSED   LINES    IN    THE    POESIE 

FRANCOISE. 
Alein  : 

A  Monsieur  d 'Alein  d 'Aries.     Que  lliomme  mes- 
disant  de  la  Femme  mesdict  de  soy  mesme.  p.  14. 
Arbigny  : 

A  Madame  Anne  d'Arbigny,  Dame  de  la  Val  en 
Daulphin6.    p.  89. 
Beconne : 

A  Madamoiselle  de  Beconne.    p.  193. 
Benac : 

A  Jean  Benac.    De  soy.    p.  93. 
Bebingue  : 

De  Beringue  s'Amye  et  de  soy.    p.  14. 

A     Madamoiselle     Beringue,    de     la     servitude 
d'Amour.     p.  17. 

A  Mademoiselle  Beringue.     p.  22. 

De  Madamoiselle  Beringue.    p.  54. 

D'elle  mesme  &  de  soy.    p.  54. 

A  Madamoiselle  Beringue.    p.  56. 


APPENDIX  619 

Bebingue  : 

A  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  Que  son  Amour  est 

immortelle,     p.  58. 
A  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  Que  nostre  Esperance 

doibt  estre  en  Dieu.     p.  66. 
A  ma  Damoiselle  Beringue,  Quel  martyre   c'est, 

brusler  d 'affection,  &  n'oser  parler  pour  la  des- 

couvrir.     p.  75. 
A  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  De  Liberte  &  Servitude 

provenante  Par  amour,    p.  78. 
A  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  Que  leur  Amour  ne  se 

pourra  minuer  pour  les  mesdisants.    p.  86. 
A    Madamoiselle    Beringue,   Que    rien    ne   vault 

commencer  un  bien,  sans  Taschever.    p.  91. 
A  Madamoiselle   Beringue,  De  leur  Honneste  & 

irreprehensible  Amour,    p.  145. 
Bigot : 

A  Guiliaulme    Bigot    homme    tresconsomm^  en 

Philosophie.    p.  93. 
BoissoNE : 

A   Monsieur    Boisson^,     Conseiller   k   Chambery. 

Qu'on  se  doibt  fier,  au  seul  Seigneur,  non  aux 

Hommes.    p.  57. 

BOUREL : 

A  Edmond  Bourel  Chanoine  de  Romans  en  Daul- 

phin^.     Que    (suivant    I'ordonnance   de   Dieu) 

mieulx     vault     se     marier,    que     d'entretenir 

Paillardes.    p.  87. 

Bressieux.     Cf.  Grolee-Mevouillon  and  Vernai- 

SON. 

Chausson  : 

A  Maurice  Chausson,  vers  Alexandrins.     p.  66. 


520         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Chereau : 

A  Geoffroy  Chereau  estant  malade,  Qu'on  se  doibt 
esgalement  porter  en  prosperite  &  adversity. 
p.  67. 

ClAVEYSON,  ExUPERE  DE  : 

Au  Seigneur  de  Parnans.     Qu'au  bien  d'Amour, 

rien  nest  plus  nuysant,  que  jouyssance.    p.  13. 
A    noble    Exupere    de    Claveyson,    Seigneur    de 

Parnans,  responce  h  son  dixain.     p.  24. 
Au  Seigneur  de  Parnans.     De  quelcun  qui  disoit 

qu'il  aymoit  trop  s'Amye.    p.  31. 
Au  Seigneur  de  Parnans.     Quoy  que  deux  Amys  se 

separent  I'un  de  I'aultre,  que  toutefoy,  sont  tous- 

jours  presents,    p.  35. 
Au  Seigneur  de  Parnans,  Qu'aujourdhuy  on  est 

plus  obeissant  k  vice  qu'^  Vertu.    p.  87. 
Claveyson,  Louis  de  : 

A  Frere  L.  de  Claveyson,  prieur  de  Parnans.     Que 

I'habit  ne  fait  pas  le  Moyne.    p.  60. 
Colin.     C/.  Saint-Ambroise. 
Dalechamps  : 

A  Jacques  Dalechamp.    p.  106. 

DOLET  : 

A  monsieur  Dolet,  D'un  Detracteur  mesdisant  de 
luy.    p.  33. 

Aux  Francois,  du  Livre  de  Dolet,  de  la  langue 
Francoise.    p.  78. 

Aux  Francoys,  en  recommendation  du  Livre  de 
Dolet,  de  la  maniere  de  traduire,  punctuer  & 
accentuer,  en  nostre  Langue.  Avecques  ex- 
hortation k  tous  Lettr^s  Francoys,  s'aymer  & 
soubstenir  I'un  I'aultre.    p.  177. 


APPENDIX  521 

DKuaA.c,  Gratian  Dupont,  sieur  de  : 

A  Drusac,  detracteur  du  sexe  Feminin.    p.  94. 
Du  MoucHET : 

Au  Seigneur  du  Mouchet,  Que  le  bien  Celeste  doibt 
estre  prefere  au  bien  Mondain.    p.  98. 
Du  Perault  (Peron  ?) : 

A  Madame  du  Perault.     155. 
Du  Peron.    Cf.  Pierrevive. 
Du  Pont.     Cf.  Drusac. 
Entraigues,  Guillaume  de  Balzac,  Baron  d*  : 

Sur  la  naissance  de  la  fille  de  Monsieur  le  Baron 
d'Entraigues. 
EsTABLE.    Cf.  Fay. 

ESTAMPES  : 

A  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes,  luy  presentant 

ses  Oeuvres.    p.  9. 
De  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes.    p.  20. 
A  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes.    p.  37. 
A  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes.    p.  62. 
A  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes,  luy  recom- 

mandant  son  Oeuvre.    p.  82. 
A  Madame  La   Duchesse  d'Estampes.      p.    125. 

And  cf.  infra,  p.  531. 
Elegie.     Du  Tempe  de  France,  en  I'honneur  de 

Madame  la  Duchesse  d  'Estampes,  p.  197.    And 

cf.  infra,  p.  537  et  seq. 
Fay,  Paul  de  : 

A  noble  Paule  de  Fay  Seigneur  d'Estables.     p. 

79. 
Fay,  Mlle.  de  : 

A  Madamoiselle  d'Estable  sa  seur  d'alience.     p. 

159. 


522         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Fehron : 

A  Jean  Ferron,  pourqoy  n'a  respondu  k  ses  adver- 

saires.    p.  15. 
A  Jean  Ferron,  Coq  k  Lasne.    p.  141. 

Francois  I : 

Au  Roy  treschrestien.    p.  8. 

Grenet  : 

A   Monsieur    le    Chevalier   Grenet    au    departir. 
p.  53. 

Grolee-Mevouillon,  Antoine  DE  : 

A  noble  &  puissant  Seigneur  Monsieur  Anthoine 

de  Muillion,  Baron  de  Bressieux.     De  la  misere 

de  proces.    p.  29. 
A  Monsieur  le  Baron  de  Bressieux,  D'un  qui  mes- 

disoit  de  luy  en  son  absence,    p.  59. 
A  Monsieur  le  Baron  de  Bressieux,  dequoy  nous 

sommes  au  monde  debiteurs.    p.  72. 
A  noble  &  puissant  Seigneur,  Monsieur  Antoine  de 

Muillion,  Baron  de  Bressieux,  frere  du  susdict 

Seigneur  de  S.  Pierre,    p.  170. 

Grolee-Mevouillon,  Francois  de  : 

A  noble  Seigneur,  Monsieur  Francois  de  Muillion, 

seigneur  de  Ribbiers,  en  le  remerciant  des  biens 

qu'il  luy  a  faictz.    p.  34. 
A  Monsieur  de   Ribbiers,   Qu'il  fault   esprouver 

I'amy.    p.  73. 
A  Monsieur  de  Ribbiers.    p.  188. 

Grolee-Mevouillon,  Anne  de  : 

A  R.  Pere  en  DIEU,  Monseigneur  Anne  de  Grolfe, 
Abb6  de  S.  Pierre  de  Vienne.    p.  166. 


APPENDIX  623 

Haulteville  : 

A  Madamoiselle  de  haulteville/  Comment  Libert^ 
&  Servitude   (deux  contraires)   peuvent  durer 
ensemble,    p.  99. 
HoNDREMARC  (or  Ondremar)  : 

A    Antoine    Hondremarc    Maistre    D'EschoUe    k 
Romans,     p.  69. 
La  Riviere  : 

Au  Seigneur  de  la  Riviere  Maistre  dTiostel  de 
Madame  de  la  Val.     Comment  on  doibt  estre 
cault  k  faire  un  Amy,     p.  96. 
La  Ruelle  : 

A  Charles  de  la  Ruelle,  Que  toute  Amyti^  doibt 
estre  Fondee  sur  Vertu.    p.  12. 
La  Tour : 

A  Madame  Magdaleine  de  La  Tour  sa  Soeur  d'al- 
lience.     p.  70. 
La  Val  (Abbesse  de)  : 

A  Madame  1' Abbesse  de  la  val    en    Daulphin6, 
estant   Malade.     28.     And  cf.  Arbigny. 
Le  Fevre : 

A  Rene  le  Fevre  Que  sur  toutes  bestes  I'Homme  est 
k  craindre.    p.  12. 
Lestrange : 

A  Madame  de  L'estrange.    p.  129. 

^  M.  E.  Picot  identifies  this  personage  with  Isabelle  de 
Haulteville,  whom,  in  1564,  the  Cardinal  Odet  de  Chastillon 
married  (wearing  his  Cardinal's  robes  for  the  occasion!), 
after  living  with  her  publicly  for  several  years.  Les 
FrariQais  Italianisants  au  XVP  Siecle,  Vol.  II,  p.  11,  note 
3.  The  date  of  Sainte-Marthe's  volume,  1540,  appears  to 
cast  some  uncertainty  upon  this  identification. 


524        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Lisle,  de  : 

A  Hector  de  Lisle,    p.  90. 

LOYTAULDE : 

A   Madamoiselle   Gacinette   Loytaulde,   Mere  de 
Beringue  s'Amye.    p.  88. 
Marguerite  de  France  : 

A    Madame   Marguerite,    fille    unique    du    Roy. 
p.  122. 
Marguerite  de  Navarre  : 

A  la  Royne  de  Navarre,     p.  8. 
A  la  Royne  di  Navarre,    p.  119. 
Marillac  : 

A  P.  de  Marillac,  Comment  on  doybt  prendre  ce 

terme  Fortune,     p.  10. 
Elegie  A  P.  de  Marillac,  Que  le  Cueur  fort  mag- 
nanime,  est  le  seul  riche  du  Monde,  par  son 
contentement.    p.  219. 
Marot  : 

A  Marot  d'un  sien  Valet,  qu'i  I'avoit  desrobe.    p. 

13. 
De  la  prudence  de  Clement  Marot.    p.  19. 
A  Clement  Marot  son  pere  d 'alienee,    p.  55. 
A  Luy  mesme,  Luy  recommendant  ses  Oeuvres, 
vers  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes.     p.  55. 
A  Marot.     Du  faulx  bruict  de  sa  Mort.    p.  59. 
Marquet,  Marie  : 

A    Madamoiselle    Marie   marquet,   sa    Mere,  Qu' 
Innocence,  quoy  qu'elle  soit  molest^e,  ne  pent 
estre  opprim^e.    p.  56. 
Marquet,  Pierre: 

A  noble  Seigneur  Pierre  Marquet,  Seigneur  de  la 
Bedouere,  son  oncle.    p.  79. 


APPENDIX  £25 

Marron  : 

A.  F.  I.  Marron,  pourquoy  le  vray  bien  est  inter- 
dit.    p.  56. 
Merlin  : 

A  Jehan  Merlin,  Que  nous  sommes  aveugles  en  nos 
faicts.    p.  68. 

MOLANS  : 

A  Madame  de  Molans,  pour  Estrennes.    p.  20. 

MONGAILLARD  : 

A  Monsieur  le  Capitaine  Mongaillard.    p.  103. 
MoNTAUsiER,  Leon  de  Saint  Maur,  dug  de  : 

A   Monsieur   le    chevalier    de    monthozier.      p. 

102. 
Elegie  en  forme  d'epistre,  a  Monsieur  le  Chevalier 

de  Monthozier,  Que  k  qui  Jesus  ayde,  rien  ne 

pent  nuyre.    p.  205. 

MOSNIER : 

Epitaphe  de  feu  Monsieur  Maistre  Foulcaud  Mos- 
nier,  procureur  de  Fontevrault,  &  son  Parrain, 
parlant  en  sa  personne. 

MuiLLioN.     Cf.  Grolee-Mevouillon. 

Navarre.     Cf.  Marguerite. 

NUILLY  : 

A  Madamoiselle  de  Nuilly.     Que  c'est  d'Amour. 
p.  9. 
Odde: 

A  noble  Edmond  Odde,  Seigneur  de  Triors.     Du 
cloistre  de  la  Langue.    p.  72. 
Parnans.    Cf.  Claveyson. 

PlERREVIVE  : 

A  Madamoiselle  Marie  de  pierre  vive,  dame  du 
Peron.    p.  137. 


526         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

PiTREL : 

A  Thomon  Pitrel,  que  c'est  grand  richesse  d'estre 
content,    p.  105. 

PONTHOISE  : 

A  Gabriel  de  Ponthoise.    p.  15. 
RocouLEs : 

A  Mademoiselle  Jeanne  de  Raucoulles.     Que  la 
cognoissance  de  Dieu  oultrepasse  tous  aultres 
dons.    p.  36. 
A  Madamoiselle  Jeanne  de  RaoucouUes.    p.  153. 
RiBBiERs.    Cj.  Grolee-Mevotjillon. 

ROBOAM  : 

A  Jean  Roboam  Qu'un  nouvel  ouvrier  fait  nouvel 
ouvrage.    p.  102. 
Saint  Ambroise,  Jacques  Colin,  Abbe  de  : 

A  Monsieur  I'Abbe  de  sainct  Ambroise,  il  luy  re- 
commande  ses  (Euvres.    p.  70. 
Saint-Jean  : 

A  Michel  de  Sainct  Jhean  d'Arles,  jeime  homme  de 
grand  jugement  sans  lettres.    p.  27. 
Saint-Martin  : 

A  noble  Loys  de  sainct  Martin,  d'Arles,  luy  estant 
malade.    p.  138. 
Saint-Maur.     cj.  Montausier. 

Saint-Remy  : 

A  Monsieur  de  S.  Remy,  luy  estant  en  necessite  h. 
Vincence.    p.  92. 

Saint  Romans  : 

A    Monsieur    de    Sainct    Romans    Conseiller    de 
Grenoble,    p.  30. 


APPENDIX  627 

Sainte-Marthe,  Gaucher  : 

A  son  Seigneur  &  Pere,  Medicin  &  conseiller  ordi- 
naire du  Roy.      II  luy  rend  raison  de  sa  Poesie 
Francoise,  le  consolant  de  ses  adversites.    p.  148. 
Sainte-Marthe,  Jean: 

A  Jean  de  saincte  Marthe  son  cousin,  Que  nous 
debvons  louer  Dieu  de  tout.    p.  85. 
Sainte-Marthe,  Louis  : 

A  Loys  de  Saincte  Marthe  son  frere,  Que  Vertu 
n'est    contamin^e    pour    detraction    des    mes- 
chants.    p.  11. 
Salel : 

A  Salel,  valet  de  chambre  du  Roy,  Sur  sa  divise, 
p.  90. 
ScEVE,  Claudine: 

A   Madame   Claude   Sceve,   femme   de   Monsieur 
I'advocat  du  Roy,  k  Lyon.    p.  157. 
Sceve,  Maurice  : 

A  Maurice    Sceve   Lyonnois,   homme   treserudit, 

Vers  Alexandrins.     p.  50. 
A  Maurice  Sceve,  Qu'il  vault  mietdx  donner  que 
prendre,     p.  80. 
Tardivon  : 

A  Andr6  Tardivon,  Courrier  de  Romans,     p.  98. 

TOLET : 

A  P.  Tolet,  Medicin  du  grand  Hospital  de  Lyon. 
Sur  I'amitie  de  luy  &  de  Dolet  Vers  Alexan- 
drins.   p.  11. 

A  la  Dame  &  bien  aym^e  de  M.  P.  Tolet,  Medicin 
du   grand    Hospital    de    Lyon,    son    singulier 
Amy.    p.  172. 
Triors.    Cf.  Odde. 


528         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Vallon  : 

A  Jacques  Vallon,  delivre  de  sa  maladie.    p.  100. 
Veriust  : 

Elegie,  A  Monsieur  Veriust,  Doyen  de  Macon.     De 
la  vraye  Noblesse,     p.  216. 
Vernaison,  Antoinette  de  Bressieux,  Abbesse  de  : 

A  Madame  I'Abbesse  de  Vernaison.    p.  100. 

ViLUERS  : 

A  Villiers,  Musicien  tresperfect.    p.  97. 

CONTENTS    OF    LE    LIVRE   DE    SES    AMYS, 
POESIE  FRANCOISE,  pp.  225-237. 

AvANSON  (Prose  Dedication).     Cf.  p.  564  et  seq. 

A  Monsieur   le  Secretain   D'avenson,  Charles  de 
Sainct  Marthe  Salut.    p.  226. 
Bigot : 

Epistre  de  Bigotius  k  Saincte  Marthe.    p.  229. 
Benac : 

Jean  Benac,  A  S.  Marthe.    p.  236. 
Chausson  : 

Maurice  Chausson  A  S.  Marthe.    p.  234. 
Claveyson : 

Exupere  de  Claveyson,  Seigneur  de  Parnans,  k  son 
frere  S.  Marthe.    p.  233. 

DOLET : 

Etienne  Dolet,  A  S.  Marthe.    p.  232.     Cf.  p.  544. 
Du  Puy: 

Charles  du  Puy,  a  Madamoiselle  Beringue,  TAmye 
de  Monsieur  de  S.  Marthe.    p.  236. 
Grenet : 

Le     Chevalier     Grenet,    sur    la     Poesie    de    S. 
Marthe.    p.  237.     Cf.  p.  227. 


APPENDIX  629 

MoNTAUSiER,  Leon  db  Saint  Maur,  dug  de  : 

Leon  de  Saincte  More,  dit  de  Monthozier,  Chevalier 
de   Tordre   de   Sainct   Jean   de   Hierusalem,  A 
Charles    de    Saincte    Marthe,   Salut.      p.    227. 
(Prose.)     Cf.  p.  600  et  seq. 
Marillac  : 

P.  D.  Marillac,  Aux  Dames,  de  la  Beringue  de  S. 
Marthe.    p.  233. 
Parnans.    Cf.  Claveyson. 

SaINT-MaUR.      Cf.  MONTAUIER. 
ROBOAM : 

Jean  Roboam,  au  Lecteur.    Du  Livre  de  S.  Marthe. 
p.  235. 
ScfevE : 

Maurice  Sceve,  A  S.  Marthe.    p.  232. 

To  LET : 

P.  Tolet,  Medicin,  aux  Poetes  Francoys,  du  Livre 
de  S.  Marthe.    p.  234. 

ViLLENEUVE : 

A.  de  Villeneufve,  k  la  Ville  de  Poictiers,  sur  le 
departement  de  S.  Marthe.    p.  236.    Cf.  p.  53 

et  seq. 

SELECTIONS  FROM  THE  POESIE  FRANCOISE. 

A  Monsieur  Dolet. 

d'xjn  detracteur,  mesdisant  de  ltjy. 

Si  ce  Baudet,  ton  scavoir  tant  peu  prise, 
Que  c^  &  \k,  ton  nom  aille  mordent, 
Consider^  sa  tresfoUe  entreprise, 
Ce  n'est  pas  trop  merveilleux  accident. 
Son  meschant  Cueur  est  ass6s  evident, 
2m 


530         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

J^  les  enfantz  en  vont  k  la  moustarde. 
II  cognoistrk  plus  k  plain,  quoy  qu'il  tarde, 
Qu'il  a  gaigne  prendre  le  frein  aux  dentz. 
Mais  k  ce  Sot,  ne  te  fault  prendre  garde, 
D'un  Sac  ne  sort,  que  ce  qui  est  dedans. 

—  P.  i^.,  p.33. 

A  Maeot. 

DU  FAULX    BRUICT    DE    SA    MORT. 

II  fut  un  bruit,  6  Marot,  qu'estois  mort, 
Et  ce  faulx  bruit  un  menteur  asseur^. 
L'un  d'un  coste,  se  plaignoit  de  la  Mort. 
Faisant  regret  qui  longuement  dur^. 
L'aultre,  par  vers  piteux  la  deplor^, 
Gettant  souspirs  de  dur  gemissement. 
Moy,  de  grand  dueil  plorant  amerement, 
Duquel  estoit  ma  triste  Ame  saisie. 
Las,  dys  ie,  mort  est  nostre  Amy  Clement  ? 
Morte  donq'  est  Fran^oise  Poesie. 

—  P.  F.,  p.  59. 

A  Jacques  Dalechamp. 

DIEU  ne  fault  point  k  ses  Amis, 
Car  en  sa  promesse  il  est  stable, 
L'homme,  inconstant  &  variable, 
Est  de  sa  Foy  soubdain  demis. 

Quoy  qu'on  se  soit  centre  nous  mis, 
On  n'a  rien  fait  qui  soit  vallable, 
Dieu  ne  fault  point. 


APPENDIX  531 

Avons  nous  plusieurs  Ennemys 
Usants  d'un  art  cault  &  damnable? 
L'amy  se  monstr'il  trop  muable  ? 
Pource  n'ayons  le  Cueur  remis, 

Dieu  ne  fault  point. 

—  P.F.,Tp.  106. 

A  Madame  la  Duchessb  d'Estampes. 

Juno,  Venus,  &  Pallas,  trois  ensemble, 
Ont  heu  debat  merveilleux  k  vous  veoir. 
S'a  dit  Juno,  mienne  est  comma  me  semble, 
Pour  son  grand  los,  sa  noblesse,  &  avoir, 
Mais,  fist  Venus,  pour  moy  la  veulx  avoir, 
Car  en  beault^  au  Monde  n'a  seconde. 
Quoy,  dist  Pallas,  sa  tresnoble  facunde, 
Son  bel  Esprit,  ses  Graces,  la  font  mienne. 
Laquelle  aur^  des  trois  la  Pomme  ronde. 
Pour  vous  tenir  justement  comme  sienne  ? 

—  P.  F.,p.  37. 

A  Rene  le  Fevhe. 

Que  sur  toutes  bestes,  l'homme 

est  a  craindre. 

On  craint  le  Loup,  par  Faim  sortant  du  bois, 
On  craint  un  Ours,  &  un  Lyon  bruyant, 
On  craint  Sangler  eschauff^  des  abbois, 
Pres  poursuivy  des  Veneurs  se  veoyant, 
On  craint  k  veoir  un  Tigre  fouldroyant, 
Un  chascun  craint  toutes  Feres,  en  somme. 
Mais  moy,  je  crains  sur  toutes  bestes  I'Homme. 

—  P.  F.,  p.  12. 


532        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

,  A  Gabriel  dk  Ponthoisb. 

Demorgogon  monte  sur  sa  chamie, 
Qui  fait  aller  le  Monde  de  travers, 
Iris  apres,  se  presente  en  la  rue, 
Laquelle  fait  des  jugements  divers : 
Et  puis,  survient  cest  Ange  tant  pervers, 
Qui  crie  hommage  k  la  teste  crestee; 
Les  Bigarres,  regardants  de  travers, 
Ont  Astrea  au  chemin  arrested. 

—  P.  F.,  p.  15. 


A  Jean  db  sainctb  Marthb  son  cousin,  Qtjb  nous 

DEBVONS  LOUER  DiEU  DB  TOUT. 

Dieu  soit  lou6  de  tout  ce  qu'il  envoye, 
Soit  bien  ou  mal,  maladie  ou  sant6. 
Si  nous  prenons  en  gre  prosperity, 
L'adversit6  fault  aussi  prendre  en  joye. 


Estant  en  heur  j'ay  d'Amys  grand  montioye, 
Mais  en  malheur  chascun  s'est  absent^. 

Lou6  soit  Dieu. 


Besoing  nous  est,  qu'aulcune  foy  Ion  veoye 
Si  les  Amys  ayment  par  fermete, 
Cel^  nous  monstre  asses  necessity, 

Qu'on  voise  droict,  ou  bien  la  torte  voye, 

Dieu  soit  loue. 

—  P.  F.,  p.  85  et 


APPENDIX  533 

A  Drusac,  detracteur  du  sbxe  Feminin. 

C'est  k  bon  droit  (ainsi  comme  tu  dis) 
Que  sans  propos  de  la  Femme  mesdis, 
Est  ce  a  bon  droit  ?  villain  tu  as  menty, 
Le  droit  s'est  il  k  celk  consenty 
Que  soit  raison  d'user  de  tel  mesdicts  ? 

On  peut  juger  de  tes  faicts  par  tes  diets, 
En  t 'appellant  (par  tes  escripts  mauldicts) 
Un  detracteur  de  raison  diuerty, 

C'est  k  bon  droit. 

Estimes  tu  tes  furieux  edicts 
Estre  a  ton  vueil  observes?  &  tandis 
Que  gents  de  bien  maintiennent  ton  party? 
Mais  n'est  tu  pas  de  long  temps  adverty, 
Q'ont  mis  au  feu  tes  escripts  estourdys  ? 
C'est  k  bon  droit. 

—P.  F.,  p.  94. 


Aux  Detracteurs  du  sexe  feminin. 

Est  ce  bien  fait,  malignes  Gents 
D'ainsy  mesdire  de  la  Femme? 
Dieu  deffend  de  mal  parler  d'ame, 
Vous  luy  estes  contredisants. 

Vous  faites  actes  non  duisants, 
Et  mettez  sur  elle  le  blasme, 

Est  ce  bien  fait  ? 


534        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Vous  taschez  par  motets  plaisant, 
D'attirer  k  vous  quelque  Dame, 
Et  puis  par  vostre  lourde  game 
En  derriere  estes  medisants, 

Est  ce  bien  fait  ? 

—  P.F.,p.82. 

AUX     MaISTRES     &    COMPAIGNONS     DE     l'ImPRIMERIE 

DE  Lyon,  estants  ensemble  differents. 

En  bon  accord  il  se  fault  maintenir, 
Pour  un  Chrestien  justement  se  tenir, 
Maistres,  &  vous  compaignons  Imprimeurs. 
Vous  ne  voyez  les  latentes  malheurs. 
Qui  nous  pourront  de  tels  debats  venir. 

Vous  ne  pouvez  Tun  I'aultre  entretenir, 
Ains  aymez  mieulx  querelles  soubstenir, 
Que  vivre,  pour  vos  proffits  &  honneurs. 

En  bon  accord. 

Maistres,  saichez  Compaignons  retenir, 
Vous  Compaignons,  leur  debvez  subvenir, 
Et  cy  apres  cessent  tous  ces  clameurs. 
Chassez  de  vous  des  noises  les  fauteurs, 
A  celle  fin  que  puissez  revenir 

En  bon  accord. 

Vous  ferez  tant,  que  DIEU,  pour  vous  punir, 
Ce  tant  noble  Art  permettra  devenir 
Plus  vil,  que  n'est  celuy  des  Chiquaneurs, 
Esveillez  done  tous  ensemble  vos  Cueurs, 
Et  qu'on  vous  veoye  unis  k  I'advenir, 

En  bon  accord. 
—  P.  F.,p.  104. 


APPENDIX  535 

A    UN,    QUI    LE   DEHORTOIT    DE    METTRE    SES    OeUVRES 
EN   LUMIERE. 

Chascun  Marot,  escripvant,  ne  peut  estre, 
Pour  attirer  le  Lecteur  par  doulx  Stile. 
Un  chascun  n'est  comme  Sceve  bien  dextre, 
Pour  fulminer  d 'invention  subtile, 
Chascun  n'a  pas  son  esprit  tant  fertile 
Que  Sainct  Gelays,  il  ne  sensuit  pourtant, 
Que  celuy  la  qui  n'en  peur  faire  aultant. 
En  ses  escriptz  soit  du  tout  inutile. 

—  P.F.,ip.52. 

Sub  la  Fontaine  de  Vaucluse  pres  laquelle  jams 

HABITA   PeTRARCHE. 

Quiconques  veoit  de  la  Sorgue  profonde 

L'etrange  lien  &  plus  estrange  source, 

La  dit  soubdain  grand  Merveille  du  Monde, 

Tant  pour  ses  eaulx,  que  pour  sa  roidde  cource. 

Je  tiens  le  lien  fort  admirable,  pource 

Qu'on  veoit  tant  eaulx  d'un  seul  pertuis  sortir. 

Et  en  longz  braz  divers  se  departir. 

Mais  encor  plus,  du  gouffre,  qui  bruit  1^, 

Qu'onques  ne  peut  estaindre  &  amortir 

Le  feu  d'Amours,  qui  Petrarche  brusla. 

—  P.F.,p:21. 

POURQUOY   LON   PAINCT  CUPIDO   EN    EnFANCE. 

Pourquoy  painct  Ion  Cupido  Dieu  d'Amour 
Estant  tousjours  en  tresplaisante  enfance? 
Est  ce  qu'il  fait  en  jeunes  Corpz  sejour 
Ou  bien  que  lors  il  est  en  sa  puissance  ? 
II  s'ensuyeroit  qu 'Amour  a  deffaillance 


536        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Cessant  le  temps  de  deduit  &  liesse. 

C'est  done  qu'il  prend  sa  racine  en  jeunesse, 

Et  que  plus  est  avec  vigceur  yssant, 

Tant  plus  il  dure,  &  moins  tumbe  en  vieillesse, 

Par  Eage  &  temps  jamais  ne  finissant. 

—  P.  F.,  p.  71. 

COMPLAINCTE   EN   IJi  PERSONNE   d'uN   AmANT   ABUSE. 

En  trop  aymant  j'ay  trop  este  deceu, 

Et  ce  trop  est,  pour  trop  grande  simplesse, 

Jamais  je  n'eusse  en  mon  Esprit  conceu, 

Qu'elleust  est  6  tant  pleine  de  finesse 

Je  cuiddois  bien  m'y  conduire  en  sagesse, 

Mais  use  m'a  d'une  latente  ruse, 

Si  Saige  n'est  que  la  Femme  n 'abuse. 

—  P.  F.,  p.  51. 

A  Mademoiselle  Beringue. 

Au  clair  Midy,  je  chemine  en  tenebres, 
C'est  ton  regard  qui  m'obscurcist  ainsy. 
Tes  doulx  Sermons  me  sont  Arretz  funebres. 
Je  suis  aupres  de  ton  umbre  transsy. 
Je  n'ay  pouvorr  de  te  crier  mercy, 
Perdant  le  sens,  la  veue  &  le  langaige. 
Contrainct  je  suis  de  juger  par  cecy 
Qu  'as  pres  de  toy  quelque  divin  umbrage. 

—  P.F.,  p.  22  et  seq. 

Du  Siege  d'Amour  &  que  ne  peut  estre 
Separe  du  Cueur. 

L'Amour  entier  gist  dedans  non  dehors, 
II  gist  dedans,  doncques  est  invisible. 


APPENDIX  637 

Au  Cueur  il  est,  enclos  dedans  le  Corps, 
De  Ten  oster  est  un  cas  impossible. 
Le  Corps  qui  est  d'une  douleur  passible, 
A  dueil  estant  de  I'Amy  separe ; 
Mais  le  Cueur  ou  I'Amour  est  empare, 
Quoy  que  du  Corps  souvent  se  face  absence, 
Nen  donne  rien ;  car  il  est  prepare 
D'aymer  derriere,  aultant  comme  en  presence. 

—  P.  i?.,  p.  51. 

Elegie. 

DU  Tempe  de  France,  en  l'honneur  de  Madame  la 

DucHEssE  d'Estampes. 

Jadis  il  fut  im  lieu  en  Thessalie, 
Place  estimde  a  merveilles  iolye, 
Cinq  mille  pas  ayant  en  sa  longueur, 
Six  mille  aussi  en  patente  largeur. 
Champ  delectant  par  plaisante  verdure, 
Champ  produisant  toute  bonne  pasture. 
Champ,  le  vray  lieu  de  toute  amenity, 

hk'  y  avoit  grande  diversite 
De  toutes  floeurs  &  verdoyants  bocaiges, 
Ou  Ion  oyoit  les  beaulx  &  doulx  ramaiges 
Des  oisillonts,  chantants  souefvement. 

L^,  florissoyent  touts  Arbres  noblement. 
Si  tresespests,  qu'ilz  sembloyent  forests  fortes, 
Et  produysoyent  des  fruicts  de  toutes  sortes, 
Amcenite  leur  umbraige  rendoit, 
Et  de  Phoebus  tresestuant  gardoit, 
Gardoit  de  Vent,  de  Pluye  et  de  Tempeste. 

L^,  n'y  hantoit  aulcune  fere  Beste, 
Qui  jour  ou  nuict,  peust  celuy  dommaiger 


538         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Lequel  y  fust  alle  se  soullaiger, 

II  y  avoit  devers  la  main  senestre 
Des  petits  Monts,  &  aultant  k  la  dextre, 
Qui  au  beau  lieu  de  deffense  servoyent 
Par  leur  circuit,  duquel  I'environnoyent. 
Fortifie  ainsi  fut,  par  la  cure, 
Et  le  grand  soing  qu'y  avoit  mis  Nature. 

Par  le  millieu,  pour  la  perfection 
De  tout  soubhait  &  delectation, 
Qui  si  tresbien  y  estoit  ordonn^e, 
Alloit  dormant  le  Cristallin  Pen^e, 
De  tous  cost^s  de  beaulx  Arbres  vestu, 
Lesquels  estoyent  tousjours  en  leur  Vertu. 
Et  ce  lieu  1^,  gamy  de  toute  aisance, 
Et  lieu  remply  d 'incredible  plaisance. 
Lieu  soubs  un  Air  si  tresbien  attremp6, 
Les  Anciens  ont  appell6  Temp  6. 

Plusieurs  Auteurs,  gents  dignes  de  memoire, 
Le  descrivant,  ont  voulu  faire  croire 
Qu'oncques  ne  fut  dessoubs  le  firmament, 
Lieu  a  celuy  semblable  aulcunement ; 
Et  ont  dit  plus,  tant  que  seroit  durable 
Ce  monde  cy,  qu'il  n'auroit  son  semblable. 

Mais  ilz  n'avoyent  ass6s  bien  calculi, 
Leur  Temp6  est  maintenant  reculle, 
Leur  vieil  Tempe  au  nouveau  Tempe  cedde, 
Temp  6,  qui  cil  de  Thessalie  excedde, 
Temp  6,  qui  est  remply  de  tout  plaisir, 
Que  soubhaitter  pourroit  I'humain  desir. 

Ce  beau  Tempe,  c'est  le  Temp6  de  France, 
Avec  plaisir,  lieu  de  toute  asseurance, 
Auquel  habitte  im  Cueur  si  tresloyal, 


APPENDIX  639 

Qu'il  est  trouv6  digne  du  Lys  Royal. 

Du  vieil  Tempe,  toute  la  grand'  tenue, 
En  certains  pas  fut  jadis  contenue : 
Et  le  plaisir  que  Ik  on  pretendoit, 
Tant  seulement  par  termes  s'estandoit. 

Nostre  Temp  6,  (chose  miraculeuse) 
Quoy  que  ne  soit  place  tant  spacieuse, 
II  comprend  plus  toutefoy  que  celuy, 
Que  Ion  disoit  n 'avoir  pareil  a  luy, 

Le  vieil  Tempe  estoit  plain  de  flourettes, 
Que  produisoyent  verdoyantes  herbettes 
En  grand  odeur,  plain  d'Arbres  florissants, 
Et  d'iceulx  fruicts  de  toute  sorte  yssants. 
Ce  nonobstant,  quoy  que  soit  chose  heur^, 
EUe  n'est  point  d'immortelle  duree, 
L'herbe  flatrit,  &  deseiche  la  floeur, 
Et  par  le  temps  se  perd  souefve  odeur. 
Les  Arbres  verds  perdent  leurs  verdes  fouilles, 
Perdent  leurs  fruicts,  avecques  leurs  despouilles, 
Et  n'ont  plaisir,  que  pour  un  certain  temps. 
Mais  le  Tempe,  duquel  parler  j'entends, 
N'a  point  ainsi  plaisance  definie, 
Immortelle  est  la  sienne,  &  infinie. 

En  ce  Temp  6  Rhamnasie  est  entree, 
Que  de  I'habit  de  Faveur  acoustree 
S'assied  aupres  d'une  noble  De^sse. 
Qui  d'y celuy  est  la  possesseresse, 
La  fauorit,  &  la  met  en  honneur, 
Cognoissant  bien,  que  merite  tel  heur. 

Venus  y  est,  laquelle  y  fait  merveille, 
Car  luy  donnant  la  beault^  nonpareille, 
Nous  esblouist  k  la  veoir,  comme  I'ceil 


540        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Est  esblouy  regardant  le  soleil. 

Son  Cupidon  n'est  la  dedans  volage, 

Ains  en  changeant  de  sa  premiere  imaige, 

II  tient  nn  traict,  lequel  tousjours  il  trempe 

Dedans  un  Baing,  que  Chastete  attrempe, 

En  le  trempant,  immobile  il  le  tient, 

Par  un  arrest  de  Foy,  qui  le  soubstient, 

Et  1^  se  fait,  par  telle  soubstenue, 

Affection  d 'immortelle  tenue. 

D'ou  un  Amour  croist  immortel  aussi, 

O  pleust  a  DIEU  qu'il  fust  tousjours  ainsi. 

Juno  y  est,  avecques  sa  Noblesse. 
Laquelle  espand  de  tons  costes  richesse, 
En  un  estat  de  si  bel  appareil, 
Qu'en  tout  le  Monde  en  Regne  n'a  pareil. 

D'aultre  part  est  la  prudente  Minerve, 
Qui  s'y  souUage  avecques  sa  caterve, 
Noble  Pallas,  datrice  de  tout  bien, 
Et,  pour  venir  aux  honneurs,  le  moyen. 

L^  sont  aussi  les  troys  belles  Charites, 
La  recompense  k  tons  loyaulx  merites, 
Faisant  plaisir  (pourveu  quil  soit  cogneu) 
Estre  des  Bons,  tost  ou  tard,  recogneu. 

L^  est  Diane,  avecques  les  Driades, 
Ilk  est  Terp€,  &  les  Nymphes  Naiades. 
L^  Apollon,  le  puissant  Dieu  &  Roy, 
Est  president,  en  triumphant  arroy : 
Accompaigne  des  plaisantes  neuf  Soeurs, 
Qui  chantent  chants,  pleins  de  toutes  doulceurs. 
C'est  un  grand  heur,  veoir  telle  compaignie, 
Se  consoner  en  si  doulce  armonie. 

Le  temps  pass6,  plusieurs  gentils  esprits 


APPENDIX  641 

Ont  pris  plaisir,  par  leurs  doctes  escripts, 
Commemorer  le  los  tresmagnifique, 
Et  le  grand  bruict,  du  Temp  6  Thessalicque : 
Tout  ainsi  font  les  Muses,  en  ce  lieu, 
Assises  pres  d'ApoUon,  leur  grand  Dieu. 

Calliope,  la  tant  bien  resonante, 
A,  k  sa  voix  une  voix  consonante : 
C'est  son  MAROT,  le  Poete  scavant, 
Lequel  premier  met  la  plume  en  avant. 
Plume,  de  mots  &  sentences  fertile. 
Plume,  h  trouver,  &  k  coucher  subtile. 

Clio  apres,  a  son  docte  Colin, 
Colin  sonnant  Grec,  Francoys  &  Latin, 
Et  penetrant  de  I'erudite  sonde, 
La  croeuse  Mair  de  science  profonde. 

Puis  Erato  un  SAINT  GELAYS  maintient. 
Qui  la  patrie  avec  les  aultres  tient, 
Chantant  des  sons  de  sa  sonante  Lyre. 
Plaisants  k  tous,  &  utiles  k  lire. 

Aupres  duquel,  un  SCEVE  s'est  aszis, 
Petit  de  corps,  d'un  grand  esprit  rassis, 
Qui  I'escoutant,  mal  gre  qu'il  en  ayt,  lie 
Aux  graves  sons  de  sa  doulce  Thalie. 

Avecques  eulx,  ya  Melpom6n6 
La  MAISON  NEVFVE  (esprit  gentil)  men^, 
Qui  tellement  de  sa  harpe  resonne. 
Que  n'est  aulcun  lequel  ne  s'en  estonne. 

Terpsicore,  a  pres  de  soy  BRODEAU, 
Lequel  tousjours  invente  chant  nouveau, 
Et  de  son  chant  il  fait  si  grand  merveille 
Qu'il  n'y  a  Cueur  que  soubdain  ne  reveille. 
L^,  Euterpe  ne  s'est  mise  en  oubly, 


542         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Ains  le  troupeau  a  tresbien  ennobly, 

Par  un  BOUCHET,  qui  tant  de  beaulx  diets  couche, 

Tous  proceddants  de  sa  dor^e  bouche. 

Et  Ik  au  pres,  HEROET  le  subtil, 
Avecques  luy,  FONTAINES  le  gentil, 
Deux,  en  leur  sons  une  personne  unie, 
Chantants  aupres  de  I'haulte  Polymnie. 

L^,  Vranie  a  son  SALEL  conduit. 
Qui  tous  les  jours  ses  factures  produit, 
Par  juste  droict  accomod^  a  elle. 
Vranie  est,  entre  les  Muses,  celle 
Qu 'on  dit  Celeste  &  de  divinity ; 
SALEL,  escrit  de  telle  dignity, 
Et  ses  escripts  si  saigement  compasse, 
Qu'il  nest  aulcun  qui  en  ce,  I'oultrepasse. 

Oultre  ceulx  cy,  d'aultres  y  sont  venus, 
Desquels  les  Noms  encor  ne  sont  cognus : 
Qui  quelque  jour  se  feront  apparoistre 
Si  haultement,  qu'on  les  pourra  cognoistre. 

Droit  au  millieu,  a  un  Pare  de  plaisir, 
Lequel  Honneur  pour  soy  voulut  saisir. 
Tout  k  I'entour,  les  Vert  us  y  consistent, 
Qui  vaillamment  k  tous  vices  resistent. 
Force  y  est  joincte  k  Magnanimity, 
Tenant  soubs  soy  Pusillanimity. 
Prudence  y  est,  qui  au  hault  degr6  monte, 
Et  par  Conseil,  Temerity  surmonte : 
Avecques  soy  ayant,  pour  son  pouvoir, 
Doulceur  modeste,  &  attrempe  scauoir. 

L^  tient  ses  rencs  celle  qu'on  dit  Justice, 
Qui  des  bienfaicts  donne  claire  notice : 
Qui  donne  aux  bons  remuneration, 


APPENDIX  543 

Et  aux  maulvais  deue  punition : 
Qui  ne  permet  a  aultruy  faire  injure, 
Bref,  qui  fait  tout  par  egale  mesure. 

hk,  au  dedans  de  ce  pare,  pres  d'Honneur, 
Qui  est  du  bien  aux  merites  donneur, 
Est  noblement  une  grand'  Dame  assise, 
Belle,  Prudente,  honnorable,  &  rassise : 
Ayant  regard  k  merveilles  humain, 
Couronnee  est,  &  tient  sceptre  en  sa  main, 
Et  ce  Tempe  regente  sans  nul  blasme, 
Duquel  elle  est  la  souveraine  Dame. 

O  beau  Tempe,  lieu  de  felicity. 
Comment  sera  ton  plaisir  recite? 
Qui  pourra  dire,  ou  paindre  en  une  table, 
Tout  haultain  Bien,  au  mortel  inscrutable? 
Or  venez  tous  maintenant  vous  Auteurs, 
Du  vieil  Tempe  jadis  coUodateurs, 
Des  deux  Tempes  si  faictes  conference, 
Lequel  sera  qui  aura  preference  ? 
Or  sus,  jugez,  jugez  en  vostre  endroit, 
Si  vous  sondez  le  iugement  en  droict, 
Nostre  Tempe  n'est  il  plus  autentique, 
Cent  mille  foibs,  que  le  Tempe  antique? 

En  ay  je  escript?  pourtant  ce  n'est  rien  fait. 
Car  fusses  je,  moy  seul,  aultant  perfaict, 
Ou  qu'ont  est6  tant  d'aultres,  si  tressaiges, 
Si  eloquents,  si  facunds,  en  leurs  Aiges, 
Ou  bien  que  sont  ceulx  la  de  maintenant, 
Qui  ont  scavoir  &  Esprit,  convenant 
Pour  bien  trouver,  bien  parler,  &  bien  dire, 
Je  ne  pourrois  dignement  le  descrire. 
En  y  penseant,  ne  scay  lequel  des  deux 


544         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Je  doibs  juger  estre  le  plus  heureux, 
Ou  le  Temp^,  d'une  telle  Regente, 
Ou  celle  la,  qui  ce  Tempe  regente. 

—  P.  F.,  pp.  197  etseq. 

Etienne  Dolet. 

A.  S.  Marthe. 

Je  scay  tresbien  que  Nature  la  sage, 
Quant  aux  Auteiu"s  Grecs,  Hebrieux,  &  Remains, 
A  faict  plusieurs  excellents  chefs  d'ouvraige : 
Coinine  est  Vergile,  Homere,  &  aultres  maincts : 
Mais  celle  mesme  a  mis  entre  tes  mains 
Ung  style  tel,  touchant  nostre  parler, 
(Parler  Francoys,  plaisant  k  touts  humains) 
Que  iusqu'au  Ciel  on  veoit  ton  loz  aller. 

—  Livre  de  ses  Amys.     P.  F.,  p.  232. 

SCATTERED  POEMS,  FRENCH  AND  LATIN. 

PLUSIEURS  DIZAINS  A  CE  PROPOS 
SAINTE-MARTHE.^ 

De  Folle  Amour. 

Pour  folle  amour,  les  suppostz  de  Venus 
Ont  des  danglers,  k  milliers  &  k  cents, 
Les  ims  en  sont  malheureux  devenuz, 
Autres  en  ont  du  tout  perdu  les  sens. 
Plusieurs  autheurs,  en  terms  concedens, 
De  ce  ont  d'escript  exemples  d 'importance. 
Gardens  nous  done  de  la  folle  accointance, 

1  Cf.  pp.  196,  note  1,  and  614. 


APPENDIX  545 

Si  ne  voulons  endurer  grands  alarmes. 
Car  k  la  fin  soubz  jeu  de  repentance, 
Voyez  amour  distiller  eau  de  larmes. 
-Le  nouvel  amour,  invente  par  le  seigneur  Papillon, 
fol.  179  r°. 

Autre. 

Le  fruict  demeure,  est  dur,  mol,  sec  &  vert, 
Legier,  pesant,  doux,  amer,  froid  &  chault, 
Secret,  commun,  affable,  descouvert, 
Triste,  joyeux,  cler,  obscur,  bas^  &  hault. 
L'un  jour  present,  lendemain  en  deffault, 
Plein  de  rigueur,  abrev6  de  mercy 
Rude,  amyable,  en  estat  &  soucy, 
Sourse  d'adverse  &  de  bonne  fortune. 
Maigre,  &  refaict,  gresle,  gros,  gay,  transi, 
Droict,  &  tortu,  constant  comme  la  Lune. 

—  lhid.,io\.  1791°. 

Autre  Dizain  de  Cupido. 

Cupido  scait  entrer  {sic)  jusques  au  bout, 

Et  se  delecte  en  faict  de  jardinage 

Et  qui  plus  est,  son  ente  prend  son  tout 

Done  &  produit  divers  fruictz  &  sauvage. 

Tous jours  travaille  &  poursuyt  son  hommage 

Sur  tous  vergees,  il  obtient  la  regence. 

II  n'est  jamais  notte  de  negligence, 

Ne  laschet^  au  moins  qu'on  le  cognoisse. 

II  est  expert  &  plein  de  diligence, 

Mais  en  tout  arbre,  ente  poirier  d'angoisse. 

—  Ihid.,io\.  179  v°. 
2n 


546         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

CAROLIS  MARTANI  PHALEUCIUM  AD  DUCHERIUM. 

Virtus  me  tua,  Ducheri  diserte, 
Eruditio  summa,  uita  casta, 
Felix  ingenium,  tuumque  pectus 
Synceriun  impulit  ipse  ne  uererer 
Nimc  te  audenter  adire,  colloquiq' 
Et  totiun  tibi  me  dare.     Hoc'ne  factum 
Impudensq',  nouiimq'  quis  putabit  ? 

At  me,  si  bene  uertat  ista  contr4 
Mihi  audacia,  plus  nimis  beatum : 
Et  sim,  si  mihi  denegare  nolis 
In  tuis  niuneris  locum,  beatus 
Quod  de  te  bene  spero,  postuloq', 
Pro  tui  ingenij  benignitate : 
Si  non  sit  tibi,  Ducheri,  molestum. 
— GUberti  Dticherii  .  .  .  Epigrammaton  Ubri  duo, 

p.  160  et  seq. 

DE  LA  PAIX  FAITE  PAR  LE  ROI  AVEC  LES  ANGLOIS. 

Le  Roi  Henri,  prince  vaillant  et  sage, 
Aiant  les  forts  de  Bouloigne  conquis, 
A  pour  jamais,  entre  les  preus,  acquis 
Titre  et  renom  d'heroique  courage. 

Depuis,  combien  qu'il  eust  son  equipage 
Prest  k  marcher  comme  en  guerre  est  requis, 
A  par  accord  le  surplus  reconquis, 
Aiant  du  droit  manifeste  avantage. 

Le  premier  acte  est  noble  et  glorieus : 
Mais  le  second  n'est  moins  victor ieux: 
Car  moins  n'aura  la  victoire  gaignee, 

Qui  les  siens  sauve,  et  bonne  paix  acquiert : 


APPENDIX  547 

Que  qui  par  force  ou  defend  ou  conquiert, 
Quand  en  son  sang  sa  victoire  est  baignee. 
—  I*rinted  with  Ode  de  la  Paix,  par  Pierre  de  Ronsard, 
cit.   P.  Laumonier,  Chronologie  et  variantes  des 
■poisies  de  Pierre  de  Ronsard,  loc.  cit.,  p.  436  et  seq. 

POEMS  INCLUDED  IN  THE  LATIN  VERSION  OF 
THE  FUNERAL  ORATION  FOB  THE  QUEEN  OF 
NAVARRE. 

Car.  Sanctomarthani,  I.  V.  Doct. 

DiALOGUS, 

Manes  Regin^,  Viator. 

M.  Cur  fles  ?     V.   Margariden  mors  sustulit  atra. 

M.   quid  inde? 
V.       Gallia  materiam  nonne  doloris  habet  ? 
Pupilli,  adfiicti,  viduae,  senio  que  gravati, 

Doctrina  exculti,  quique  fuere  viri, 
Nobilitas  &  inops,  illam  sensere  patronam : 
Perfugio  orbata  est  nunc  ea  turba  suo. 
M.   Illam  regali  set  quis  de  stirpe  crearat  ? 

lUi  quis  dederat  regia  sceptra  ?     V.  Deus- 
M.   Viua  coruscauit  magnis  virtutibus :  unde  id  ? 
V.       Immensi  credo  dona  fuisse  Dei. 
M.   Quale  habuit  corpus?     V.  mortale.    M.  &  quale 

f  uturum  ? 
V.       Res  nihili :  extremum  puluis  ad  usque  diem. 
M.   Spiritus  &  qualis  ?   V.  morti  baud  obnoxius  ille  est : 

Nempe,  immortalis  quum  sit  imago  Dei. 
M.   Ergo,  quae  est  hominis  potior  pars  ?     V.  spiritus. 
M.   Et  quse 
Virtutum  est  sedes?    V.  Spiritus  ille.    M.  Sat 
est. 


548         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Haec  ita  quum  constent,  simul  ipse  fatebere,  corpus 

Instrumentum  hominis :  non  tamen  esse  hominem. 

V.   Id  fateor.     M.  Faber  instrumentum  perdidit,  artem 

Perditit?  atque  faber   desiit  esse?     V.  minus. 

M.  Vnde  igitur  posthac  extincto  corpore,  dices 

Extinctum  esse  hominem  ?    V.    sic  Epicurus  ait. 
M.   Insanit.     V.  venun  est.    M.  quare,  tu  comprime 
fletum: 
Quando  vides,  quod  non  mortua  Margaris  est 
Nonne  creaturam  potuit  reuocare  Creator? 
Id,  cur,  qui  contra  non  potes  ire,  doles? 
Quod  mortale  fuit.  Mors  toUere  debuit  ipsa: 
Aut  erat  aeterno  Mors  caritura  bono. 
V.   Corpus  abest,  Ccelum  conscendit  spiritus.   M.  id  tu 
Margariden  vobis  eripuisse  putas? 
Scripta  volant,  benefacta  manent,  &  gloria  vivit : 
Talia  qui  hinc  abiens  dona  relinquit,  abest? 
V.  Atqui  Margaridi  quaero  persolvere  iusta. 
M.       Margaridis  mores  ergo  imitere  pios. 

Nam,  non  defunctos,  qui  flet,  qui  luget,  honorat, 
Set  qui  virtutes  quas  coluere  colit. 
—  In  obitum  .  .  .  MargaritcB  .  .  .  Oratio   funebris, 
etc.,  p.  142  et  seq. 

Aliud. 

Abstulit  hora  unam,  quam  non  perfecerat  hora. 
Maius  opus  fuerit,  si  dabit  hora  parem. 

—  Ibid.,  p.  144. 
Aliud. 

Quid  tu  Margaridem  defies,  quasi  mortua  nime  sit  ? 
Ast  ne  tu  id  dicas :  non  obiit,  abiit. 

—  Ibid.,  p.  144. 


APPENDIX 


549 


AUUD. 

A  curis  quibus  hie  grauamur  omnes, 
Margaris  modo  liberata,  dormit, 
lam  non  somnia,  dormiens,  set  ipsum 
Spiritu  intuitur  beata  verum. 
Vera  gaudia,  gloriaraque  veram, 
Et  quae  vera  Epicurus  abnegat,  nunc 
Vinclis  corporeis  soluta,  cernit. 

Haec  te  scire  volo,  Viator,  ut  tu 
Sinas  Margariden  quiescere,  ac  lam 
Quo  negocia  te  vocant,  abito. 
In    obitum  .  .  .  Margaritoe  .  .  »  Oratio  funebris, 

etc.,  p.  144  et  seq. 

ALroD.* 

Margaridi  vocem  morbus  prsecluserat :  uUum 

Nee  verbum  emisit,  tres  moribunda  dies. 
Proxima  sed  morti,  ter  conclamauit  Jesus : 

Deinde  Animam  siunmo  reddidit  ipsa  Joui 
Tres  Charites  flerunt :   ter  tres  fleuere  Sorores : 

Ingemuit  mundi  pars,  doluitque  triplex, 
Nempe  ostendebat  (quo  non  perfectior  ullus 

Est  numerus)  perfectam  occubuisse  Trias. 

—  Ibid.,  p.  145. 


^  Reprinted,  Tombeau  de  Marguerite,  p.  170.  F.  G6nin 
translated  this  poem  into  French,  quoting  it  from  Sc6vole 
de  Sainte-Marthe's  Elogia.  Lettres  de  Marguerite  .  .  . 
de  Navarre,  p.  146. 


650         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

POEMS  INCLUDED  IN  THE  FRENCH  VERSION  OF 
THE  FUNERAL  ORATION  FOR  THE  QUEEN  OF 
NAVARRE. 

A  Treshaultes,  et  Tresillustres  Princesses  Mes- 
DAMES  Marguerite  de  France,  Soeur  Unique 
Du  Roy:  Et  Jehanne,  Princesse  De  Navarre, 
Duchesse  de  Vendosmois. 

S'il  est  ainsi,  qu'^  celui,  qui  apporte 
Triste  nouvelle,  on  doibt  fermer  la  porte, 

Et  que  celui,  qui  un  ennui  pass6 
Veult  rafraichir,  merite,  estre  chass6 
Autant  et  plus  que  qui  premier  I'adnunce : 
Centre  mon  faict  sentence  je  pronunce, 
Et  me  confesse  indigne,  ou  d'estre  veu, 
Ou  que  de  vous  mon  triste  escript  soit  leu, 
O  rare  pair  de  perfaictes  princesses. 

Car  celui  suis,  qui  I'une  des  tristesses, 
Qui  oncques  plus  ennuierent  vos  coeurs, 
Par  mes  escripts,  messagiers  de  douleurs. 
Par  mes  escripts,  paincts  de  couleurs  funebres, 
Par  mes  escripts,  composes  aux  tenebres, 
D'ennui  mortel,  vous  vien  renouveller. 
Mais  vous  supply,  que  vous  oi^s  parler 
Au  lieu  de  moy.  Deb  voir,  qui  m'a  fait  faire 
Ce  que  mon  cceur  n'a  n6  peu,  n6  deu,  taire. 
Car  j  'estois  tant  k  la  Dame  tenu. 
Par  qui  nous  est  ce  grand  deuil  advenu : 
,  Que  des  ingrats  serois  I'ingratissime, 
Si  je  faisoys  un  si  petit  estime 
De  ses  bienfaicts :  que  de  mettre  en  oubli 
Ce  cceur  royal  qui  m'avoit  ennobli 


APPENDIX  551 

De  sa  faveur :  en  tenant  un  grand  compte 
De  mes  escripts,  que  moimesmes,  sans  honte, 
Ne  pouvois  lire,  et  louant  mon  esprit, 
Autant  rustic,  qu'est  lourdant  mon  escript. 

O  moy  heureus  (si  heureus  en  ce  monde 
L'homme  peut  estre)  aiant,  de  la  facunde, 
De  I'elegante  &  docte,  entre  tous  ceuls, 
Qui  ont  laisse  quelque  memoire  d'euls, 
Heu  jugement  a  mon  grant  avantaige, 
Qui  m'a  rendu  maintefois  le  courage. 

Et  maintenant  n'ay  je  bonne  raison 
De  tesmoigner  par  funebre  oraison, 
Que  la  servir  morte,  n'ay  moindre  en  vie 
Que  quand  estoit  avecques  nous  en  vie  ? 

L'on  me  dira  que  j  'ay  trop  entrepris : 
Mais  j'aime  mieux  estre  en  cela  repris, 
Qu 'avoir  failli  faire  k  tous  apparoistre 
Qu 'ingratitude  en  mon  cceur  ne  peut  croistre, 
Car  plus  louable  est  qui  trop  entreprend, 
En  noble  faict,  que  vertu  ne  reprend, 
Que  celuy  1^,  qui  de  paour  de  mesprendre, 
Acte  d'honneur  n'ausa  one  entreprendre. 

Mais  ainsi  soit,  que  me  puisse  excuser, 
D'avoir  ause,  ce  qu'on  peut  accuser; 
Encore  fault  il  que  face  mon  excuse, 
En  vers  vous  deus :  car  mon  Acte  m 'accuse. 

Je  vous  presente,  et  quoy?  oeuvre  immortal? 
Ouy  vraiment :  car  le  subject  est  tel. 
Et  si  la  plume  est  autant  immortelle 
Que  son  subject,  onques  n'en  fut  de  telle. 

Est-ce  une  histoire?  6  que  point  on  ne  veist 
Chose  moins  vraye !    Et  que  l'on  poursuivist 


552         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

En  suivant  la  verite  d'histoire, 

Comme  la  mienne  k  la  France  est  notoire. 

Je  voiis  fay  done,  mes  dames,  un  present 
Qui  vous  sera  joieus  &  desplaisant, 
Joieus,  pour  estre  issues  de  la  ligne 
De  celle  la,  qui  se  trouve  tant  digne 
De  tout  honneur,  que  pour  bien  la  chanter 
II  nous  fauldroit  son  esprit  emprunter. 
Mais  quand  ce  vient,  que  ses  vertus  narr^, 
D'un  triste  deuil  se  trouvent  reparees. 
Je  dy,  que  tous  ceste  mort  despittons 
Qui  a  ravi  celle  que  nous  regrettons : 
Lors  mon  present  tant  de  tristesse  amasse 
Que  le  grand  dueil  tout  mon  plaisir  surpasse. 

Car  vous,  Madame,  a  qui  un  remords  vient, 
Quand  du  grand  tort  de  la  Mort  vous  souvient, 
Ne  pouv^s  estre  en  vostre  coeur  contente, 
De  n 'ha voir  plus  en  ce  monde  de  tante, 
Et  cest  amour  que  d'elle  vous  sentife, 
Qu'^  elle  aussi  reciproque  porti^, 
Ne  peut  souffrir  que,  cent  fois  la  joum^, 
Vous  ne  soyes  k  y  penser  donn^. 
Et  quand  oyes  Marguerite  appeller, 
Vous  oyes  bien  vostre  nom  parler : 
Mais  ce  nom  la  transit  vostre  triste  ame, 
Du  souvenir  de  la  tant  bonne  dame 
Et  lorsque  ainsi  en  esprit  la  veoies, 
Difficile  est  que  vous  ne  larmoies. 

Et  vous,  Madame,  k  qui  la  mort  cruelle, 
Feist  adnimcer  la  funebre  nouvelle, 
Que  vostre  m6re  ainsi  perdue  avi&, 
En  qui  support  de  Mere  vous  trouvi^ : 


APPENDIX  553 

Si  nous  disons  qu'elle  soit  departie 
D'avecques  vous,  sans  mortelle  angustie, 
Nous  dirons  done,  que  c'est  soulagement, 
D 'avoir  perdu  tout  son  contentement. 

Or  fault  il  bien,  que  ce  soit  dur  et  tetrique 
Voire  et  nourri  de  la  Lionne  lybique 
Qui  en  perdant  celle,  qui  Ta  port6, 
Ne  soit  au  coeur  triste  et  desconfort^, 
Et  mesmement,  si  (comme  vous  Madame) 
Venoit  a  perdre  une  deesse  femme. 
Femme,  laquelle  au  monde  converseoit, 
Mais  qui,  d'esprit,  femme  n 'apparaissoit, 

O  doncques  vous,  mes  dames :  vous,  niepce, 
Et  vous,  sa  fille,  ou  prendres  vous  liesse 
En  I'oraison,  dont  les  tristes  propos 
Font  souvenir  du  grand  tort  qu'Atropos 
A  fait  k  vous  &  k  toute  la  France? 

Cela  pouvoit  m'oster  toute  esp^rance 
De  recevoir  quelque  gre  de  vous  deus : 
Sans  que  Vertu  (qui  du  thr&or  des  cieuls 
Est  dans  vos  coeurs  abondamment  infuse) 
M'eust  enhardi  vouz  envoyer  ma  muse. 
Me  promettant,  que  ne  seray  deceu 
De  mon  attente,  &  que  sera  receu 
Le  mirouer  des  Roynes  sans  reprouche 
De  celles  deus,  a  qui  plus  pres  il  touche. 

A  qui,  le  los  k  la  Xante  donnd, 
Qu'^  la  Niepce,  est  de  droit  ordonn^? 
A  qui  I'honneur,  qui  en  la  Mere  abonde, 
Plus  justement  qu'^  Ta  fille  redonde? 
Ce  mirouer  k  la  Tante  est  done, 
Qui  buit  sa  Tante,  et  n'en  forvoya  one. 


554        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Et  k  la  fiUe  a  bon  droict  se  dedie, 
Qui  aux  vertuz  de  sa  mere  estudie, 
Prenant  exemple  h  Texemple  perfaict 
Que  Dieu  avoit  pour  exemplaire  fait. 
Mires  vous  done  (Niepce  vertueuse) 
Au  mirouer  de  vostre  Xante  heureuse. 
Et  vous  (sa  fiUe)  en  qui  nous  attendons 
Le  fruict  sortir  des  floeurs  qu'y  regardons, 
Mir^s  vous  y :  et  donnas  k  entendre, 
Que  n'av^s  fait  la  France  en  vain  attendre. 

Quand  toutes  deus  icy  vouz  mirerez, 
Vostre  pourtraict  au  vif  trouver^s : 
Car  y  verr^s  Vertu  estre  louee, 
Dont  de  vous  deus  chascune  est  bien  dou6e, 
Et  y  lir^s  (vous  niepce)  qu'ainsi 
Que  de  maison,  de  nom,  d'armes,  icy 
Pour  vostre  Xante  aves  este  laisee, 
Du  tout  aussi  deves  la  trespass  ee 
Representer.    Vous  (fille)  qui  deves 
Du  tout  respondre  au  nom  que  vous  haves, 
Pour  faire  en  vous  vostre  Mere  renaistre, 

Chascun  dit  bien  qu'aultrement  ne  peut  estre, 
Aussi  vray  est,  ce  que  le  commun  bruit, 
Que  Tarbre  bon  nous  apporte  bon  fruit. 
De  Paris,  le  XVII  d'Apvril  1550 
Par 

Vostre  tres  humble  &  tres  obeissant  serviteur 

Charles  de  Saincte-Marthe. 
—  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Marguerite  .  .  .  de  Navarre,  etc., 

ed.  1550,  fol.  Aij  y°'et  seq. 


APPENDIX  555 

C.   D.    S.   M. 

Pour  nous  donner  visible  cognoissance 
Combien  fait  Dieu  aux  Eleus  d 'advantage, 
Et  tesmoigner  sa  grande  providence, 
Laissa  icy  Marguerite  pour  gaige. 

Mais  en  veoiant  nostre  orgueilleus  couraige, 
Mettre  en  oubly  sa  tant  grande  bont6, 
Au  monde  ingrat,  son  don  il  a  oste. 

Or  maintenant  sent  nostre  demerite, 
Et  que  valloit  ce  qu'il  avoit  presto, 
Et  quel  proffit  portoit  la  Marguerite. 
-Or.Jun.  .  .  .  de  Marguerite  .  .  .  de  Navarre,  etc., 
ed.  1550,  p.  137. 

AULTBE. 

La  Mort  voulut  la  Royne  de  Navarre, 
Estant  malade  au  monde,  espoventer. 
Mais  cognoissant  I'heur  qu'elle  nous  prepare, 
Ne  cessoit  point  la  main  luy  presenter. 

Un  jour,  la  Mort,  en  voulant  la  tenter, 
S'adventura  la  toucher  en  passant. 
La  Royne  adonc  I'arresta,  ravissant 
Celle,  de  qui  devoit  estre  ravie. 
AUons  allons  (dist  elle  en  I'embrassant) 
Allons  a  Dieu :  6  Mort  source  de  Vie. 

—  Ibid. 

AULTRB. 

La  mort  veoiant  I'Esprit  de  Marguerite, 
Illuming  d'une  divinite, 

Au  monde  avoir  mainte  bonne  oeuvre  escripte. 
Qui  luy  avoit  acquis  eternite. 


556        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Pour  eflfacer  son  immortalite, 

A  prins  le  corps,  qui  estoit  instrument 

De  cest  Esprit :  mais  I'Esprit,  promptement 

S'est  empare  de  Timmortelle  gloire. 

O  noble  envie,  6  heureus  changement, 
Ou  le  vaincu  du  vainqueur  ha  victoire. 
—  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  de  Marguerite  .  .  .  de  Navarre,  etc., 
ed.  1550,  p.  132  [138]. 

Prosopopee  de  la  Terre. 

Que  me  veuls  tu  par  tes  pleurs  faire  rendre  ? 
De  ce  qui  fut  Marguerite  n'hay  rien, 
Ce  qui  couvroit  Marguerite,  hay  je  bien : 
Je  dy  son  corps  que  je  redui  en  cendre. 

Quant  k  I'Esprit,  qu'il  fault  choisir  &  prendre 
Pour  Marguerite :  k  moy  ne  retourneoit, 
Ains  est  monte  au  ciel,  d'ou  il  venoit. 
Avecques  Dieu  il  te  convient  le  querre. 
Car  tout  mortel,  a  la  Mort  rendre  doibt, 
L'Esprit  au  Ciel,  &  le  corps  a  la  terre. 


Ihid. 


AULTRE,   TOURNE   DU     LATIN. 


Une  heure  nous  a  ost6  celle, 
Qu'une  heure  perfaicte  n 'a volt. 
O  I'ceuvre  grand,  si  une  telle 
Une  heure  rendre  nous  pouvoit. 

—  Fin  des  Epitaphes,  Ibid. 


APPENDIX  557 

A  Damoiselle  Renee  Lavdier,  d'Alencon,  Sonnet. 

Dieu  ne  vous  feist  n6  Royne,  ti6  Duchesse, 
Pour  vous  mirer  au  mirouer  luisant 
De  Marguerite :  ausi  n'est  il  duisant 
Qu'au  Roy,  au  Due,  au  Prince,  k  la  Princesse. 

Mais  si  fault  il,  que  le  petit  se  dresse 
Comme  les  grands,  de  vertu  soit  usant, 
Et  que  luy  soit  le  vice  desplaisant, 
Comme  il  doibt  estre  k  la  haultre  noblesse. 

Icy  dedans,  6  ma  compaigne  &  Sceur, 
Mires  vous  done,  &  ne  mettes  le  coeur, 
Qu'aux  faicts,  ou  plus  vostre  estat  s'accommode. 

A  ce,  qui  est  de  Prince,  n'entendr^, 
Fors  k  vertu :  &  lors  ne  mesprendrfe, 
Car  Vertu  est  k  toutes  gents  commode. 

—  Fin  des  Epitaphes,  Ibid.,  p.  [139]. 

POEMS  INCLUDED  IN  THE  " HECATODISTICHON" 
OF  THE  THREE  SISTERS  SEYMOUR. 

Carou  Sanctomarthani  Iur.  Vtr.  Doct.  Ad  Gallos. 

Virtutem  Tyrius  manere  nunquam 
lUaudatam  ait :  at  que  veritatem 
Nullo  posse  silentio  tegi,  nee 
Quavis  invidia  obrui  opprimique 

Christus  adseruit.     Quod  esse  utrunque 

Verum,  tres  hodie  Anglicae  sorores, 

Quae  sunt  sanguine  Regio  creatae, 

Elegantibus  ac  pereruditis 

Distichis,  tibi,  Galle,  comprobarunt. 
Set,  quod  virginibus  datur  peritis 

Laudi,  iudicio  omnium  bononun, 


558         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Vertitur  vitio  id  tibi,  perennes 
Ingratique  animi  notas  inurit. 

Nam,  quod  iure  suo  petabat  abs  te 
Nomen  Margaridis,  quod  &  beatis 
Te  eius  soluere  Manibus  decebat, 
Ingratus  retines,  taces,  premisque. 

Jam  sextus  prop^  mensis  est,  tibi  ex  quo 
Saeva  Margaridem  abstulere  fata : 
Decus,  Galle,  tuum,  tuumque  lumen. 
lUam  Margaridem,  cui  profecto 
Parem  ssecula  prisca  non  tulere, 
Parem  tempora  nostra  non  habent,  nee 
Parem  longa  hominum  videbit  setas. 
At,  cum  corpore  nomen  est  sepultum : 
Gallus  nee  fuit  unus,  inter  omnes 
Tota  Gallia  quos  fovet  Poetas, 
Divae  Margaridi  suos  honores 
Qui  extinctse  sua  solueritque  iusta. 

Illam  laudibus  ad  Deos  vehebant, 
Mirabantur,  &  omnibus  colebant 
Modis,  quandiu  erat  superstes :  at  nunc 
Nulla  est  mentio  mortuse.     Macrinus, 
Atque  Borbonius,  duo  celebres 
Nostrse  lumina  Gallise  Poetse ; 
Dormiuntque,  silentque ;  nee  minus  simt 
Sangelasius,  Heroetiusque, 
Et  Salselius  ipse,  Bugiusque, 
In  quibus  nihil  eruditionis 
Ingenique  nihil  potest  requiri, 
Omnes  muti  hodie :  recensque  scriptor, 
Ronsardus,  celebrat  suos  amores, 
Heroasque  vehit  suos  ad  astra, 


APPENDIX  559 

Ausus  Pindarico  sonare  versu : 
Ronsardus  meus  ille,  quern  Minerva 
Sacravit  sibi :  cui  suada  Pitho, 
Dextro  Mercurio  irrigavit  ora, 
Qui  (nolit  velit  invidus),  poetas 
Inter,  conspicuus  locum  tenebit : 
Musas  qui  usqueadeo  sacras  amavit, 
Musse  quern  usqueade6  sacratse  amarunt, 
lUi  ut  carmina  Gallice  canent ; 
Non  GalLne  modo,  set  simul  Latinae, 
Atticaeque  simul  lyram  ministrent. 
Ipse  at  Margaridem  tacet,  nee  uUos 
Defunctse  tribuit  poeta  honores. 

Bellaius  quoque,  qui  Italo  PetrarchsB 
Artem  sustulit  atque  dignitatem : 
Pellitarius  eloquensque,  Graecum 
Gallice  faciens  tonare  Homerum : 
Et  Chappusius  omnibus  probatus : 
Habertusque  suaviter  canens :  ij 
Satis  certe  equidem,  satisque  multa 
Scribunt :  Margaridem  interim  silent,  nee 
Mortuam  adficiunt  honore.     Virtus 
Ast  id  ferre  nequit :  nequitque  ferre 
Veritas  sacra.     Fit  proinde,  vt  illam. 
Cuius  Gallia  gloriam  tacebat, 
Exterae  celebrent  canantque  Gentes : 
Gentes  toto  equidem  orbe  separatee. 
Nee  Sophi  mod6,  nee  modo  eruditi 
Vates,  Historicique :  set  sorores, 
Set  puellse  etiam,  set  &  puellae 
(Talia  in  quibus  est  nonum  videre) 
Principes.     Quid  ais  ?  pudore  magno 


560        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Non  perf underis,  6  Poeta  Galle  ? 
Ciuius  officium  facit  puella, 
Quando  tu  officium  facis  puellae  ? 
-^  Annos,  Margaritoe,  Janae,  Sororum,  .  .  .  In  mortem 
Margaritas  .  .  .  Hecatodistichon,  p.  135  et  seq. 

MAKGAKITiEJ  ReG.   NaV. 

Tumulus  per  C.  S. 
Quando  sseuit  hyems,  virore  grato, 
Et  fructu,  foliisque,  floribusque 
Nudatur,  quasi  mortua,  arbor :  at  se, 
Respirante  Favonio  suavi, 
Monstrat  vivere ;  tuncque  gratiorem 
Et  vestem  &  faciem  induit.     Cruenta 
Sic  quem  tempore  Mors  ferit  statuto, 
In  fcedo  exanimis  iacet  sepulchro 
Tanquam  mortuus.     Ast  ubi  ilia  summa 
Nos  ad  indicium  dies  vocabit, 
Viuet,  nam  melius  profecto  viva 
Surgent  corpora,  quae  interim  quiescunt. 
Ergo  Margaridem  quid  ipse  luges 
Tanquam  mortua  sit  ?  caveto,  fallax 
Ne  te  errore  Epicurus  implicet,  nam 
Qui  surget,  moritur  peritque  nunquam. 

—  Ibid.,  p.  142. 
Spiritus  Regin^. 

AD   VlATOREM    C.    S. 

Clausus  carcere  corporis,  dolores 
Multos  sustinui  gravesque  languens. 
Solutus  mod6  morte,  vivo  liber : 
Nempe,  id  vivere,  quo  carere  mors  est. 

—  Ibid.,  p.  144. 


APPENDIX  561 

ErvsDEM.    C.  S. 

Ad  Gallos. 

Cue  tam  pauci  poetae  Galli,  Reginam  Nauarr^ 

LAUDENT. 

Mors  ubi  Margaridem  mundo  fera  sustulit  isto, 

Sic  affata  sacrum  diva  Minerva  chorum : 
Mortua  Margaris  est,  6  vos  Heliconis  alumnae, 

Carminibus  natae  reddite  justa  meae. 
Te  tamen  6  Erato  excipio,  Cythereia  vates : 

Esse  tuae  iubeo  mutaque  plectra  lyrae. 
Nam  mihi,  non  Veneri,  fuerat  Regina  sacrata : 

Non  est  lascivis  ergo  canenda  modis. 
Vix  eo  finierat,  subit6  quum  clausa  poetis 

Ora  fuere,  suos  quos  Erycina  tenet, 
lam  quid,  Margaridem  taceat  si  Gallia,  mirum? 

Octo  nempe  ali6  nunc  abiere  Deae. 
'Annoe,  Margarit(B,Janae  Sororum,  .  .  .  In  mortem 
Margaritoe  .  .  .  Hecatodistichon. 

Pro  Gallis  Poetis. 
Responsio  per  Eundem. 

Qvis  quaeso,  Vraniam  negat,  supremmn 
Inter  Thespiades  locum  tenere  ? 
Quis,  coelestia  quum  canit,  negabit 
Quotquot  sunt,  reliquas  tacere  Musas  ? 

Dices,  sydere  quamlibet  corusco, 
Phoebo  te  dare  posse  claritatem  ? 
Plumbum  ignobile,  nobili  Smaragdo 
Adferet  decus,  atque  dignitatem? 

Atqui,  Margaridem,  cui  poeta 
Nostro  tempore  nemo  conferendus : 

2o 


562        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

lUam  Margaridem,  perennitati 

Quae  sese  calamo  suo  sacra vit : 

lUam  Margaridem,  beata  cuius 

Virtus  longe  hominum  est  honore  maior : 

Nos  vis  carmine  praedicare  nostro. 

Is  certe,  Uraniae  obstrepet  canenti, 
Solem  accendere  stellulis  minutis 
Nitetur,  decus  &  volet  Smaragdo 
Plumbea  dare  vilitate,  quisquis 
Sese  Margaridem  suo  putabit 
Versu,  reddere  posse  clariorem. 
— Anme,Margaritoe,Janae,Sororum,.  .  .  In  mortem, 

Margaritce  .  .  .  Hecatodistichon,  p.  145. 

DEDICATIONS,  PREFACES,  ETC. 
DEDICATION  OF  THE  "  POESIE  FRANCOISE." 
Epistre  a  Tresillustre  et  Tresnoble  Princesse 
Madame  i-a  Duchesse  d'Estampes,  &  Contesse 

DE    POINCTIEVRE.     ChARLES    DE    SAINCTE  MaRTHE, 

SON  Tresobeissant,  rend  humble  Salut. 

A  I'imitation  de  I'Archer,  qui  son  Arc  desbende  pour 
k  meilleur  exercice  le  reserver,  souloit  communement 
Socrates  de  sa  roidde  &  severe  Philosophic  k  jeux 
pueriles  se  descendre.  Cecy  ne  dy  je,  Princesse  tres- 
illustre, pour  me  voulant  ascrire  plus  hault  estude 
deprimer  I'exercise  de  la  mienne  Langue  vulgaire,  veu 
que  plusieurs  de  trop  plus  celebre  Nom  que  le  mien 
s'y  sont  esbattu :  &  mesmement  que,  selon  ma  vacation, 
ne  puis  pour  le  present,  plus  louable  sacrifice  k  ma 
Nation,  que  d'illustrer  sa  Langue  selon  mon  rudde 
Esprit.     Mais  tends  k  cette  fin,  que  la  haultesse  de 


APPENDIX  563 

ton  humilite,  se  daigne  quelque  foy  de  plus  grande 
occupation  lassee  k  si  bas  passetemps  se  demettre. 
Lequel  facilement  je  dirois  avoir  temerairement  soubs 
I'excuse  de  ton  sacre  Nom  mis  en  lumiere,  si  je  ne 
scavoys  I'affection  tienne  envers  les  Lettres  &  les  Lettr6s, 
excuser  plus  grande  faulte,  que  ne  pourroit  pecher 
rignorance  de  la  mienne  envers  toy  bonne  intention. 
Et  plus  pour  ^ette  seule  occasion,  que  pour  vouloir 
par  mon  vain  escrire  ad j  ouster  clart^  k  la  lumiere  de 
tes  vertus,  ay  bien  ose  abuser  de  la  debonnairete  de 
ta  noble  nature,  qui  entre  toutes  les  Princesses  que  je 
cognois,  ne  m'es  veue  la  derniere  k  se  delecter  k  toutes 
vertueuses  exercitations  tant  humbles  et  indignes  de 
gravite  soient  elles.  Et  mesmement  qu'aulcune  foy: 
apres  longue  frequentation  des  fructueux  &  bien  cul- 
tiv6s  Vergiers,  I'asperite  &  solitude  des  boys  nous 
agree  tant  nous  est  la  Nature  par  sa  diverse  variete 
non  moins  belle  qu 'amy able.  Parquoy  apres  estre  j^ 
asses  acoustumde  en  I'armonieuse  melodie  des  haultes 
Lyres,  desquelles  celle  Court  treschretienne  tresheureuse- 
ment  aujourdhuy,  plus  que  nulle  aultre,  abonde,  te 
pourras  delecter  en  cet  mienne  vaine  et  jeune  fatigue, 
laquelle,  non  aultrement,  que  apres  longue  &  griefve 
tempeste,  le  palle  &  travaill^  Nocher  descouvrant  de 
loing  la  Terre,  k  laquelle  avec  tout  estude  il  s'efforce 
de  se  saulver,  recueille  le  mieulx  qu'il  pent  tous  les 
fragments  de  sa  navire  rompue,  j'ay  amascee  pour  k 
ton  Port  tresdesire  la  diriger.  Auquel  si  aggreable- 
ment  elle  se  veoit  quelque  foy  pervenue,  te  pourra 
mettre  [hors?]  plus  haulte,  non  toute  foy  sienne,  inven- 
tion, qui  est  partie  de  la  traduction  de  ce  Buccoliquain 
Theocrite,  elegante  imitation  de  nostre  grand  Poete. 


564        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

En  laquelle  plus  spatieusement  te  pourras  esbattre  pour 
la  diverse  copiosite  des  matieres  aultant  elegamment  de- 
duittes,  que  ingenieusement  bien  trouv^es.  Et  I^  (vueille 
Dieu)  puisse  valoir  le  mien  en  vers  toy  affectionn^ 
vouloir,  puisque  la  mienne  sotte  translation  ne  t'y 
pourra  (j'en  suis  seur)  si  plaisamment  plaire,  que 
I'oeuvre  de  soy  le  merite.  Tu  doncques  une  entre 
nostre  siecle  des  belles  treserudite,  des  erudites  tres 
belle,  &  (ce  que  j'ay  en  toy  plus  revere)  de  ancienne 
prudence,  de  meur  jugement,  de  treshumaines  &  tres- 
ornfe  coustumes  divinement  bien  douee,  recepvras 
benignement  les  tables  de  mon  naufrage  par  divers 
cass  de  la  Fortune  conduitte[s].  Finablement  en  petits 
faiz  reduittes,  &  maintenant  en  ce  tien  Havre,  ou  de 
long  temps  les  Muses  commodement  se  retirent,  as- 
seur^ment  arriv6es,  imploreront  perpetuelle  prosperity, 
&  k  moy  humble  pardon  de  ta  trop  plus  qu'humaine 
ingenuity,  de  ma  trop  grande  temerite,  peult  estre, 
oflfenc^e.  Faisant  fin,  je  supply  le  Seigneur  auteur, 
&  createur  de  toutes  choses,  &  d'icelles  par  sa  grande 
Providence  gubernateur  &  conducteur,  te  donner, 
tresillustre  Princesse,  avec  sa  Grace,  vie,  en  prosperity 
&  sante,  tr^slongue. 

De  Lyon,  ce  premier  jour  de  Septembre.    Mil  cinq 
cens,  XL. 

—  P.F.,  pp.  3-6. 

DEDICATION   OF  THE  "  LIVRE  DE  SES  AMYS." 

A  Monsieur  le  Secretain  D'avenson,  Charles  de 
Saincte  Marthe,  Salut. 
J'ay,  k  I'instigation  de  quelquesuns  mes  bienvoulants, 
mis  en  lumiere  ma  Po&ie  Francoyse  (Seigneur  tres- 


APPENDIX  665 

aym^)  plus  pour  esbattement,  &  relaxation  de  men 
Esprit,  que  profession  d'icelle  Art.  Parquoy  si  je 
n'y  suis  tant  perfaict  que  cevdx,  qui  y  sont  consommfe : 
comme  Marot,  S.  Gelays,  Seve,  la  Maison  neufve, 
Chappuy,  Fontaines,  &  aultres  Poetes  Francoys, 
divins  &  treserudits,  plusieurs  raisons  ay  je,  lesquelles 
m'excusent,  &  toy  mesme  en  scays  vne  partie.  Or 
il  a  pleu  a  daulcuns  de  mes  Amys  me  faire  I'honneur 
&  le  bien,  de  me  rendre,  par  leur  escripts  tresdoctes, 
testification  de  notre  Amytie :  cela  j'estime,  ainsi  qu'on 
doibt  estimer  toute  chose  venante  du  sien  Amy,  & 
daultant  que  je  n'ay  rien  plus  cher  que  leurs  Epigrames 
&  Epistres,  par  moy  colligees  en  ce  Livre :  d'aultant 
ma  il  semble  bon  le  te  donner :  comme  a  celuy,  lequel 
au  besoing  (ou  I'Amytie  s'explique)  s'est  monstr^ 
par  effect  mon  Amy.  II  te  plair^  donq',  attendant 
aultre  Oeuvre  de  moy,  le  prendre  en  gre:  me  tenant 
tousjours  pour  I'un  de  ceulx,  qui  sont  tes  obeissants. 
Jesus  soit  avec  toy.    De  Lyon  ce  xv.  d'Aoust.  m.d.x.l. 

—  P.  i^.,  p.  226. 

LES  ELEGIES. 

Au  Lecteur  Salut. 

Nous  te  guardons  (Lecteur  candide)  un  Livre  d  'Elegies, 
lequel  voulons  mettre  en  avant,  a  part,  tant  pour  la 
diversite,  que  pour  la  gravite  des  matieres  lesquelles 
y  sont  comprises.  Ce  pendant  te  plaira  lire,  &  prendre 
en  gre,  celles  que  t'avons  volu  advancer,  comme 
Arres  de  plus  grand'  somme:  laquelle  te  payerons, 
quand  nous  auras  donn^  k  cognoistre,  le  passetemps 
de  nostre  labeur  t'avoir  pleu.     Dieu  soyt  avec  toy. 

—  P.F.,  p.  197. 


566        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

DEDICATION  OF  THE  PARAPHRASE  OF  THE 
SEVENTH  PSALM. 

Carolus  Smarthanus  Joanni  Galberto,  Gratiano- 
poLi  Allobrogum,  regio  Senator:,  modis  omni- 
bus ABSOLUTO.   S.   D, 

Multum  atque  diu  dubitatum  est,  Galberte 
doctissime,  vtri  magis  sapiant,  ij  ne,  qui 
seculi  huius  negocijs  sese  implicant  &  inuoluunt,  ac 
vitam  agunt,  quam  vocamus  actiuam :  an  ij,  qui  mundo 
se  subduxerunt,  &,  postpositis  curis  ac  negocijs  omni- 
bus, in  solitudinem  secesserunt,  sequunturque  vitam, 
quam  contemplatiuam  adpellamus.  Quibus  prior  magis 
adridet,  dicunt  certd  quod  verum  est,  nempe,  non  nobis 
solum  ipsis  natos  esse  nos,  set  patriae,  set  parentibus,  set 
amicis,  set  commimi  quoque  Reipublicae :  ac  proinde, 
cum  sibi  solis  tantum  videantur  seruire,  qui  se  ab 
hominum  societate  disiungunt,  laudabiliorem  esse  vitam, 
quae.vulgo  actiua  dicitur.  Contr^,  qui  turbas, 
tumultum,  rixas,  atque  adeo  curas  omnes  fas- 
tidiunt,  feliciter  cum  eis  agi  putant,  qui  sese  submoue- 
runt  ab  omni  turba,  et  ab  omni  prorsus  hominum 
contubernio  excluserunt :  ac  tranquillam  soli  &quietam 
vitam  ducunt.  lUorum  ego  opinioni  repugnare,  Gal- 
berte, non  possum  :  nimirum  propterea  qu6d  recte  mihi 
&  vere  sentire  videntur.  Horum  vero  indicium  ac  sen- 
tentiam  damnare  non  debeo  :  cum  literarum  monumen- 
tis  proditum  sit,  Philosophos,  Poetas,  &  qui  animum  ad 
scribendum  suum  adiunxerunt,  imo  Theologos  etiam 
ipsos,  &  summos  &  claros,  forenses  strepitus  fugisse,  et 
se  in  solitudinem  recepisse.  His  accedit,  quod  quemad- 
modum  stolonibus  amputatis,  omnia  celerius  adolescunt 
in  arbore,  nimirum  alimentis  in  vnam  coUatis  stirpem : 


APPENDIX  Se? 

ita  superuacaneis   negocijs  leuatus  animus,  ac   curis 

plan^  omnibus  liber,  plus  efl&cit  in  studijs  honestis: 

tota  vi  mentis  in  idem  intenta.     Quare  si  quid  sua 

contemplatione  publico  bono  adferant  vtilitatis,  non 

segniter  ac  ociose  prorsus  viuant,  probabile  puto 

esse  illorum  institutimi,dicam  etiam  hoc  nostro 

seculo  beatissimum.     Nam  si  alias  unqu^m  laboriosum 

&  difficile  fuit  in  mundo  &  inter  homines  conuersari,  est 

hodie  quid  em  et  laboriosissimum  &  periculosissimum. 

Vbique  siquidem  &  vndique  odia,  lites,  inuidise,  aemu- 

lationes,  detractiones,  calumnise,  delationes,  &  infinitae 

pestes :    quas,  quo   quis  magis  euitare  tentabit,  hoc 

magis  sentiet.     Si   quis  sat  agat  in  suis  negocijs,  & 

studeat  rem  familiarem  parsimonia  constabilire,  audiet 

sibi  sordidissimi  auari  nomen  imponi.     Si  vero  libera- 

litate  ac  munificentia  vtatur  erga  omnes,  &  beneficijs 

gratuitis  illos  inuitet  &  alliciat,  prodigalitatis  statim 

reus  erit.     Qui  se  sentiet  carnis  rebellionem  non  posse 

comprimere,  &  continentiae  donum  k  Deo  non  habens, 

vxorem  ducet,  luxuriosus  clamabitur.     Sit,  qui  fero- 

cientem  camem  possit  continentiae  f  reno  reprimere  ac  re- 

tinere,  &  caste  viuat,  ac  ad  castitatem  alios  inuitet: 

spurci  scortatores  &  adulteri,   qui  aliena  ingenia  ex 

,      suo  metiuntur,  mox  Paediconem  esse  ilium  im- 
p,  6  .      ' 

pudenter  dicent.     Deum  qui  religiose  timebit, 

colet,  venerabitur,  ridebitur  is  vt  superstitiosus.     Qui 

motus  animi  reprimet,  ac  f ructificabit  pijs  et  bonis  operi- 

bus,  quae  Fidem  suam  viuam  esse  restentur,  hypocrita 

carnaHum  iudicio  erit.     Si  quisexcellenti  viringenio,  & 

varia  doctrina  excultus,  nihil  lucubrationum  suarum  in 

apertum  mittat,  audiet  sibi  obijci,  Scire  tuum  nihil  est, 

nisi  te  scire  hoc  sciat  alter.     Quod  si  quid  proferat  in 


568        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

lucem  nisi  satellitio  muniat,  garrulum  &  audaculum 
aliquem  habebit  Momum,  qui  in  copiosa  oratione,  quse 
multis  exuberet  virtutibus,  de  pauculis  voculis  temere 
elapsis  cauillabiter.  Nisi  quis  dicendo  scribendo,ue,  de 
Deo  dispute!,  ac  frequentem  faciat  eius  mentionem,  im- 
pietatis  suspitionem  non  effugiet.  Loquatur  itaque  de 
Deo,  de  Christo  Jesu,  de  gratia  Spiritus  sancti,  &  loquan- 
tur  vt  loqui  par  est,  Haereseos  accersetur.  Damnet  abu- 
sus  aliquis,  quos  multos  (proh  dolor)  &  nimis  multos 
quorundam  auaritiam  inexplebilem  in  Ecclesiam 
inuexisse,  sumno  Christianse  reipublicse  damno, 
fateri  cogimur,  Lutheranus  erit.  Contr^,  si  Ro- 
mani  Pontificis,  &  reliquorum  Ecclesise  ministrorum  au- 
toritatem  sartam  tectam  esse  debere  adfirmet :  ac  interim 
adprobet  probabiles  aliquot  ceremonias,  quibus  cupiditas 
humana  tanquS,m  cancellis  septa  est,  Papista  ignomini- 
ose  vocabitur.  Euangelicam  vitam  profiteri,  est  san§ 
felicissimam  &  sanctissimam  vitam  profiteri:  set 
Christian^  interim  non  viuere,  quid  aliud  quseso  est 
qu^jn  Christum  mentiri.  —  Multi  sunt  hodie  huius 
generis  euangelici  viri,  qui  nihil  aliud  habent  in  ore 
quam  Euangelion:  set  in  quorum  pectore,  viuidus 
ille  &  perfectus  Euangelicse  charitatis  viguor  non 
perseuerat.  Doctrinam  quid  iuuat  habere  syncere 
piam,  si  caligat  malis  adfectibus  —  si  vita  mundanis 
cupiditatibus  sit  prorsus  offuscata?  Set  sunt  amore 
laudis,  cupiditate  pecuniarum,  studio  voluptatum 
omnium,  libidine  vindictse,  infamise,  damnorum  ac 
mortis  metu,  vsqueade6  infatuati,  vt  non  solum  in- 
sulsam  multitudinem  condire  non  possint,  verumetiam, 
vt,  et  ipsi,  et  Euangelica  pietas,  in  extremum 
hominum  contemptum  veniat,  quia  id  non  praes- 


APPENDIX  569 

tant  quod  docent.  Hos  si  christian^  cohorteris,  vt  liber- 
tatem  Euangelicam  (veram  Spiritus  libertatem)  non  com- 
mutent  in  libertatem  carnis,  set  vt  doctrinae  pietatem, 
cum  morum  pietate  coniungant :  ac  forte  acrius  cohorta- 
tionibus  non  acquiescentes  obiurgaris,  mox  tibi  Atheismi 
notam  inurent.  Quid  pluribus  ?  Nulla  sollicitudine  sic 
nos  ad  circumspectionem  ac  diligentiam  acuere  possu- 
mus,  vt  &  nobis  ipsis,  &  alijs,  faciamus  satis.  Infestant 
certe  haec  mala  cuiusuis  conditionis  homines  :  set 
maxime  bonos  omnes  &  doctos.  Bonum  enim  vinun  & 
res  egregias  adgredientem,  premit  inuidia:  doctum, 
eloquentem  ac  disertum,  ignorantia.  Nam  vt  Pan- 
thera  bene  olet,  set  non  nisi  bestijs  quas  ad  se  trahit, 
hominibus  non  ita : '  sic  spurcse  literae,  quae  bene  natis 
ingenijs  graues  sunt,  stupidis  istis  &  bardis  gratiores  siint 
quouis  aromate :  ac  proinde  disertos  quibus  nauseam 
mouent,  modis  omnibus  insectantur.  Quod  vt  liberius 
ac  securius  facere  possint,  nimirum  eos  perdere 
in  quorum  exitium  toti  ardent,  impiaj  crude- 
litati  pietatis  speciem  praeteximt :  dicuntque,  per- 
sequi  se  illos,  non  odio,  non  inuidia  (si  dis  placet)  set 
zelo  Fidei,  nimirum  quod  Lutherani  sunt.  Bonos  k 
malis  diuexari,  doctos  ab  indoctis,  pios  ab  impijs, 
non  est  certd  nee  mirum  nee  nouum.  Vt  enim  Fraxi- 
num  campestrem  in  tantiun  horrent  serpentes,  vt 
nee  matutinas  nee  vespertinas  illius  umbras  vnquam 
attinguant,  set  si  gyro  frondibus  huius  arboris  clauda- 
tur  ignis  &  serpens,  citius  in  ignem  fugiet  quam  in 
Fraxinum  :'  Ita  vitijs  &  virtutibus,  bonis  &  malis,  doctis 
&  indoctis,  pijs  &  impijs  nihil  conuenit.     Euangelion 

*  The  natural  history  is  Pliny's.    Cf.  Hist.  Nat.  viii ;  23. 

*  Pliny  is  authority  for  this.     Ibid.,  xvi ;  24. 


570         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

habent  camales  inuisum,  vt  doctrinam  studijs  ipsorum 
aduersantem :  proinde  si  conantur  id  eliminare  nihil 
quidem  miruin  est.  Nam  est  illud  ipsis  quod  Rhodo- 
dendri  frondes  iumentis,  capris  et  ouibus:  nempe 
venenum,  quae  tamen  homini  remedio  sunt  contra  ser- 
pentium  venena.'  Sic  quod  pij  vertunt  in  suum  bonum 
(hoc  est  Euangehon)  stultis  et  reprobis  ipsis, 
pemiciem  adfert.  Set  quanquam  vel  hoc  no- 
mine excusabiles  sunt  quod  caeci  sunt :  tamen  quemad- 
modum  vinum  dilucius  magis  prouocat  vomitum,  quam 
vel  aqua  simplex,  vel  vinum  merum :  Sic  est  intolerabilior 
nequitia,  pietatis  simtdatione  condita,  quam  simplex  et 
aperta  malicia.  Non  est  hie  Galberte,  dicendi  locus 
quam  ego  duriter  Gratianopoli  tractatus  fuerim 
menses  prope  triginta,  cum  vinctus  essem  in  carcere : 
set  inhumanitatem  quam  sensi,  non  tam  Senatui 
amplissimo,  quam  maliciae  aduersarij  mei  imputare 
debeo :  qui  vt  vindictam  suam  meo  sanguine  expleret, 
&  suo  iure  me  persequi  videretur,  Lutherana?  me 
factionis  reum  fecit :  hoc  magis  impius,  quod  pietatem 
mentiretur.  Set  quid  effecit  tandem  nisi  quod  diu 
me  detinuit  in  carcere?  at  qui  fuit  mihi  cum  non 
paucis  &  principibus  &  summis  viris  career  communis, 
imo  cmn  Christo  etiam  ipso.  Nudauit  me  rebus  meis 
omnibus,  quidquid  tamen  abstulit  non  mihi  set  fortunse 
(cuius  erat  quod  habebam)  abstulit.  Dominus 
dederat,  Dominus  passus  est  toUi :  potest  idem, 
et  meliora  et  multo  plura  reddere.  Fcfidauit  forte  me 
infamia :  tentauit  id  quidem,  set  perficere  non  potuit. 
Vt  enim  Adianton  herbam,  etiam  si  perfimdas  aqua, 

*  From  Pliny.     Cf.  supra,  p.  546. 


APPENDIX    .  571 

aut  immergas,  tamen  siccse  semper  est  similis:*  Ita 
in  virum  bonum  non  haeret  contumelia,  non  infamia, 
quantumuis  infamare  quis  conetur  ipsum.  Set 
curauit  proscribendum.  Quid  turn?  forte  me  putauit 
similem  Formicse  aut  Api  quae  si  semel  antro  &  alue- 
ario  eijciantur,  peregrinantur.^  Atqui  non  minus  in 
quouis  loco  tranquille  viuit  vir  fortis  &  bonus,  qu^m 
potest  nauis,  cui  firma  est  ancora,  in  quouis  portu 
conquiescere.  Porro  vituperari  ob  Euangelion,  est 
laudari :  cruciari  ob  Euangelion,  est  coronari :  aspergi 
infamia  ob  Euangelion,  est  honorar'.:  pelli  patria, 
et  solum  cogi  vertere  ob  Euangelion  est  caelo  municipem 
adscribi :  interimi  ob  Euangelion,  est  seruari :  miserum 
denique  esse  ob  Euangelion,  est  esse  felicissimum.  Id 
dixit  Christ  us,  cum  ait.  Beati  qui  persecutio- 
nem  patiuntur  propter  iustitiam,  quoniam  ip- 
sorum  est  regnum  cselorum.  Beati  eritis,  cilm  maledixe- 
rint  vobis  homines,  &  persecuti  vos  fuerint,  &  dixerint 
omne  malum  aduersum  vos,  mentientes  propter  me. 
Gaudete  et  exultate,  quoniam  merces  vestra  copiosa  est 
in  ccelis.  Id  confirmat  Paulus,  glorians  in  passionibus, 
contumelijs,  necessitatibus  &  adflictionibus,  quas  prop- 
ter Christum  sustinebat.  Confirmat  Petrus,  cum  ait, 
gratiam  inuenire  apud  Deum  illos,  qui  crucem  innoxij 
ferunt :  ac  tribulationes  patiimtur,  non  vt  homicidae. 
non  ut  furps,  non  ut  maledici,  non  ut  alienorum  rap- 
tores,    set    ut    christiani.     Confirmant   Apostoli,    qui 

'  Sainte-Marthe  is  again  indebted  to  Pliny.  Hist.  Nat. 
xxii;  30. 

*  Pliny  says  of  bees :  "  Semper,  duce  prehenso,  to  turn 
tenetur  agmen.  Amisso,  dilabitur  migratque  ad  alios." 
Ibid.,  xxxvii ;  18. 


572        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

virgis   caesi,   &   ciuitate   pulsi,   gaudebant   dignos   se 

habitos    esse,    pro    nomine    Jesu    contumeliam    pati. 

Quid  igitur  persequendo  seruum  Dei,  consecutus  est, 

miser  &  caecus  ille  ?  quid  effecit  ?  nisi  quod  me  cruciare 

volens,  se  cruciauit  ipsum  ?     Instituerat  certe  se  non 

cessaturum  prius,  qu^m  videret  me  flammis  absum- 

tum :  set  imaginatione  id  instituerat,  non  certo  iudicio. 

Nam  non  ita  visum  est  vestro  Senatui,  hominem 
P-  13      .  .         . 

innoxium  sic  e  medio  tollere  :  set  conatus  omnes 

aduersari]  mei,  et  omnes  eius  nefarias  deliberationes, 

vna  hora  et  verbo  vno  euanidas  fecit.     Fcemina  in 

meo  negocio  salijt  fceminam,  &  inde  nata  sunt  oua 

Hyponemia,     &    Zephyria.      Neque  vero   fieri  aliter 

poterat,  Domino  sic  seruis  suis  vigilante,  ut  nihil  sine 

permissu  eius  contingere  illis  possit.     Quamobrem,  qui 

fidem   euangelicam,  aut   in  adultis  confirmatam,  aut 

teneram  adhuc,  &  in  piorum  animum  gliscentem,  sua 

crudelitate  conantur    extinguere :  possunt  quidem  ex 

mea  caussa  discere,  frustra  niti  astutiam  mortalium 

aduersus    consilia    diuina.     Erat    profecto    vita    mea 

magno    in    discrimine    posita,    cvim    uinctus    essem: 

maximd,  accusationem  exaggerante  criminis  grauitate, 

quodque  in  extera  terra  peregrinus  eram,  pauper  ac 

omni  prorsus  auxilio  destitutus :    set  erigebat  me  in 

spem  liberationis,  quod  patrum  nostrorum  exemplis, 

Dei  bonitatem  dediceram.     Cum  itaque  Dauidis  psal- 

mos  solus  in  obscuro  &  foetido  carcere  in  manu 

haberem,  &  eos  consolationis  gratia  legerem, 

incidi  fortd  in  septimum,  in  quo  gratias  agit  Deo,  propter 

ignorantiam  suam :  nempe,  quod  non  agnosceret  crimen, 

sibi  a  Semei,  filio  Jemini,  obiectum  de  homicidio  Saulis, 

et  regni  eius  inuasione.     Ex  cuius  lectione  didici,  fide- 


APPENDIX  573 

les  omnes,  de  falso  intentata  ipsis  calumnia  obmurmu- 
rare  non  debere :  set  gratias  agere  Deo,  ac  opem  ab 
60  certissima  &  inconcussa  Fide  expectare.  Quo  in 
numero  cum  me  perspicerem  esse,  &  mihi  conuenire 
ilium  agnoscerem,  meditatus  sum  paraphrasticam  eius 
interpretationem  :  &  mihi  non  inutilem,  &  infirmioribus 
calumniam  patientibus  necessariam.  Desiderabit  in 
ea  Momus  dictionem  elegantiorem  ac  nitidiorem,  utqui 
nauseat  ad  omnia  quae  rhetorum  condimentis  et  orna- 
mentis  carent:  cui  hoc  solum  responsum  esse  volo, 
scriptam  i]s  esse  illam,  qui  malint  salubria  praecepta 
viuendi,  qualicunque  sermone  proposita,  quam  pesti- 
feras  opiniones,  a  quouis  eloquentissimo  scriptore 
haurire.  Prsetere^,  cum  ab  omnibus  prope  dis- 
ciplinis  eloquentiam  requiramus,  in  hoc  ipso  lau- 
datur  Theologus,  in  quo  aquae  laus  est,  nimirum  ut 
probatur  si  nihil  sapiat  ilia :  sic,  si  infans  sit  ipse,  &  a 
Musis  alienus.  Atqui  (dicet  ille)  quid  Jurisconsulto  cum 
Theologia?  set  respondeo,  non  minus  esse  me  velle 
Theologum,  quam  Jurisconsultum :  turn,  quod  huic  dis- 
ciplinae  totum  me  aliquando  deuoui :  turn  quod  est  ipsa 
vt  Opalus  gemma  in  qu  amultarum  gemmarum  dotes 
eminent : '  nempe   ignis  carbunculi  tenuior,  amethysti 

*  The  passage  is  borrowed  from  Pliny. 

"  Atque  in  pretiosissimarum  gemmarum  gloria  com- 
positi,  maxime  inenarrabilem  difficultatem  dederunt. 
Est  enim  in  iis  carbuncli  tenuior  ignis,  est  amythesti 
fulgens  purpura,  est  smaragdi  virens  mare,  et  cuncta 
pariter  incredibili  mixtura  lucentia.  Alii  summo  fulgoris 
augmento  colores  pigmentorum  sequavere  :  alii  sulphuris 
ardentem  flammam,  aut  etiam  ignis  oleo  accensi."  Hist. 
Nat.,  xxxvii,  21. 


574         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

purpura,    smaragdi    viror,  idque    incredibili   quadam 

mixtura.    Sic,  quidquid  apud  vllos  Ethnicos  scriptores 

placere  potest,  in  ilia  simul  inuenitur.     Porrd,  tametsi 

lurisprudentia    summopere    probanda   est,   tamen  si 

nos  totos  illi  studio  addixerimus,  sanitatem  mentis 

aufert,  &  nos  inanis  gloriae  furore  quodam,  et  habendi 

cupiditate  immodica  caecos,  prsecipites  agit.     Insurget 

alius,  qui  dicat  me  paraphraseos  legem  fuisse  trans- 

gressmn,  nempe  latius  diuagatam,  quam  paraphrastica 

libertas  ferat.     Quisquis  ille  erit,  vt  volet,  vel  paraphra- 

,     sim,  vel  meditationem,  vel  commentarios,  la- 
p.  10  ... 

borem  nostrum,  nominet,  nihil  equidem  moueor 

huiusmodi  hominum  superba  malicia,  quibus  aliorum 

orationem  reprehendere  in  procliui  est,  set  eodem  modo 

vel  melius  dicere  non  est  perinde  facile.     Qualis  qualis 

est  hsec  nostra  consolatio,  tibi,  Galberte  humanissime, 

deuouetur :  cui  enim  iustius  dicari  posset  ?    Aluisti  me 

in  careers  fame  prope  confectmn,  et  innoxij  Rei  ius 

perverti  non  es  passus :  quinimo  caussae  mese,  pro  tua 

virili  (ut  aequitas  postulabat)  tarn  acer  fuisti  defensor, 

ut  proba  perpeti  non  recusaueris  odio  nominis  mei.   De 

te  hinc  iudicent  docti  viri,  ego  quantum  tibi  debeam, 

&  satis  mihi  conscius  sum,  &  orbi  universo  (si  viuam) 

testatissimum  relinquam.     Quare  interea  dum  duos 

de  re  sepulchrali  libros,  &  lectionum  legalium  quatuor 

expectabis,    accipe,   Galberte  doctissime,   gratitudinis 

meaearrabonem,et  (quod  hactenus  fecisti)  Smarthanum 

tuum  ama.     Lugduni.  17  Cal.  lul.  1543. 

—  In  Psalmum  Septimum  et  Psalmum  xxxiii,  Para- 

phrasis,  pp.  3-16. 


APPENDIX  676 

DEDICATION  OF  THE  PARAPHRASE  OF  THE 
THIRTY-THIRD  {THIRTY -FOURTH)  PSALM. 

G.  (sic)  Smartanus  Joanni  Auansonio,  apud  Grati- 

ANOPOLIM,  REGIO    SeNATORIO  AMPLISSIMO  AC   DOC- 
TISSIMO    S.  D. 

Tanta  fuit  Maiorum  nostrorum  in  euitanda 
p.  134 

ingratitudine  relligio,  Senator  amplissime,  ut  non 
Dijs  solum  immortalibus,  ac  hominibus,  verumetiam 
Brutis  ipsis,  testimonium  redderint  accepti  officij.  Erant 
urbes  omnes  peculari  sue  Deo  dicatae  consecrataeque : 
k  quo,  si,  vel  ab  igne,  vel  k  ruina,  vel  ab  hostili  inuasione, 
saluae  ac  liberatae  foret,  in  gratiarum  actionem  Vituluna 
ei  candidum  mactabant.  In  bello,  cuius  incertus  sem- 
per est  exitus,  inuocabatur  Mars :  cui,  qui  victoria 
potiti,  de  hostibus  triumphum  agebant,  manubias 
consectabant :  ac  solemni  sacrificio  gratias  agebant. 
Nautse  suo  Neptuno  remos  ac  rudentes  vouebant  in 
medijs  procellis  commoti  Maris:  ac  subinde  se  data 
tempestate  in  portum  vbi  appulerant,  acceptum  ofRcium 
sacrificio  agnoscebant.  Eandem  animi  grati- 
tudinem  homnibus  exhibebant,  quorum  virtute 
ac  fortitudine  Res  publicaliberataaut  conseruata  fuerat. 
Nam  vel  eos  pro  publica  concione  laudabant,  vel  statuas 
illis  in  perpetuum  rei  monumentum  erigebant,  vel 
corona  insignitos,  quam  quaeque  res  postulabat,  aut 
ouantes,  aut  triumphantes  in  urbem  redeuntes  ex- 
cipiebant.  Fuerunt  qui  Brutis  etiam  gratitudinem  animi 
significarunt,  ob  merita  illorum.  Alij  venerabantur 
Elephantes,  quod  cum  Draconibus  perpetud  pugnent. 
Alij  Mustellas  qu6d  Basilisco  exitiale  sint  vims.  Alij 
Ichneumonem,  alij  Lacertas,  qu6d  aeternum  habeant 


676         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

cum  Aspide  bellum.  Sunt  qui  Stellones  sint  venerati, 
propter  capitalem  illorum  cum  Scorpionibus  inimi- 
citiam.  Atque  hodie  quoque,  felix  ac  prosperi  au- 
gurium  arbitratur  vulgus,  Ciconiam  habere  hospitem: 
quod  serpentibus  infesta  sit.  Porro  non  aliam  ob 
caussam  id  faciebant,  quam  quod  eorum  ope  atque 
auxilio,  liberentur  ab  animalibus,  homini  suapte 
natura  inimicis:  qualia  sunt  Dracones,  Basilisci, 
Scorpiones,  Aspides,  &  Serpentes.  Proponuntur  autem 
nobis  hsec  exempla,  ut  ijs  doceamur,  offi- 
cium  esse  officio  rapendendum :  ac  dandam  no- 
bis operam,  ne  patiamur  notam  ingratitudinis  iustam 
nobis  ob  caussam  inuri.  Quod  si  sequum  est  tam  gratos 
esse  nos  erga  omnes  homines,  a  quibus  beneficium  ac- 
cepimus,  quanto  iustius  erit,  beneficiorum  Dei  erga  nos, 
&  memores  &  gratos  esse  nos?  Si  est  ingratus,  qui 
officij  ab  Amico  accepti  est  immemor,  an  non  erit  in- 
gratissimus,  qui  non  agnoscit  vltrd  benefacientem 
eum,  quem  multis  saepe  modis  oflfendit,  &  k  quo,  pro  malo 
bonum  accepit?  Commissis  nostris  Deum  irritamus, 
non  dicam  cottidi^,  set  omnibus  horis,  ac  omnibus 
momentis :  qui  tamen  est  tam  hberahs  erga  nos  tamque 
beneficus,  vt  postulantibus  nihil  neget.  Imo  vero 
tam  singularis  eius  est  bonitas,  ut  quandoque  ea  nobis 
affatim  subministret,  quae  praeuidet  e  re  nostra  esse: 
etiam  antequ^m  ipsi  de  petitione  cogitauerimus.  Non 
repetit  ille  k  nobis  dona  sua,  non  quaerit  tahonem,  non 
compensationem,  (quis  enim  soluendo  esset?)  tantum 
postulat  memorem  &  gratum  animum :  quem 
vt  illi  exhibeamus  indies  singulos  beneficium 
beneficio  accumulat :  tantum  abest,  ut  debita  a  nobis, 
ipse  liberalissimus  Creditor,  veUt  repetere.     Caeterum, 


APPENDIX  577 

non  potest  melius  se  gratus  animus  explicare,  qu^m 
commemoratione  ac  confessione  accepti  officij :  atque 
gratiarum  actione.  Quamobrem,  qui  Dei  clementiam, 
bonitatem,  liberalitatem,  ac  pietatem  expertus  erit, 
Nomen  eius  celebret,  extollat,  pra^dicet :  commemor 
et  beneficia  ipsius,  et  summa  &  multa :  atque  gratiam 
illi  habeat,  Fide,  opere,  ore,  scripto,  de  quibuscumque 
poterit  modis :  ille  profecto  gratus  tum  in  eum  erit. 
Ad  id  nos  incitat  sue  exemplo  Dauid  qui  in  pace  ac 
ocio,  gloriam  dabat  Deo,  &  potentiam  eius  ac  celsitudi- 
nem  praedicabat :  in  tribulationibus  &  angustijs,  viua 
Fide  instructus,  illius  opem  implorabat:  ac  daemura 
ab  ijs  liberatus,  gratias  ei  agebat,  &  fideles  omnes 
conuocabat  ad  commemorandam  eius  bonitatem. 
Illius  ego  vestigia  insecutus,  cum  essem  apud  vos 
vinctus,  et  nihil  prorsus  haberem  in  Parentum,  Ami- 
corum  ac  hominum  auxilio  spei  reliqui,  confugi  ad  eum, 
g  qui  consolationis  est  Deus,  &  qui,  sperantibus 
in  se  presto  est  semper.  Neque  vero  mea  mihi 
spes  imposuit,  Auansoni  optime,  vtqui  quam  ab  eo  preci- 
bus  &  lachrymis  postularam,  sim  tandem  consecutus  lib- 
ertatem.  ^Equum  erat  itdque,  vt  solutus  carcere,  liber- 
atorem  agnoscerem  meum :  utque  gratiam  ei  haberem  & 
nomen  eiUs  sanctissimum  ubique  praedicarem :  vt,  qui 
erunt  aliqua  in  angustia  constituti,aut  quacunque  animi 
majstitudine  comprementur,  meo  commodo  sapiant : 
atque  postposita  in  creaturis  vanissima  spe,  ad  crea- 
torem  sese  recipiant :  ab  eo  quidquid  iustum  ac  vtile 
illis  fuerit  impetraturi.  Quamobrem,  psalmum  himc 
Dauidis,  paraphrastica  interpretatione  sumpsi  ex- 
plicandum,  tum,  quod  dignus  sit  qui  syllabatim  edisca- 
tur,  proptere^  quod  Fidem  nostram  non  parum  com- 
2p 


578         CHARLES   DB    SAINTE-MARTHE 

finnat :  turn,  qu6d  materise  ac  proposito  nostro,  quasi 
de  industria'  seruiat.  Nam  ciim  fugeret  ille  furorem 
Saulis,  neque  habere!  tutum  aliquem  locum,  in  quem 
se  reciperet,  &  mortem  declinaret,  diuertit  ad  Achis 
Regem  Geth:  atque  inibi  cilm  aliquandiu  mansisset, 
k  seruis&  domestics  Regis  agnitus,  vbi  perspexit 
vitam  suam  magno  esse  in  discrimine,  simulauit 
insaniam:  ac  prorsus  habitum  &  morem  Epilentici 
cuiuspiam  mentitus  est :  &  eam  ab  caussam  imperio 
Regis  expulsus,  recta  in  speluncam  OdoUam  diuertit: 
&  ea  simulatione  k  tanto  periculo  liberatus,  hunc 
psalmum  scripsit,  in  quo  gratias  agit  liberatori  Deo, 
Sic  ego,  cum  tam  duriter  tractari  viderem  me  k  vobis, 
utmitius  cum  siccarijs,  latronibus,  homicidis,  furibus, 
raptoribus  ac  deploratse  vitse  hominibus  ageretur, 
simulavi  cert6  insaniam :  &  sum  ea  consecutus,  vt  qui 
in  arcta  prius  &  foetida  turre  solus  languebam,  cum 
Pedunculis,  Semicibus,  Soricibus,  &  Scorpionibus 
coUuctans,  libertatem  obtinuerim  per  quantulascunque 
angustias  carceris  obambulandi.  Id  vbi  adsecutus 
fui,  libertatula  ilia  in  spem  me  certissimum  uocauit, 
futurum,  vt  qui  iam  me  pedetentim  cceperat  liberare, 
tandem  in  plenam  libertatem  aliquando  adsereret. 
Quod  aduersarij  quidem  mei  neque  volebant  neque 
putabant :  imo  ver6  desperabant  etiam,  qui  meae 
saluti,  non  minus  qu^m  suae,  consultum  esse  voluissent. 
Mouebat  omnem  lapidem  caput  istud  obstipum 
(dignior  certe  homo,  qui  sit,  aut  Porcarius  aut 
Bubulcus,  qu^m  is  cuius  officio  fungitur),  vt  per  fas  aut 
nefas  viuus  concremarer:  quo  vt  tandem  perueniret, 
viros  bonos  &  graues,  quorum  consuetudine  familiariter 
sum  vsus,  ad  f alsum  contra  me  testimonium  proferendum 


APPENDIX  579 

soUicitabat :  &  quod  blanditijs  ac  corruptelis  non 
poterat,  tentabat,  dolo  ac .  minis,  efficere.  Habebat 
quoque  suum  patella  operculum,  nempe  Sisamnem 
istum,  silicernium  &  delirantem  senem,  stiuae  certe 
commodiorem  qu^m  dicendo  luri,  qui  ludicis  simul  & 
Actoris  partes  tractabat.  Hos  duos  satis  nouit  Gra- 
tianopolis,  nouit  inquam  toto  animi  impetu  fuisse 
impulses  in  perniciem  meam :  ac  nihil  reliquisse  in- 
tentatum,  ut  meo  sanguine  inexhaustam  sitim  suae 
vindidictae  explerent.  Set  quomodo  fauissent  innocenti 
Reo,  qui  sunt  innocentiae  persecutores  ?  quomodo 
aequioris  caussse  defensores  fuissent,  qui,  quid  sit  lus 
plane  ignorant,  suntque  ad  id  tractandum  tanqu^m 
Asini  ad  lyram?  quomodo  denique  fauore  bonarum 
artium,  doctrina  excultum  (licet  mediocri)  clementer 
&  pro  officio  suo  tractassent,  qui  sunt  k  Musis 
prorsus  alieni,  &  omnium  bonarum  disciplina- 
nun  expertes  ?  lurarant  illi  in  mortem  meam,  non  modo 
cum  fortunarum  suarum,  set  salutis  etiam  suae  dispen- 
dio :  turn,  quod  voluissent,  &  adhuc  vellent,  doctos 
omnes  extinctos  esse :  turn,  quod  timerent  quod  euitare 
minime  possunt :  nimirum,  ne  mea  amicorumque  meorum 
industria,  vt  digni  sunt  tractentur  ac  suis  pingantur 
coloribus.  His  accessit,  quod  eram  in  barbara  ac 
prorsus  Scythica  terra,  &  solus  &  alienigena  Gallus, 
longe  k  Patria,  longe  k  Parentibus,  longe  ab  Amicis: 
imo  ijs  plane  destitutus,  ac  totus  inermis.  Caeterum 
quod  inermem  me  voco,  intelligo  equidem  inopiam  pau- 
pertemque  meam :  quandoquidem  diuitiae  ac  opes 
multae,  nostro  seculo  arma  sunt  Reis  validis- 
sima,  contra  accusationes  &  criminationes  omnes,  atque 
aded  aduersus   quoslibet   iudiciorum  exitus.      In  tot 


580         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

ac  tantis  periculis,  quis  de  sua  salute  non  dubitasset  ? 
atqui  dubitare  certe  non  potui,  Dei  bonitate  ac  auxilio 
fretus,  quem,  et  legeram  &  multorum  exemplo  didiceram, 
suis  semper  plusqu^m  paterna  sollicitudine 
prouidere :  ac  non  sinere  vt  in  tentationibus 
succumbant.  Quid  tandem  ?  accidit  certe  mihi  quod 
sperabam :  nempe,  praesentissima  morte  liberatus,  perse- 
quentium  manus  effugi.  Quare,  vt  meo  exemplo  fidant 
Deo  omnes  qui  adfliguntur,  vt  gustent  suauitatem  mi- 
sericordise  eius,  vtque  ilium  solum  timeant,  hac  para- 
phrasi  gratias  illi  ago,  &  libertatem  meam  illi  soli 
acceptam  fero.  Tibi  autem,  qualis  qualis  est,  Auansoni 
doctissime,  k  me  dicatur,  nimirum  Amico  singulari :  cui 
tam  gratum  fuit,  mortis  periculum  me  declinasse,  quam 
fuit  graue  et  molestum,  cum  nouercate  Fortuna  in  vin- 
culis  tamdiu  colluctasse,  &  tot  incommoda  pertulisse. 
Quod  vt  mihi  persuadeam,  f  acit,  &  tua  in  meliores  literas 
propensissima  voluntas,  ac  eruditio  certe  cum  iudicij 
maturitate  non  vulgaris,  &  summa  ilia  tua  erga  me 
merita :  quae  de  tua  in  me  voluntate  fidem  mihi  locu- 
pletissime  fecerunt.  Valebis  itaque  Auansoni  diser- 
tissime  &  Smarthani  tui  innocentiam  prob6  tibi  per- 
spectam,  pro  charitatis  Christianas  officio,  proque 
tua  summa  hiunanitate,  esse  apud  vos  sartam  tectam 
curabis.  Nam  scio  aduersarios  meos,  cilm  non 
potuerint  suam  crudelitatem  meo  sanguine 
satiare,  nomen  meum  omnibus  probris  aspersuros.  Set 
sciant  velim,  me  vituperationem  illorum  laudi  maximae 
ducere :  dum  modo  dignitas  mea  apud  Senatum  vestrum 
amplissimum  illabefactata  &  Integra  maneat :  de  cuius 
in  me  voluntate  dubitare  non  possum :  quandoquidem 
tam  multi  estis  in  vestro  ordine,  &  boni,  &  docti  Sena- 


APPENDIX  581 

tores,  ut  quos  Bestise,  insectantur  doctrinse  nos  asper- 
nandae  viros,  ipsi  vestra  sponte  diligatis  &  ab  omni 
prorsus  iniuria  vindicetis.  Jesus  Christus,  redemptor 
noster,  te  sua  gratia  impleat,  Senator  eruditissime  & 
humanissime.     Lugduni.  Calendis  luliis,  1543. 

—  In  Psalmum  Septimum  et  Psalmum  xxxiii,  Para^ 
phrads,  pp.  144-143. 

LETTER  TO  THE  DOMINICAN,  LOUIS  DUFOUR. 

C.    Smaethanus   F.   Ludovico   Fourn^o   Iacobit^ 
Theologo  S.D. 

Paraphrasim  nostram,  fratibus  ordinis  tui, 

[p.  212]  ^  ....  . 

doctis  et  catholicis  uiris  perplacuisse,  summo- 
pere  gaudeo,  Ludouice  suauissime :  turn  quod  k  probatis 
uiris  probari,  laudi  summa3  ducendum  est :  turn,  quod 
hoc  tarn  turbulento  seculo,  non  uulgare  quidem  Dei 
donum  est,  Theologis  placere :  &  ijs,  quibus  inquisitionis 
prouincia  demandata  est.  Nam  sunt  qui  doctorum  & 
Theologorum  titulo  gloriantes,  insania  prope  rum- 
puntur,  cum  uident  alios,  quanquam  doctrina  sine 
nomine  insignes,  aliquid  Theologicse  meditationis  in 
apertum  proferre.  Porro,  scribis  nihil  inter  legendum 
illis  occurrisse,  quod  admittendum  non  sit :  nisi  quod 
dubitant,  ne,  quae  scribo  de  malis  Principibus,  de  cor- 
ruptis  iudicibus,  ac  de  impijs  hominibus  ueritatis 
hostibus,  aliter  accipiantur,  quam  forte  intelligam: 
nemp6  aduersus  eos  dictum,  qui,  hodi6  sectarum 
seditiosos  amatores  &  pessime  de  nostra  religione 
.  ,  sentientes  persequuntur  ac  puniunt.  Ego 
uero,  Furnaee,  Hsreticos  omnes,  Atheos,  Ana- 


582        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

baptistas,  camales  istos  Euangelicos,  &  turbulentos 
huius  generis  ac  pestiferos  homines  sic  odi,  ut  cupiam 
d  medio  iam  sublatos  esse  illos :  tantum  abest  ut  inuehi 
velim  in  magistratus,  qui  seuerissime  in  ipsos  animad- 
uertunt.  Quod  scribo  de  Principibus,  qui  malo  consilio 
acquiescentes,  saeviunt  in  bonos  et  pios,  intelligo  de  ijs, 
quorum  mores  facta  satis  ostendunt,  quales  experta 
est  Italia  saepd  multos,  &  non  ita  pridem  Anglia.  Set 
nominatim  illos  exprimere  non  placuit,  cilm  peri- 
culosum  sit  de  Principibus  huiusmodi  etiam  uera 
scribere.  De  iudicibus  malis  &  impijs  hominibus 
quod  scribo,  non  ignoras  quo  tendit :  nempe  tangun- 
tur  ij  qui  sub  Lutheranismi  praetextu,  crudelitatem 
uindictae  suae  in  me  innoxium  exercuerunt :  quos 
etiam  dico  suis  censuris  innoxios  ab  hominum  com- 
mercio  et  ab  ipsa  quoque  Ecclesia  excludere:  de  me 
ipso  loquens,  quem  solum  obscuro  loco  concludi  cu- 
rauerunt :  nee  id  tantum,  uerumetiam  k  sacratissimae 
Eucharistise  communione,  tanquam  Judaeum  aut 
Turcam  repulerunt,  quamqu^m  nuUius  plan6  criminis 
conuictum.  Quod,  nunquid  est  ab  Ecclesia  arcere? 
^  Nunquid  ueritatem  oppugnare?  Oppugnat 
siquidem  illam,  qui,  &  quod  non  est  uerum 
obijcit:  &  quod  uerum  est  non  admittit.  Quodsuper- 
est,  non  ignoro  fuisse  semper,  et  adhuc  esse,  qui  calum- 
niantur  quae  recta  sunt,  sinistre  interpretantur  quae  sunt 
dubia,  exaggerant  quae  sunt  leuia,  et  in  omnibus  tam 
inclementes  sunt  indices,  ut  magis  hoc  agant,  ut  perdant 
eum  qui  forte  prolapsus  erit,  quam  ut  sanent.  Set  non 
dubito  ne  qui  uere  Theologi,  hocestaequi,  boni,  ac  docti 
sunt,  ab  omni  me  iniuria  uindicent :  praesertim,  Ecclesise 
iudicio,  mea  qualiacunque  omnia  sint  opera  submit- 


APPENDIX  583 

tentem.  Commentarios  nostros  in  Psal.  118.  ociosus 
relegam  &  recognitos  (ut  k  me  postulas)  emittam.  Vale, 
Furnaee  doctissime,  &  ordinis  uestri  fauorem  quem 
mihi  conciliasti,  sic  faueto :  ut  indies  magis  atque 
magis  coalescat.  Gratianopoli,  24.  Calendas.  Aprilis. 
1543. 
—  In  Psalmum  Septimum  et  Psalmum  xxxiii,  Para- 
phrasis,  pp.  [212]-[214]. 

DEDICATION  OF  THE  MEDITATION  ON  THE  NINE- 
TIETH (NINETY-FIRST)  PSALM. 

CaHOLUS   SaNCTOMARTHANUS  GaSTONO  OlilUARIO 

Mancii  Domino.    S.  D. 

,  .  o  Quemadmodum  grassante  peste,  non  solum 
qui  sunt  infecti,  set  sani  etiam  ac  Integra 
valitudine,  ad  medicos  recurrunt,  atque  ab  eis  utrique 
auxilium  &  opem  postulant :  illi,  ut  curentur :  hi,  ut 
pharmacis  &  salutari  aliquo  moly,  praeseruentur :  Ita, 
rescissa  hodie  per  tot  tamque  varias  opiniones  Christ- 
anorum  concordia,  frigescente  charitate,  vacillante  Fide, 
ac  spe  ex  omnium  ferme  animis  excussa,  crescente  in  dies 
hominum  malitia,  finesque  suos  dilatante  Atheismo, 
necesse  quidam  est,  &  ijs  quos  sectarum  diuersitas  ade6 
cert6  anxios  ac  dubios  reddidit,  ut  quid  credant,  cuive 
parti  adhaereant,  prorsus  incertum  habeant :  &  ijs 
quoque  qui  nuUis  adhuc  opinionem  labyrinthis  inuoluti 
implicatique  sunt,  ad  doctorem  aliquem  pium  sese 
recipere,  qui  mutantes  sustinere,  lapsos  erigere, 
errantes  in  viam  revocare,  eosque,  qui   a  fide  ac  Spe 

,  .  o  lion  exciderunt,  magis  ac  magis  confirmare,  & 
in  christian  ismo  continere  queat.     Doctores 


584        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

quidem  habemus  ac  Theologos  &  Ecclesiastas,  & 
numero  multos,  &  doctrina  excellentes,  quorum  alij 
publicis  lectionibus,  alij  concionibus,  alij  scriptis  & 
in  lucem  emissis  commentarijs,  quam  nacti  sunt 
Spartam  probe  ornant:  &  nihil  intentantum  relin- 
quunt,  ut  Christiana  religio  sarta  tecta  maneat. 
Verum  nobis  semper  in  manu  non  sunt,  neque  illis 
licit  per  ocium  votis  nostris,  quoties  volumus  re- 
spondere :  vt  interim  taceam,  quodsi  peregre  proficis- 
caris,  si  ruri  habites,  si  non  detur  in  frequentia  hominum 
vivere,  cohortatoribus  illis  ac  consultatoribus  vti  non 
valeas.  Danda  itaque  nobis  est  opera,  ut  si  ex  tarn 
magno  numero  aliquis  sese  offerat,  qui  prsesens  nobis 
ac  prsesto  semper  esse  velit,  ipsum  ut  retineamus. 
Prsestare  autem  id  vivi  vix  possunt:  mortui  quidem 
per  eorum  quse  extant  scripta  possunt:  paremque 
nobis  operam  commodare  valent,  qui  superstites  agunt. 
Set  vereor,  ne  morbis  omnibus  qui  animum  nostrum 
-  .  „  occupabant,  remedium  acque  nobis  prsescri- 
bere,  atque  ipsi  desiderabimus  non  possint :  vt 
sileam  in  scriptis  hominum,  nescio  quid  semper  humani 
existere.  Quae  quum  ita  sint,  eadem  nobis  est  adhi- 
benda  in  salute  spiritus  cura,  quam  solemus  in  cor- 
poris valetudine  mala  adhibere :  nimirum,  vt  quem- 
admodum  qui  decumbit,  optimum  quemque  ac 
fidissimum  Medicum  aduocat,  ita  qui  animo  laboret, 
ilium  ipsum  consolatorem  eligat,  qui  pietate  magis 
valeat.  Quum  autem  Spiritus  sanctus,  animarum  sit 
nostrarum  Medicus  &  consolator,  neminem  esse  adeo 
vesanum  puto,  ut  vel  neget,  vel  ambigat,  ad  eum 
nobis  concurrendum  esse. 

Verum,  vbi  melius  ac  promptius  reperitur,  quam  in 


APPENDIX  585 

scriptis  illorum,  quibus  ipse  tanquam  organo  vsus  est? 

Nempe  Mosis,  Prophetarum,  &  Apostolorum?     Prae- 

sentes   illi   nobis   esse   semper,  nobiscum   pernoctare, 

nobiscum  perigrinari,  nobiscum  loqui  possunt :   neque 

vllum  morbis  animae  nostr£E  remedium  desiderabimus, 

quod  illi  statim  &  affatim  non  suppeditent.    Caeterum, 

inter  omnia  quae  in  manu  sunt  Bibliorum  volumina, 

.  ,       o   unus  David  sic  tristes  recreat,  moestos  solatur, 
lol.  3  v°       .  '       .         . 

tristes   mitigat,  languentes  reficit,  ammo  de- 

iectos  erigit,  [se?]  male  habentes  sanat,  in  prosperis 

confirmat,    in    aduersis    sustinet,   vt    non    immerit6 

Hebraei  pueros  suos  eius  doctrina  tanquam  lacte  primo 

imbibant,  censeantque  Hilarius,  Orig.  Aug.  Hieron.  & 

Chrj'sost.  de  manibus  ilium  deponi  nunquam  debere. 

Quod  ad  me  adtinet,  fateor  me  Davidis  psalmis  sic 

capi,  vt  quod  de  Cicerone  dicebat  Plinius,  eum  doctum 

sese  existimare,  cui  ille  placuisset,  idem   de    Davide 

dicam,     posse    Christianum    de    gratia     Spiritus   Dei 

certum   esse,   qui  psalmorum    lectione    oblectabitur. 

Qua  in  sententia  quum  te  quoque  vir  doctissime,  esse 

cognoscerem,   ac  te   voluptatem   omnem  in  eo  libro 

reponere,   ex     sermone    tuo    perspicerem :    simulque 

tua  in  me  multa  &  magna  officia  expenderem,  placuit 

meditatiunculam,    quam   in  nonagesimum     psalmum 

conscripsi  tuo  nomini  dicatam  in  apertum  dare.    Tibi 

quin  grata  &  accepta  sit,  nihil   plane  dubito:    idem- 

que  ab  ijs  expecto,  qui  pietatem  toto  pectore  tecum 

amplexantur :  de  quibusdam  autem,  qui  scripta  trahunt 

fol  4  1°   ^^  calumniam  omnia,  quid  candidi  dextrique 

indicij     expectem?       Tu   itaque   quibus    oc- 

cupationibus  ocium  temporis  fallam,  vide :  ac  nostra 

meditatione  fruere,  donee  integrum  Psalmorum  opus, 


586         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

in    hendecasyllabos    k  me    redactum,    tibi  legendiim 

mittam.     Vale  amicorum  optime. 

Lutetise  Parisiorum  quarto  Idus  lulij.  1550. 

—  In  Psalmum  Nonagesimum  Pia  Admodvm  &  Chris- 
tiana Meditatio,  -per  Carolum  Sanctomarthanum 
Fontebraldensem  I.  V.D. 

PREFACE     TO     THE     LATIN     VERSION     OF     THE 
FUNERAL  ORATION  ON  THE  QUEEN  OF  NAVARRE. 

C.   Sanctomarthanus   lectori   candido   S. 

Tarn  corrupti  sunt  nostri  temporis  mores, 
Lector  optime,  ut  eruditi  omnes,  ac  boni  viri, 
suas  vigilias  in  apertum  emittere  non  audeant.  Sunt 
enim  non  pauci,  quorum  alii  ingenio  certe  ac  doctrina 
praestant :  sed  caeca  quaedam  philautia  laborentes,  nihil 
judicant  posteritate  dignum,  quod  non  ipsi  scripserint ; 
alii,  tametsi  nee  judicio  valeant,  nee  sint  melioribus  dis- 
ciplinis  exculti,  temere  tamen  adversus  omnium  homi- 
num  scripta  pronuntiant.  Qui  malunt  Ciceronianos 
se  quam  Christianos  esse,  quidquid  non  accedit  ad 
Ciceronis  eloquentiam  respuunt :  neque  interim  uUam 
habent  rationem  reconditions  doctrinae,  quae  satis  con- 
firmat  Scriptorem  non  esse  ex  numero  cicadarum,  aures 
tantum  oblectantium.  Philosophi,  qui  sibi  arcem  verae 
eruditionis  occupasse  videntur,  jejunas  omnes  et  aridas 
scriptiones  appellant,  quae  de  philosophia  non  tractant. 
Athei  rident  omnia,  quum  sint  ipsi  omnium 
maxime  ridiculi.  Sycophantae,  domnia  rapiunt 
in  calumniam.  Poetae  proscindunt  omnia.  In  summa, 
sumus  prope  omnes  in  tot  sententias  &  opiniones  dis- 
tracti,  ut  nondum  satis  mihi  constet.  debeamus  ne, 
cum  Democrito  insanians  ridere  nostram,  an  cum  Hera- 


APPENDIX  587 

clito  nostram  ipsorum  miseriam  flere,  qui  vix  possumus 
umbram  nostram  ferre.  Ego  sane,  lector  candide,  non 
expecto  aliud  de  hac  funebri  laudatione  judicium, 
quam  quod  in  dies  singulos  de  scriptis  eruditissimis 
fieri  video.  Ciceroniani,  dictionem  Jurisconsulti  hominis 
fastidient.  Rhetores,  e  sua  schola  orationem  ejicient, 
quae  orationis  partes  non  habeat  &  a  rhetoricis  praecep- 
tionibus  recedat.  Tot  digressiones  damnabunt:  tot 
autorum  {sic)  nomina  orationi  inserta  esse  improba- 
bunt :  tot  denique  ex  historiis  sumpta  exempla,  tan- 
quam  supervacanea  rejicient.  Interim  vero  non  ex- 
pendent,  de  industria  id  me  fecisse:  qui  potius 
historiam  scribere  vellem  quam  Orationem.  Atqui  non 
erat  orationis  titulo  emittenda,  nisi  dignitas  orationis 
servaretur.  Sit  ita.  Tu,  igitur,  cum  Cicerone,  ac 
Quintiliano  voca  Laudationem.  Set  non  ego 
certe  in  hoc  scripseram,  ut  ederetur:  verum 
ut  a  me  Alenconii  pronunciaretur,  si  reginse  nostras 
funebris  pompa  celebrata  fuisset.  Quod  quum  tam 
diu  differri  viderent  amici  omnes  mei,  quibus  mecum 
jactura  quam  feci,  communis  est :  suo  jure  a  me  impe- 
trarunt  ut  in  apertum  ilia  prodiret.  Audio  Petrum 
Paschalium  virum  eruditissimum  &  mihi  aliquando 
Avenione  cognitum,  statuisse,  Reginae  vitam  Uteris 
mandare.  Quod  si  semel  tentarit,  quam  id  ille  feliciter 
perficiet,  vel  ex  sola  oratione  quam  in  obitum  Maulii 
scripsit,  judicare  poteris.  Nimis  ergo  difficiles  esse 
Cicer[on]ianos  dicam,  si  Paschalii  tam  pura  tamque  tersa 
dictio  palato  illorum  grata  non  sit.  Vale.  Datum  Alen- 
conii, Idibus  Martiis,  1550. 
—  In  obitum  incomparabilis  MargaritcB,  .  .  .  Nauar- 
rorum  Reginoe  Oratio  funebris,  etc.,  pp.  [2]-4. 


688        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

PREFACE  TO  THE  FUNERAL  ORATION  ON 
THE  DUCHESS  OF  BEAUMONT. 

Charles  de  Saincte  Marthe,  Docteur  es  Droicts, 
Au   Lecteur,   Salut. 

Tu  sgais,  Lecteur,  que  le  commun  proverbe  dit :  Qui 
aime,  aime  apres  la  mort.  Et  un  autre  dit :  Loue 
apres  la  mort.  Si  nous  devons  done  louer  les  trespasses, 
non  pas  en  detracter,  comme  font  ceuls  qui  tiennent 
de  la  nourriture  Arcadique :  &  qu'il  nous  soit  aussi 
command  6  rendre  tesmoignage  de  nostre  amiti6, 
plus  apres  la  mort,  que  durant  la  vie :  j  'ay  bonne  & 
recevable  excuse  d'auoir  lou6,  par  louenge  funebre, 
celle  qui  meritoit  toute  sorte  de  louenge,  &  qui  par  ses 
bienfaicts  m'avoit  oblige  k  la  louer:  j'entends  de  la 
defuncte  Royne  de  Navarre.  Mais  je  ne  sgay  ou  nous 
pourrions  trouver  cuisinier,  qui  feist  saulse  agreable 
k  touts  appetits,  veu  les  di verses  qualit^s  des  ventri- 
cules.  Je  dy,  que  les  jugements  des  hommes  sont  si 
divers  (que  je  ne  die  pervers),  qu'il  est  impossible  que, 
si  Homere,  Ciceron,  &  leurs  semblables  vivoient,  leurs 
escripts  ne  leur  fussent  insipides.  C'est  pitie  d'ouir 
faire  recit,  de  combien  de  parts  ma  pauvre  oraison  a 
este  assaillie,  blessee  degettee,  voire  &  de  plusieurs  qui 
sont  plus  insipides  que  la  Bete.  Or  maintenant  que 
je  t'en  envoye  une  autre,  sur  le  trespas  de  Frangoise 
d'Alengon,  Duchesse  de  Beaumont,  douairiere  de 
Vendosmois,  que  m'en  adviendra  il?  Si  les  paroUes 
des  jugements  des  personnes  estoient  ainsi  trenchantes 
qu'est  une  espee  nouvellement  affilee,  je  perdroie 
aujourd'huy  un  membre,  &  demain  I'autre,  &  bien 
tost  je  seroie  tout  destrench^  &  mis  en  pieces.     Mais 


APPENDIX  589 

Dieu  y  a  pourveu,  qui  a  faict  les  langues  de  nos  de- 
tracteurs  estre  comme  une  espee  de  plomb,  dens  un 
fourreau  sanglant.  Je  ne  desisteray  done  de  poursuivre 
mon  entreprinse:  je  dy  de  mettre  en  lumiere,  &  la 
seconde  oraison,  &  les  autres  oeuvres,  ou  tous  les  jours 
je  travaille,  dont  auras  bonne  partie  dens  peu  de  temps : 
Aydant  le  createur,  que  je  supply,  Lecteur  Candida, 
te  donner  sa   saincte  grace. 

Escript  k  Alen^on  le  xii.  d'Octobre.  1550. 

—  Or.  fun.  .  .  .  deF.d'A.,  fol.  2  r"  and  v". 

LEGAL  DOCUMENTS. 

AGREEMENT  OF  SAINTE-MARTHE  WITH 
JEAN  DE  TART  AS. 

Du  4"°*  de  decembre  1553. 
A  est^  present  et  personnellement  estably  maistre 
Charles  de  Saincte-Marthe,  maistre  es  arts,  natif  de 
Fontevrault,  diocese  de  Poictiers,  et  h.  present  de- 
meurant  k  Bourdeaulx,  au  college  de  Guyenne,  lequel 
de  son  bon  gre  et  volunt^  bien  instruict  de  son  faict, 
ainsi  qu'il  a  diet,  a  promis  et  promect  par  ces  presentes 
k  monsieur  Maistre  Jehan  de  Tartas,  principal  dudict 
coUidge  de  Guyenne,  illec  present,  pour  luy,  ses  hoirs 
et  successeurs  stippullant  et  acceptant,  demeurer 
dedans  ledict  colliege  ou  ailheurs  oil  ledict  coUi^ge 
sera  seant  tant  en  la  presente  ville  que  dehors  d'icelle 
pour  I'espace  d'un  an  comply,  finy  et  revolu,  commens- 
sant  le  jourd'huy  et  finissant  k  mesme  jour  et  terme 
pour  en  icelluy  colliege  regenter  et  faire  classe  et  regie 
k  composer  et  prononcer  oraisons,  dialogues,  comedies 
et  lire  publiquement,  toute  ainsi  que  le  plaisir  sera 
dudict  principal  luy  dire  et  commander,  et  auquel 


590        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

principal  ledict  de  Saincte-Marthe  a  promis  et  sera 
tenu  obdyr  et  k  son  pouvoir  servir  en  toutes  chouses, 
le  honnorer  et  garder  son  proffict  et  honneur  envert 
et  contre  tous,  et  lui  6viter,  reveller  et  advertir  son 
dommaige,  et  en  icelluy  coUi^ge  vivre  quietement  et 
soy  maintenir  en  humility  scolastique  et  coUegiale,  en 
vertus  et  bonnes  meurs,en  I'honneur  de  Dieu  premiere- 
ment,  dudict  principal  et  dudict  coUiege,  sans  com- 
mettre  en  diet,  ny  en  faict,  bandes,  mutinemens,  mono- 
poles,  ne  aucune  chouse  scandaleuse,  ne  vitieuse,  et 
aussy  sans  dire,  d^clairer  ne  reveller  k  aucun  dedans 
ledict  colli^ge,  ne  hors  icelluy,  la  maniere  de  vivre, 
faict  et  secret  dudict  coUi^ge,  et  pour  les  gaiges,  sallaires 
et  stipendies  dudict  de  S'«  Marthe,  pour  ledict  an, 
ledict  mons.  de  Tartas  lui  a  donn6  la  somme  de  trente 
cinq  livres  tournois,  laquelle  somme  ledict  de  S*« 
Marthe  a  confess  e  avoir  eue  et  receu  enti^rement 
avant  ces  pr^esentes  dud.  de  Tartas,  tant  en  robbes  et 
habilhemens  que  en  or. 

Archives  Dipartementales  de  la  Gironde.    Garde-Note  Contat. 
1533. 

LETTERS  PATENT,  REAPPOINTING  SAINTE- 
MARTHE  PROCUREUR  GENERAL  OF  THE 
DUCHY  OF  BEAUMONT. 

Antoine,  Due  de  Vendosme,  et  de  Beaumont,  Pair 
de  France,  comte  d'Armagnac,  de  Roddez,  Couversan, 
Marie  et  Soissons,  Baron  d'Epernoy,  Mondoubleau, 
Brou,  Brion  et  Apurilly  Surdan  et  Broye,  —  Seigneur 
d'Anguien,  d'oysy,  de  Ham,  Bohain,  —  Beaureuoir, 
Vendeuil,  d'Ailly-sur-Noye,  de  dunkerke,  Bourbourg, 
Grauelines  et  Roddez  en  flandres,  chastelain  de  I'lsle, 


APPENDIX  601 

Gouvemeur  et  Lieutenant  general  pour  Monseigneur 
le  Roy  ez  pays  de  picardie  Boulenois  et  Arthois.  A 
Tous  ceux  qui  ces  presentes  lettres  verront,  Salut. 
Comme  par  I'erection  que  faist  feu  Monseigneur  le 
Roy  du  Vicomt^  de  Beaumont  en  Duche,  nostre  def- 
functe  treshonoree  Dame  et  Mere,  que  Dieu  absolue, 
eust  cree  plusieurs  offices  pour  I'administration  de  la 
police  et  justice  dudict  Duche,  et  entre  autres  un  pro- 
cureur  general  lequei  eust  superintendance  sur  tous 
et  chacuns  les  autres  procureurs,  et  lesquels  procureurs 
demeuroient  comme  substituds  dudit  procureur  general, 
nostre  dicte  deffuncte  Dame  et  Mere  eut  pourueu 
nostre  Ame  et  feal  Messire  Charles  de  Sainte  Marthe, 
Docteur  es  droites  et  retenu  de  son  conseil.  Par  la 
mort  de  laquelle  ledict  Duch^  de  Beaumont  nous  seroit 
escheu  et  tous  les  offices  d'iceluy  demeurez  en  nostre 
disposition ;  Scauoir  faisons  que  pour  la  bonne  et  entiere 
confiance  que  nous  avons  de  la  personne  dudict  de 
Saincte-Marthe,  —  et  pour  ces  sens,  suffisance,  littera- 
ture,  fidellit^,  et  qu'il  s'est  bien  et  sans  reprehension 
gouvern6  audict  estat,  en  consideration  aussy  des 
services  qu'il  a  faicts  k  nostre  dicte  feu  dame  et  Mere 
et  esperons  qu'il  nous  fera  cy  apres.  Iceluy  de  Sainte 
Marthe  auons  retenu  et  retenons  en  I'estat  de  nostre 
Conseiller,  et  luy  auons  donn6  et  confer^,  donnons  et 
conferons  par  ces  presentes,  ledict  office  de  procureur 
general  en  nostre  diet  Duche  de  Beaumont  aux  gages  de 
six  vingts  liures  par  an.  Sur  Saonnye  trente  Liures, 
sur  chasteau  Gontier  vingt  Liures,  sur  la  flesche  vingt 
liures,  sur  Fresnay  dix  liures,  et  sur  Beaumont  dix 
liures,  qui  est  en  tout  six  vingts  liures  payables  k  deux 
termes.    Scauoir  est  la  Sainct  Jean  et  Noel  le  premier 


692        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

payement  commengant  a  la  feste  de  sainct  Jean 
prochain,  venant.  Pour  d'Iceluy  en  iouir  doresna- 
vant  aux  droicts,  esmolumens,  franchises,  preeminences 
et  libertez  qui  y  appartient  tant  qu'il  nous  plaira. 
Lequel  procureur  General  voulons,  intendons  et  nous 
plaist  auoir  la  superintendance  sur  tons  nos  autres 
procureurs  de  nostre  diet  Duch6,  qui  demeureront  ses 
substituds  seulement  en  sorte  qu'en  sa  presence  ne 
feront  estat  ou  exercise  de  procureur  general  des 
affaires  qui  surviendront  en  nostredit  Duche,  chacun 
en  son  endroit  pour  y  estre  par  luy  donne  ordre,  ou  si 
besoin  est  nous  en  advertir  la  part  ou  serons.  Duquel 
estat  de  procureur  general  ledit  de  Saincte  Marthe  a  ce 
Jourdhuy  preste  entre  nos  mains  le  serment  en  tel  cas 
requis  et  accoustum6.  Si  mandons  a  chacun  de  nos 
Receveurs  et  fermiers  de  nostredit  Duch6  de  Beau- 
mont presens  et  k  venir,  qu'ils  ayent  a  payer  audit  de 
Sainte  Marthe  la  dicte  somme  de  six  vingts  Livres  selon 
I'apreciation  et  cottite  de  chacun  d'eux  aux  termes  sus- 
dicts,  et  rapportant  par  eux  les  presentes  Lettres,  ou 
le  vidimus  d'icelles  deuement  collation^  avec  quittance 
dudict  de  Sainte  Marthe,  quand  besoin  sera.  Les 
sommes  ainsy  par  eux  payez  audit  de  Saincte  Marthe 
leur  seront  allouez  par  les  auditeurs  de  leurs  comptes. 
Ausquels  mandons  ainsy  le  faire  sans  difficulte.  Car 
tel  est  nostre  plaisir.  Mandons  en  outre  &  nostre  Am  6 
et  feal  conseiller,  et  seneschal  de  nostre  dit  Duch6 
et  a  ses  Lieutenans  avec  lesquels  voulons  et  nous  plaist 
ledit  de  Saincte  Marthe,  nostre  con^  et  procureur 
general,  assister  et  participer  a  la  vuidange  des  procez 
civils  et  en  leur  absence  tenir  le  siege  et  jurisdiction. 
Et  a  nos  autres  Justiciers  et  officiers  qu'il  appartien- 


APPENDIX  593 

dra,  qu'ils  fassent,  laissent,  et  souffrent,  facent  laisser  et 
souffrir  ledict  de  Sainte  Marthe  iouir  et  user  pleine- 
ment  et  paisiblement  de  1 'effect  de  nosdictes  presentes 
comme  nostre  conseiller  et  procureur  general.  Non- 
obstant  toutes  autres  lettres  a  ce  contraires  si  aucunes 
ont  est6  cydevant  de  nostre  feu  Dame  et  Mere  ou  de 
nous  obtenues :  Lesquelles  auons  reuocquez  et  re- 
vocquons  par  ces  presentes,  et  Scelles  declarons  de 
nuUe  valleur  et  eflfect.  En  tesmoing  de  ce  nous  auons 
sign6  ces  presentes  de  nostre  main,  et  a  scelles  fait 
mettre  nostre  seel.  Don6  a  la  feire  le  septiesme  jour 
de  Januier  I'an  1550,  signe  Anthoine :  et  sur  le  reply 
par  Monseigneur  le  Due  et  pair  de  Valentiennes  et  scel6 
en  queue  double  de  cire  rouge. 
—  Genealogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte  Marthe,  fols. 
27  v°-29  v°. 

SAINTE-MARTHE'S  BRIEF  IN  RE  THE  ALIENATION 
OF  LANDS  IN  THE  DUCHY  OF  BEAUMONT,  AND 
OTHER  EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  PROCES-VERBAUX 
DES  VENTES  FAITES  AU  NOM.  DU  ROI,  DES 
LANDES  DU  MAINE,  PAR  SES  COMMISSAIRES 
FRANCOYS  BOYLEVE,  CONSEILLER  AU  PARLE- 
MENT  DE  PARIS,  ET  JEAN  TESTE,  DIT  DE 
BRETAGNE,  AVOCAT  DU  ROI,  DANS  LA  VICOMTE 
D'AUGE,  6  SEPT. -8  NOV.  1550. 

8  novembre  1550,  Fresnay. 

Et  ledit  jour  nous  estans  audit  lieu  de  Fresnoy  en 
I'hostellerie  ou  nous  estions  logez  accompaignez  de 
plusieurs  personnes  seroit  venu  par  devers  nous  a  Tissue 
de  notre  disner  ledit  de  Saincte-Marthe  accompaign^ 
d'Aucuns  qu'il  disoit  estre  officiers  dudit  Seigneur  de 
2q 


594         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Vendosme  et  nous  a  presente  deux  feuUetz  de  pappier 
scriptes  signe  de  luy  et  de  quelques  autres  signez 
et  nous  a  diet  que  estoit  le  plaidoye  qu'il  avoit  faict 
es  jour  precedent  comma  nous  vouUions  procedder  a 
ladicte  adjudecation  desdictes  landes,  nous  requerant 
d'icelles  faire  lecture  et  ordonner  Ticelluy  estre  insere  et 
transcript  en  nostre  proems  verbal;  ce  faict  aurions 
d'icelluy  faict  lecture  et  en  faisant  la  lecture  d'icelluy 
luy  aurions  remonstr^  que  tout  ce  qui  estoit  transcript 
n 'avoit  este  par  luy  plaids,  lequel  nous  auroit  diet  que 
ne  luy  aurions  donn6  le  loisir  de  le  dire  joinct  la  clameur 
du  grant  peuple.  ... 

18  novembre  1550,  Fresnay. 

De  Sainte-Marthe  retourne  aupr^  de  Boyldve,  com- 
missaire,  pour  lui  dire  que  "la  rature  mise  et  appose 
en  la  teste  en  marge  de  son  diet  plaidoye  en  laquelle  il  y 
avoit  ces  motz :  approbe  en  rature,  dont  11  avoit  appell^ 
n'estoit  bien." 

Ensuit  la  teneur  dudit  plaidoy^,  signe  de  Saincte- 
Marthe. 

Ce  sont  les  remonstrances  que  faict  a  vous,  messieurs 
m"  FranQoys  Boyleve,  conseiller  du  roy  nostre  sire, 
et  Jehan  Teste  diet  de  Bretaigne,  advocat  dudit  sei- 
gneur en  pays  d'Auge,  commissaires  depputez  par  ledit 
seigneur  pour  vendre  les  landes  communes  et  terres 
vacques  des  pays  d'Anjou  et  du  Maine,  messire  Charles 
de  Saincte  Marthe,  docteur  es  droictz,  conseiller  de 
monseigneur  le  due  de  Vendosme  et  de  Beaumont,  per 
de  France,  et  procureur  General  dudit  segneur  due  en 
son  duch^  de  Beaumont  pour  empescher,  pour  et  au 
nom  dudit  seigneur  due,  I'execution  de  vostre  dite 


APPENDIX  505 

commission  *  quant  a  la  vente  et  allienation  de  terres 
vacques,  landes,  et  communes,  seises  et  scitu6es  en  et 
audedans  dudit  duche  6.6  Beaumont. 

Et  premierement. 

Diet  ledit  procureur  que  les  ducz  d 'Allen  ^on  quattre 
ou  cinq  cens  ans  y  a  et  davantage  ont  tousjours  este 
paisibles  et  pacificques  possesseurs  du  vicont^  de  Beau- 
mont en  propriete  non  contredicte  ne  limitt^  par  les 
deffunctz  roys  et  sans  jamais  y  avoir  pretendu  autre 
droict  que  de  souverainet^. 

Et  lequel  viconte  par  partaige  de  succession  est  escheu 
a  deffuncte  dame  et  princesse  madame  Fran^oyse 
d'AUengon,  qui  en  a  joy  et  use  plainement  et  paisible- 
ment  comme  diet  est  jusques  a  la  mort ;  de  laquelle  dame 
ledit  seigneur  due  est  filz  aisn^  et  principal  heritier. 

Ce  fut  le  bon  plaisir  du  roy  deffunt  (que  Dieu  ab- 
solve) en  faveur  de  la  maison  de  Vendosme,  qui  de  pres 
touche  la  couronne  et  qui  a  toujours  est6  aflfecte  au 
service  d'icelluy,  eriger  ledict  viconte  en  duch6  par 
laquelle  erection  touteffoys  ne  se  reserva  ledict  seigneur 
autre  droict  sur  la  propriety  et  possession  dudit  duch^ 
fors  la  souverainet^. 

Item  a  faict  ledit  duch6  par  ladicte  erection  exempts 
des  jurisdictions  et  ressortz  des  pays  d'Anjou  et  du 
Maine  et  renvoy^  imm^diatement  a  la  Cour  de  Parlement 
a  Paris,  en  sorte  que  ledict  duch^  n'est  plus  membre  de 
Tun  ne  de  I'autre  desdicts  pays  d'Anjou  et  du  Maine. 

U  est  aussy,  mesdits  seigneurs,  que  le  roy  voullant 

*  I.e.  Letters  of  commission  given  the  above  named  by 
Henri  II,  St.  Germain-en-Laye,  August  28th  and  29th, 
1550,  and  Venddme,  March,  1550. 


596        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

toudjours  user  d'office  de  bon  et  Equitable  prince  sans 
faire  tort  ne  grief  a  aulcun  de  ses  subjectz,  n'a  entendu 
et  n'entend  par  la  teneur  de  votre  commission  faire 
baillies,  ventes  ne  allienacion  desdictes  landes  et  com- 
munes, terr^  vacques  et  semblables,  sinon  de  celles 
qui  sont  en  son  dommaine  et  qui  luy  appartiennent. 
Touteffoys  ainsi,  messieurs,  que  ledit  procureur  a  est6 
adverty  que  vous  auez  faict  publier  les  ventes  des 
landes  et  terres  vacques  communes  de  Sainct-Pater, 
du  Grand  et  Petit- Bercon  et  Oysseau,  en  Tonnoy,  Berus, 
Ass6,  Maresch^  et  autres  plusieurs  landes  et  communes 
lesquelles  sont  de  I'encloz  et  appartenances  dudit  duch6 
et  des  baronnyes  de  Tonnoys  et  de  Fresnoy,  membres 
dudit  duch6,  desquelles  soubz  correction  ne  pourroit 
estre  faicte  allienation  sans  I'evedent  dommaige  et  ap- 
partenances du  roy. 

Que  si  on  vouUoit  dire  que  duchez,  contez  et  ba- 
ronnyes et  generallement  toutes  les  terres  et  seigneuries 
sont  et  appartiennent  audit  seigneur  per  L.  bene  a  lenone 
c;  de  quador  prestres  {?),  il  est  vray,  et  personne  ne  le 
peult  nyer,  mays  il  s'entend  quant  a  la  protection,  poiir 
ce  que  tout  est  en  sa  protection  et  sauvegarde  {ut  not. 
glossa,  in  L.  barbarus,  ff.  de  ff.  preside.)  Item  tout  est 
aussi  a  luy  en  tant  que  droict  commung  son  intention 
est  bien  fondle  sur  tout  ce  qui  est  dans  son  royaulme 
et  aux  fins  d'icelluy  quant  a  la  jurisdiction  et  sou- 
verainete;  car  il  n'y  a  due,  conte,  baron  ne  seigneur 
de  qui  ledit  seigneur  ne  soit  souverain  personne,  ne 
jurisdiction  que  de  luy;  mais  atribuer  telle  seigneurie 
a  la  propriete  et  que  ledit  seigneur  voullust  dire  que 
tout  est  a  luy  a  ce  tiltre,  ce  seroit  deroger  au  nom  de 
roy  et  seroit  faire    tort    audit    seigneur  qui,  comme 


APPENDIX  597 

vray  et  bon  roy,  ne  veult  en  riens  fouUer  ses  subjectz, 
ains  veult  et  entend  justice  leur  estre  faicte  tant  centre 
luy  que  pour  luy ;  mais  au  contraire  que  lesdictes  landes, 
terres  vacques  et  communes  dudit  duch6  ne  soient  en 
propri^te  audit  due,  qui  le  doubte?  Ledict  seigneur  est 
souverain,  mays  ledict  due  en  demeure  seigneur  proprie- 
taire  (ut  scribit,  panor.,  in  c.  dilligenti,  et  ibidem  Hostien. 
de  prescriptione) . 

II  y  a  davantaige  que  si  mesmes  lesdictes  terres,  landes, 
et  communes  estoient  "infra  fines"  dudit  duche  ainsy 
que  les  landes  et  terres  vacques  des  limites  des  forestz 
sont  aux  seigneurs  des  foretz,  aussy  seroient  elles 
audit  seigneur  due  et  luy  appartiennent  toutes  qui 
y  sont  {ita  scribit  Paul,  de  castro,  in  I.  I.ff.  de  acq. 
possess,  eo.  Chas.  seneus,  In  caus.  burg,  litre  des  mains- 
mortes,  ff.  iiif^). 

Puisqu'ainsy  est,  par  plus  forte  raison  lesdictes 
landes  et  communes  qui  sont  en  et  audedans  dudit 
duch6  appartiennent  audit  seigneur  due.  .  .  .  (ratio 
totius  ad  totum  quae  est  partes  ad  partem;  L,  quae  de 
toto  .  .  .  de  rei  vendi).  Si  tout  ledit  duch^  est  audit 
due  et  que  icelluy  roy  ne  pretende  rien,  qui  dira  que  les 
nombres  et  les  parties  dudit  duch6  nescient  aussy  audit 
seigneur  due,  et  pour  consequent  quel  droict  y  peult 
pretendre  le  roy  ?  aussy  a  tresbien  diet  (valde,  in.  rubo. 
c.  de  cont.  empt.  per.  I.  res  sacra,  ff.  co.  tit.)  que  toutes 
terres  et  aultres  choses  vacques  n'ayans  particuUier 
seigneur  de  droict  commung  sont  a  celluy  a  qui  le 
territoire  appartient.  Puys  done  que  ledit  duch6  est 
au  seigneur  due,  qui  vouldra  dire  que  les  terres  vacques 
du  dedans  dudit  duch^  n 'appartiennent  audit  seigneur? 

Et  ne  pourroit  pr^judicier   audit  seigneur  due  de 


598        CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

dire  que  lesdites  terres,  landes  vacques  et  communes 
sont  usurp  6es  par  le  populaire ;  car  ores  qu'ainsi  fust, 
et  a  qui  feroit  ledit  populaire  tort,  ou  au  roy  qui  n'a  droict 
en  la  propriety  dudit  duche  et  a  qui  lesdictes  terres 
n'appartiennent,  ou  audict  seigneur  due  a  qui  ledit 
duch6  et  tout  ce  qui  est  en  et  au  dedans  d'icelluy  appar- 
tient ;  mais  les  ducz  d 'Allen  ^on,  vicomtes  de  Beaumont, 
ont  et^  princes  si  benings  envers  leurs  pauvres  sub- 
jectz  que  pour  les  soullaiger  et  supporter  de  toutes 
leurs  puissances  les  souffroient  et  ont  tousjours  souffert 
et  permis  user  desdictes  communes  landes  et  terres 
vacques  et  y  nourrir  des  baistes  pour  eux  ayder  a  vivre. 
Que  si  Ton  veult  priver  le  peuple  de  ce  benefice,  mectre 
lesdictes  terres  en  labeur  et  leur  donner  seigneur  pro- 
prietaire,  et  ne  fault  aller  chercher  autre  seigneur  d'elles 
que  ledict  seigneur  due,  a  qui  elles  doibvent  retourner 
comme  a  leur  seigneur. 

II  y  a  plus,  que  d'aucunes  desdites  terres  vacques 
furent  jadis  en  forestz,  apartindrent  aux  vicontez  de 
Beaumont  depuys  et  demeure  le  fond  pour  pasturages, 
ou  y  a  plusieurs  vassaulx  et  subgetz  dudit  seigneur 
due  qui  luy  font  certains  debvoirs  pour  I'usaige  desdites 
terres  vacques  landes  et  communes  et  le  rendant  par, 
declaration  et  adveu,  ainsj'  qu'il  sera  monstre  quant 
besoing  sera. 

Si  le  roy  faict  en  son  nom  alli^nation  des  dictes  terres 
et  que,  comme  porte  votre  commission,  les  ecuz  re- 
tournez  a  ces  receptes  d'Anjou  et  du  Maine,  il  donne 
manifestement  le  dommaine  dudit  seigneur  due  et 
interesse  grandement  la  jurisdiction  dudit  duch^  centre 
I'intention  du  feu  roy  son  pere  qui  par  ladicte  erection 
et  par  tous  autres  moyens  desiroit  eslever  et  advancer 


APPENDIX  599 

ladicte  maison  de  Vendosme  comme  le  plus  proche  de 
son  sang,  et  davantaige  feroit  aussi  ledit  seigneur 
contre  son  intention  et  d6sir  qui  est  de  favoriser  et 
ayder  audit  seigneur  due  et  a  toute  sa  noble  maison 
et  mesmes  negener  aucunes  de  ses  subject z  tant  petit 
soit  il. 

Et  ou  touteffoys  vous  procedderiez  a  I'ali^nation 
desdictes  landes,  terres  et  communes  qui  sont  de  I'encloz 
et  du  dedans  dudit  duch6,  ledict  seigneur,  comme  diet 
est,  diminuroit  ledit  dommaine  et  jurisdiction  dudit 
seigneur  due  et  feroit  inestimable  dommaige  a  ses 
subjectz  qui  est  tout  le  contraire  de  I'intention  dudict 
seigneur  contenue  en  votre  commission. 

Pour  ses  causes  et  autres  raisons  que  d^diura  ledict 
procureur  en  temps  et  lieu,  si  mestier  est,  vous  re- 
quiert  ledit  procureur  pour  ledit  seigneur  due  que 
votre  plaisir  soit  supperceder  I'intention  de  ladicte 
commission  quant  a  la  vente  et  allienation  desdictes 
landes,  terres  vacques,  et  communes  estans  en  et  au- 
dedans  dudict  duche  tant  es  baronnies  de  Saincte- 
Suzanne,  Chateau-Gontier,  la  Fl^che,  que  de  Tonnoys, 
Fresnay  et  Beaumont  jusques  ad  ce  que  ledict  procu- 
reur ait  entendu  les  droictz  dudit  seigneur  due. 

Et  ou  vous,  messieurs,  ne  vouldrez  entendre  aux 
remonstrances  dudit  procureur,  s'oppose  ledit  procureur 
pour  ledit  seigneur  due  a  la  dicte  execution  et  ventes 
desdictes  terres,  et  si,  nonobstant  son  opposition,  vouUez 
passer  oultre  sans  avoir  esgards  a  ses  dictes  remon- 
strances, proteste  d'en  appeler  et  avoir  son  recours 
au  il  appartiendra. 

Presente  a  mes  diets  seigneurs  commissaires  au  lieu 
de  Fresnoy,  le  septiesme  novembre  mil  cinq  cens  cin- 


600        CHARLES   DB   SAINTE-MARTHB 

quante.  Ainsi  signe:  de  Saincte-Marthe.  Sign6:  Boy- 
le ve.  Ledit  proces- verbal  annexe  auec  lesdictes  lettres- 
patentes  '  soubz  ung  cordon  de  soye  rouge  et  verd. 

L'an  mil  cinq  cens  soixante  quatre,  le  mardy  qua- 
triesme  jour  de  juillet  par  nous  Vincent  Maupeou  et 
Jehan  Angirart,  notaires  du  roy  nostre  sire  au  chastellet 
de  Paris  a  est6  faicte  collation  des  coppies  tant  des- 
dictes  lettres  patentes  que  dudit  proces-verbal  cy  de- 
vant  transcriptes,  contenant  ensemble  deux  cens 
trois  rooUes  estan  comprins  aux  originaulx  d'icelles 
coppies  escriptz  en  parchemin  sains  et  entiers,  ledit 
original  de  proems  verbal  contenant  trois  cens  trente 
roolles  de  parchemyn  dont  le  dernier  escript  a  la 
premiere  paige  seulement. 

Maupeou.  Angirart. 

—  Bibl.  Mun.  du  Mans,  79,  bis,  fol.  199  r°-203  v°. 

LETTERS  ADDRESSED  TO  SAINTE-MARTHE. 

Leon  de  Saincte  More,  dit  de  Monthozier,  Cheva- 
lier DE  l'ordre  de  sainct  Jean  de  Hieru- 
salem,  a  Charles  da  Saincte  Marthe,  Salut. 

Mon  Voisin,  ce  qui  m'induict  k  t'escrire  est  ta  bien 
repiitee  renommee :  &  t'ayant  entendu,  en  maints 
lieux,  ou  as  este  depuis  ton  departement  de  Poictiers, 
de  maints  regrett^.  Et  nonobstant  qu'as  soubstenu 
plusieurs  adverses  Fortunes,  es  pays  loingtains,  k  toy 
toutefoy  prosperes:  as  este  dernierement  bien  venu, 
&  mieulx  receu,  en  ce  tant  honorable  College  de  Lyon : 
estant  des  scavants  trouve  capable,  k  la  profession 
publique,  des  quattre  tant  estim^es  &  utiles  Langues, 
Hebraicque,  Grecque,  Latine,  &  Gallicque :  qui  faict 


APPENDIX  601 

foy  certaine,  que  TEtemel  maintient  continuellement 
en  vertu  ceulx  qui  bien  I'ayment,  &  bien  traictent 
ses  tant  recommend ees  paroUes:  contre  I'opinion  & 
sinistre  jugement  d'aulcuns.  Si  ton  Pere,  que  je 
cognoy,  bien  estime  par  ses  Vertus  &  lettres,  peut  au 
long  estre  adverty  ta  pergrination  avoir  est6  exerc6 
en  scavoir  &  louable  vie :  aura  merveilleusement  aggre- 
able  ton  heureux  &  desire  retour,  faisant  le  debvoir 
paternel.  De  tes  Freres,  ilz  ne  fauldront  au  natural, 
&  deu  command  6,  &  te  peux  persuadder,  que  tu  en 
as  aulcuns,  desquels  useras  comme  de  toy :  &  qui  ont 
le  desir  (sans  fiction)  te  secourir  de  tout  leur  pouvoir, 
Je  vouldroys  entendre  de  toy,  si  as  cette  bonne  volunt^. 
d 'addresser  partie  de  tes  Oeuvres,  &  quelz,  k  ceste  tant 
honnorable  Dame,  Madame  la  Duchesse  d'Estampes: 
car  suis  certain,  qu'il  ne  t'adviendra  plus  grand  ad- 
vancement d'honneur,  ne  plus  de  plaisir  k  tes  Amys, 
que  de  faire  present  de  chose  louable,  &  aggreable,  k 
celle  tant  vertueuse  &  tresliberalle  Princesse;  en 
laquelle  est  le  pouvoir  de  donner  moyen  k  ton  scavoir 
&  affecte  desir:  faire  chose  proffitable,  &  de  grand' 
efficace,  a  Tutilite  publique:  qui  seroit  perpetuelle 
obligation  envers  tous.  Fay  moy  scavoir  du  tout. 
Je  supply  TEternel,  nostre  justificateur,  &  dateur  de 
toutes  graces,  nous  conduire  en  spirituelle  vie.  D'hyeres 
en  Provence,  Le  xx  de  Juing,  m.d.x.l. 

— Livre  de  ses  Amys.    P.  F.,  p.  227  et  seq. 

Rob,  Brit.  Carolo  Samartano.     S.  D. 
Recepisti  te  ad  tuos :   factum  laudo :   idem  magno- 
pere  optamus:  oia  (otia?)  tn  (tamen?)  prius  experiri 
certum  est,  atque  id  tentem,  si  caetera  prae  dignitate 


602         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

institutum  persequamur :  Scribes  ad  nos,  &  valetudini 
servies.     Tolosae,  Septem.  Id.  Decern. 

—  Roberti   Britanni  .  .  .  epistolarum    libri   tres,   etc. 
(1536),  fol.  15  v°. 

R.  B.  Carolo  Sammarthano.  S.  D. 
Te  mihi  ex  memoria  excidere  non  potuisse  minime 
est  mirandum:  cum  prsesertim  tecum  jucundissime, 
atque  optatissime  Burdigalae  semper  vixerim.  Illud 
est,  quod  satis  mirari  non  possum,  te  adduci  potuisse, 
ut  ne  id  aliquando  accideret,  metueres :  sed  hujus  to- 
tius  dubitationis  facilis  est,  ac  per  aperta,  defensio,  cum 
tu  a  multis  annis,  neque  ubi  essem,  teneres;  neque  ego 
ipse  ubi  ageres,  satis  exploratum  haberem.  Quod  vero 
scribis  mea  reprehendi  k  multis,  facile  patior,  ac  fero 
jam  non  molest e.  Difficile  enim  est  t<3  fiwfxw  dpea-Kav. 
Et  nos  quoque  aures  defessas  jam  obtrectatorum  pe- 
tulantia  habemus :  qui  nobis  indies  non  solum  nocendi 
voluntate,  verumetiam  multitudine  &  numero  atque 
ipso  apparatu  copiarum  metum  iniicere  conantur. 
Certum  tamen  est  omnia  perferre  quae  ferri  poterunt : 
sin  me  contumeliosius  invadi  ab  istis  atque  opprimi 
sensero,  coUigam  me  &  quantum  meus  patietur  pudor, 
istis  modice  tantum,  quantum  satis  est,  respondebo.  Te 
co-optatum  in  collegium  theologorum  summ^  est 
gratum,  ut  esse  debet :  jucundius  etiam  quoque  tuus 
ille  in  explecanda  divina  &  praestantissima  arte  labor, 
non  solum  caeterarum  rerum,  quae  sunt  laudabiles,  & 
magnopere  expetendae,  verumetiam  honoris  &  glorise 
fructus  uberrimos  capiat.  De  me  autem  quid  dicam  ? 
Tu  quidem  me  non  mediocriter  inflammasti  studio 
imitandi  tui,  cum  patriam  adiisti.     Nescio  quo  pacto 


APPENDIX  e03 

id  unum  cogito,  omissis  cseteris  studiis  quae  sunt  amplis- 
sima.  Et  gestio  quodammodo  o)s  ovSkv  yXvKiov  t^s 
TTttTpiSos  ovSk  TOKr/wv  ytyvcTai.'  Ac  brevi,  ut  spero,  te 
videbimus.  Roulleto,  si  modo  est  Pictavi,  salutem  a 
me  dicito :  ad  quern  scripsissem,  si  esse  istic  certo 
scissem.     Vale. 

—  Rob.  Britanni  .  .  .  epistolarum,  libri  diio  (1540), 
fols.  6  v°  et  seq. 

R.  B.  Carolo  Sammarthano.     S.  D. 

Etsi  magis  tuam  de  his,  quge  superioribus  litteris 
petii,  sententiam  expectabam,  quam  ut  te  lacessere 
novis  deberem,  tamen  cum  ad  te  proficisceretur  homo 
utriusque  nostrum  studiosissimus,  tui  vero  etiam  amore 
praecipue  inflammatus,  non  potui  ad  te  nihil  literarum 
dare.  De  meis  rebus  statues,  ut  proxime  ad  te  scripsi. 
Quiquid  ages,  tam  erit  gratum  quam  quod  gratissimum. 
Dictaturam  tibi  gratulor.  Luculentus  iste  tuus  honor 
me  indies  magis  ac  magis  reficit.  Vale.  Burdig.  IIII. 
id.  Oct. 

—  Ibid.  fol.  8  r°. 

Rob.  B.  Carolo  Sammarthano.     S.  D. 

Scribis  ad  me  te  summo,  incredibilique  honore  ac 
studio  k  Rege  &  illius  sorore  probatissima  &  lectissima 
muliere  Margareta  exceptum  fuisse.  Quod  mihi  qui- 
dam  per  quam  jucundum  fuit.  Non  solum  quia  te 
propter  ingenii  amplitudinem  honore  semper  dignis- 
simum  duxi  verumetiam  quod  consuetudinem  & 
vitam  &  politiss.  sermones  considerans  tuos,  reficior 
quodammodo,  &  recreor,  cum  ea  tibi  contigisse  audio 
^  Odyssey,  i,  35. 


604        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

quae  optimo  cuique  &  modestissimo  propter  virtutem 
&  constantiam  omnium  consensu  tribui  solent. 

Me  quidem  istud  multum  delectavit,  ut  etiam  erat 
necesse,  sed  illud  multo  magis,  quod  te  idem  Rex 
honorifice  nee  minus  humaniter  ad  sacrarum  profes- 
sionem  literarum  invitavit,  additis  ad  compensandos 
gloriosos  labores  uberrimis  &  honestiss.  stipendiis. 
Ilia  est  professio  plena  existimationis,  dignitatis, 
gratise,  eaque  non  solum  hominibus,  quod  ipsum 
tamen  est  magnum,  verumetiam,  quod  multo  est  maius, 
divinse  providentiae  conciliamur.  Quod  me  hortaris 
ut  huie  studio  me  dedam,  facio  equidem  sedulo,  facturus 
tamen  accuratius  &  studiosius,  posteaquam  videbor 
satis  magnos  progressus  in  graeca  literatura  fecisse. 
At  stiilte,  inquies,  quod  banc  levissimam,  illius  gravis- 
simae  &  fructuosissimae  causa,  negligas.  Minime  sane, 
neque  enim  id  facio,  ut  illam  hujus  causa  relinquam : 
neque  id  ferendum  uUo  modo  puto.  Sed  quoniam 
videor  illi  commodius  satisfacturus  hac  cognita,  ali- 
quanto  plus  temporis  in  hoc  quern  in  illo  studio  ponere 
decrevi,  quod  cum  fecero  tum  me  ad  Theologiam 
quasi  ad  tutum  atque  optatissimum  portum  curarum 
&  soUicitudinum  omnium  revocabo.  De  negocio  meo 
quod  scribis  laudo.  Nam  id  ita  fieri  maxime  optabam, 
idque  in  rem  etiam  meam  in  primis  fore  videbatur. 
Quod  tamen  ut  ne  negligas  te  etiam  atque  etiam  rogo : 
fortasse  si  ita  erit  commodum  ad  vos  contendemus 
propediem  recte  Lutetiam  petituri.  Ac  tum  libere 
inter  nos  Travra  Trepl  TravTOJs.  Libellum  sacrum  de 
quo  simul  mentionem  fecisti,  vehementissime  exopto, 
dabis  ilium  ad  nos  simul  atque  erit  editum.  De 
nobis  nihil   aliud   possiun    scribere   nisi    illud,   quod 


APPENDIX  605 

paulo  ante  posui  me  indies  Lutetiam  cognitare,  sed 
varii  de  bello  rumores  metum  afferunt,  vix  posse  quod 
mihi  proposui  effici  :  nos  tamen  suo  tempore  omnia. 
Extremum  est,  quod  cupis  scire,  sit  ne  verum  illud, 
quod  nos  de  Durasii  morte  dissipatur,  scito  ilium  esse 
Burdigale  &  florere  valetudine  ita,  ut  nunquam  magis : 
sed  arbitror  homines  non  infacetos  neque  omnino  illi- 
teratos  id  continuo  disseminasse,  quod  is  nuper  caussa 
accederit.  De  uxore  erat  controversia,  nunc  quia  ab 
ilia  spe,  quam  sibi  proposuerat  quamque  tantopere 
amplectebatur,  est  dejectus,  id  circo  eum  mortuum 
fingunt.  Scitum  est  n.  illud  Catonis,  &  tibi  opinor 
minime  inauditum,  animum  amantis  in  alterius  corpora 
vivere.  Commendarem  tibi  tabelarium,  nisi  hunc 
eruditio  &  ingenium,  &  mehercule  etiam  humanitas, 
qu£E  in  eo  est  maxima,  satis  commendare.  Is  nostri 
Gouveani  est  frater.  Tuas  literas  Corderio  &  Zebedeo 
reddidi.  Cupido  ad  nos  scribas  quam  saepissime : 
nos  quidem  si  manebimus  neque  enim,  ut  dixi,  quie- 
quam  adhuc  certi  habeo,  te  crebitate,  etiam  &  ver- 
bositate  literarum  obruemus.     Vale. 

—  Ibid.,  fol.  12  T°et  seq. 

DioNYsros  Carolo  Sammartano.  S.  P.  D. 
Etsi  ego  minus  idoneus  sum,  qu^m  ut  meis  Uteris 
levamen  aliquod  tibi  affere  possim,  propterea  quod  & 
literae  meae  non  sunt  eius  modi,  quae  id  possint  efficere 
&  ipse  tuis  incommodis  ita  sum  effectus  ut  magis  con- 
solationem  egere  qu^m  tibi  earn  adhibere  posse  videar, 
attamen  quia  vi  temporum  &  calamitatum  concursu 
labefactatus  animus  minus  sua  quam  aliena  videt 
judicatque,  volui  pauca  haec  ad  te  scribere,  quibus  & 


606        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

meus  in  te  amor  qualis  esset,  agnosceres,  &  meum  fidelis- 
simum  amantissimumque  consiilum  tibi  homini  mei 
amantissimo  non  deesset.  Dolui,  Sammarthane  caris- 
sime,  ubi  te  in  tarn  graue  discrimen  adductum  accepi, 
quo  vita  tua  periclitaretur,  sed  dolore  poBnse  contabui, 
quod  de  religione  male  sentire  te  aiebant,  &  hsereticorum 
opiniones  erroneas  obfirmato  animo  sustinere.  Verum 
cum  literas  tuas  nepos  meus  mihi  reddidisset,  gavisus 
sum  cum  ex  iis,  tum  ipsius  verbis  intellexissem  melius 
qu^m  dudum  ac  liberius  agere  futurumque  ut  breui, 
sopitis  calunmiis,  liber  omnino  dimittare.  Nam  cum 
te  sanctorum  patriun  vestigiis  inhaerentem  senatus 
deprehenderet  esse  etiam  ex  eo  ordine,  qui  tibi  adhuc 
morbi  reliquiis  laboranti  sumptus  ad  victum  neces- 
sarios  subministrarent,  dum  videlicet  manifestius 
innocentia  tua  (quod  brevi  futurum  est)  comprobetur. 
Unde,  mi  Sammarthane,  te  hortor,  &  pro  mutua  nostra 
beneuolentia  rogo,  ut  talem  te  praestes,  quem  nulla 
opinio  mala  unquam  k  firmitate  sinceritateque  fidei 
Catholicae,  nee  uUa  tribulatio  k  mentis  statu  et  viri 
sapientis  dignitate  possit  dimovere.  Id  autem  scribo 
non  tam  de  tua  constantia  diffidens,  quam  confidens 
te  quicquid  perscripserim  boni  aequique  pro  ea  quae 
mihi  tecum  intercedit  beneuolentia  charitateque  con- 
sult urum.  Faciet  Deus  qui  est  mcerentium  consolator 
ut  liber  ad  nos  quam  citissime  revertatis.  Interea  vero 
da  operam  ut  conualescas,  tui  Dionysii  memor. 

Tharascone.  Vndecimo  Calend.  Julias,  1540. 

—  Chronologia  Sanctorum  et  aliorum  Virorum  Illus- 
trium  ac  Abbatum  Sacroe  Insula  Lerinensis,  etc., 
p.  327. 


APPENDIX  607, 

Anto.  Arlerius  Carolo  Samarthano. 

Quibus  agiteris  fortunse  ventis,  tuis  Uteris  novimus : 
quamquam  in  verbi  charitate  et  rerum  tuarum  famili- 
arum  exercearis.  Quorum  et  si  haec  propria  et  pe- 
culiaris  philosophantibus  est,  illam  vero  te  in  portum 
directuram  puta.  Ego  autem,  mi  Samarthane,  me  tibi 
adjutorem  darem,  ni  cogerer  Aulam  de  proximo  pro- 
ficisci,  Regi  Christianissimo  gratias  acturus,  quod  me, 
si  nesciias,  munere  Senatoris  apud  Taurinenses  dona- 
verit.  Vulueritque  me  etiam  num  Prosenescallum 
Arelatensem  perpetuo  esse.  Ad  quod  viaticum,  equos, 
vestes,  et  famulatus,  quia  non  suppetunt,  aere  alieno 
obstringar  oportet.  Ecce  quomodo  infjElici  egestate 
constitutus,  cogar,  dissimulata  paupertate,  prodire  in 
Regiam,  amicos  interpellare,  et  tibi  omnium  optimo 
negare,  quae  alias  essem  ultro  praestiturus.  Vale, 
et  a  me  literas  propediem  e  Valensia  expecta.  Ex 
urbe  Arelati,  Calendis  Januariis. 

Quod  ornamentum  nomini  nostro  doctissimis  tuis 
scriptis  addideris,  placet  id  quidem  mihi,  aliquando 
curaturo,  nee  te  vigilias  proestitisse  poeniteat. 

—  Unpublished.     Cf.  p.  71,  n.  1. 

VERSES   ADDRESSED   TO  SAINTE-MARTHE 

LINES  BY  DENYS  FAUCHER. 
Ad  Carolum  Samarthanum. 
Quas  in  me  innumeras,  amice,  laudes 
Et  praeconia  congeris  tuo  tarn 
Suavi  carmine  docto  et  eleganti 
Dum  mecum  tacita  reuoluo  mente, 
Ni  nossem  quis  ego  siem,  repente 


608         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Tanto  auctore  mihi  suasus  ipse 

lam  pulchellus  homo  viderer,  ad  me 

Sed  sensi  rediens  tuis  camcenis 

Me  affectum  varie,  timore  partim 

Partim  laetitia,  timore  nemp§ 

Exin  afficior,  quod  immerentem 

Dum  laudas  studiosius,  tuisque 

Plumis  conspicuum  exhibere  amicum 

Contendis,  videare  me  periculo 

Non  paruo  obiicere,  ut  si  opinionem 

De  me,  non  queo  sustinere  tantam, 

Perfusus  nimio  pudore  sannas 

Et  risum  incipiam  movere,  ut  olim 

Comix,  quando  aliarum  inepta  plumis 

Exornata  auium  cupit  Venusta 

Et  decore  nimis  cupit  videri. 

Id  sed  mi  placuit  pii  Sodalis 

Quod  propensa  mihi  patet  voluntas 

Et  dulcis  patet  hinc  fidele  amici 

Erga  me  studium,  patet  fidelis 

Et  optatus  amor,  tuos  qui  ocellos 

Ne  possis  liquido  videre  verum 

Praestringens  facit  ut  pusilla  falso 

Ausis  iudicio  aestimare  simima, 

Tanquam  si  ex  ocularibus  specillis 

Pigmeum  aspicias  repente  factum 

Gigantum,  facile  tibi  sed  istam 

Condono  facile  pioque  amico 

Culpam,  in  quam  nimio  te  amore  ductum 

Incidisse  liquet ;  tamen  caveto 

Cum  sis  iudicio  acri  et  Expolito 

Ad  unguem,  numeris  tuis  Venustis 


APPENDIX  609 

Indignum  me  oneres  magis  quam  honores 
Dum  te  laudibus  extulisse  credis 
Ridendumque  aliis  magis  propines. 
■Dionysii  Faucherii  monachi  varium  Poema,  in  the 
Chronologia  Sanctorum,  etc.  (pp.  373  et  seq.),  p.  439. 

LINES  BY  GILBERT  DUCHER. 
Ad  C.  Smartanum. 

Exhauriamus  caecuba  cantharis, 
Smartane,  uastis,  prolue  Massico 
Jam  labra  Isetus :  nee  recuses 
Nunc  Thasio  indere  Coa  uino. 

Mauors  Cruoris  nostri  auidus  iacet 
Tandem  reuinctus  compede  ferrea. 
Bellona  fraternse  quieti 
Addita  deposuit  furorem. 

Pax  nunc  triumphat  curribus  aureis 
Euecta,  diues  Gallia  sordidam,  & 
Multo  situ  contaminatam 
Exilio  misero  euocauit. 

Hispanijs  nunc  Gallia  iungitur 
Faustis  Leonorae  auspicijs  modo 
Cum  prole  utrisque  expetitam 
Vitam  agitare  sua  licebit. 

Ergo  procellas  solicitudinum 
Tristesque  mentis  pellere  turbines 
Tempus  uidetur,  candide  atros 
Lajtitae  excipiant  dolores. 
■Gilberti   Ducherii   Vultonis  Aquapersani,   Epigram- 
maton  libri  duo,  p.  116. 

2r 


610        CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Ad  C.  Smartanum. 
Mnemosynes  natis,  ipso  uel  Appolline  dignos 

Accepi  uersus,  docte  poeta,  tuos. 
Qui  licet  hoc  habeant,  quod  rari  fort6  poetae 

Praestiterint,  mundos  cum  gravitate  sales : 
Attamen  hoc  unum  nulla  ratione  probarim, 

Conferri  me  adeo  uatibus  egrigijs. 
Nasoni  quod  Ducherium  prseponis,  ut  ilia 

Vergilio  aequalem  conditione  putes : 
Quam  sit  ridiculum,  Smartane,  &,  mehercule  falsum: 

Hie  criticus  poteras,  Censor  &  esse  tibi. 
Nam  te  apud  ut  mihi  sim,  non  praeco,  at  uerus  Apelles, 

Peniculoque  meo  me  aptius  effigiem : 
At  myrthum  insuanis  ieiimmn  eructo  poema 

Mopsopio  passim  dulcius  amne  fluis. 
Phoebus  es,  &  Pheobo  tibi  si  me  confero,  fiam 

Protinus  extracta  Marsya  pelle  tuus. 

—  Gilherti  Diicherii    Vultonis  Aquapersani,  Epigram- 

maton  lihri  duo,  p.  116. 

LINES  BY  VULTEIUS. 
Ad  Car.  Marthanum, 
Vis  tibi  dem  niunmos,  longe  es  me  ditior  ipso. 

Esset  id  in  longum  mittere  ligna  nemus. 
Vis  gemmas  ?    digiti  gemmarimi  pondere  sudant, 

Lucet  in  articulis  gemma  nee  ulla  meis. 
Vis  libros?    NuUos  habeo  quin  te  putem  habere: 

Nam  mea  perpaucos  bibliotheca  capit. 
Vis  vestes?    nequeo  nam  tantiun  possideo  unam 

Quae  brevis  est,  humeris  nee  satis  apta  tuis. 
Vis  pectus  ?    tibi  pectus  habes  prius  ipsi  dicatum. 

Quid  dem  igitur,  nisi  dem,  me  dare  posse  nihil? 

—  Joan.  Vulteii  Rhemi  Inscriptionum  lihri  duo,  etc., 

fols.  45  r°  and  v*». 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

SECTION  I 

Works  of  Charles  de  Saintb-Marthe. 

1538.     A  Latin  epigram :   Caroli  Smartani  Phaleucium 

ad   Ducherium.     Included    among   the    Epigram- 

mata    amicorum    in    Gilberti    Diicherii    Vultonis 

Aquapersani  epigrammaton  libri  duo.     Apud  Seb. 

Gryphium,   Lugduni,    1538.      Bib.  Nat.  Yc.8222. 

1540.     La  Poesie    Fran\coise   de  Charles    de  \  Sainde 

Marthe  na\tif  de   Fonte\vrauU  en   Poictou.      Di- 

wisee  en  \  trots  \  Livres.  \  Le  tout  address  e  \  h  tres- 

noble     &     tresill\ustre,     Princesse  |  Madame      la 

Du\chesse  d'Estampes  &  Contesse  de  \  Poinctievre. 

I  Plus,  I  Un  Livre  de  ses  Amy  a.  \  Imprime  h  Lyon 

I  cUs  le  Prince  \  MDXL.  8°,  237  pp.     Bib.  Nat. 

R6s.    Py.l93.      Without    typographical    marks, 

privilege,  or  acheve  d'imprimer.^ 

The  main  divisions  of  this  volume  are  as  follows : 

pp.  3-6 :  Epistre  a  tresillustre  et  tresnoble  Princesse 

Madame  la  Dux^hesse  d'Estampes  &  Contesse  de 

Poinctievre.      Charles    de    saincte    Marthe    son 

tresobeissant  rend  humble  Salut. 

*  Re  reprints  of  various  poems  contained  in  this 
volume,  cf.  pp.  102  note  3,  117  note  2,  241  note  4,  250, 
253  note  1;  several  were  also  reprinted  by  Viollet-le- 
Duc,  Catalogue  de  .  .  .  la  Bibl.  poSiique  de,  Vol.  II,  pp. 
207-209. 

611 


612         CHARLES   DE    SArNTE-MARTHE 

pp.  7-80 :  Le  Premier  Livre  de  la  Poesie  Francoise 

de    Charles   de   Saincte   Marthe,    contenant    les 

Epigrammes. 
pp.  81-112 :  Le  second  Livre  de  la  Poesie  Francoise 

de  Charles  de  Saincte  Marthe,  contenant  Rondeaux, 

Balades  &  chant  Royauls^  (sic). 
pp.  113-124  (sic;  actually  224) :  Le  Tiers  Livre  de 

la  Poesie  Francoise  de  Charles  de  Saincte  Marthe, 

contenant  Epistres  &  Elegies  (including  Errata, 

pp.  222-224). 
pp.  [225]-237 :  Le  Livre  de  ses  Amys.    Contents  as 

follows : 
p.  227  (sic;  actually  226) :  A  Monsieur  le  Secretain 

D'avenson,  Charles  de  Saincte  Marthe. 
pp.  226  (sic;  actually  227)-228:  Leon  de  Saincte 

More,  dit  de  Monthozier,  Chevalier  de  I'ordre  de 

sainct  lean  de  Hierusalem,  A  Charles  de  Saincte 

Marthe. 

pp.  229-237 :    Poems  by  Bigot,  Dolet,  Sceve, 

P.     de     Marillac,     Exupere    de     Claveyson, 

Tolet,    Maurice     Chausson,    Jean    Roboam, 

Jean  Benac,  A.  de  Villeneuve,  Charles  Dupuy 

&  "Le  Chevalier  Grenet." 

1543.   In  I  Psalmum  \  Septimum    et    Psal  |  mum   xxxiii 

Para  |  phrasis  per  Caro  \  lum  Smarthanum  \  Fonte- 

hralden  \  sem,  L  V.  Doc.  \  Lv^duni,  \  apud  Prind- 

pem  ISJfS.     Between  the  title  and  the  publisher's 

name  is  the  following  legend :  "  Disces  hinc  Lector, 

in  periculis  &  angustiis  omnibus  Deo  fidere:    & 

1  The  Errata  directs  that  the  words  "  chant  Royaulx" 
be  stricken  out. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  613 

iis  liberatus,  gra|tias  ei  agere:  disces  inqviam 
paraphrastse  exemplo  |  qui  hsec,  in  carcere  uinctus, 
Jesu  Christi  meditatus  est."  pet.  8°,  215  pp. 
Without  privilege.  Without  typographical  mark 
on  title-page.  On  last  page,  typographical  mark 
no.  616,  Silvestre  {Marques  typographiques  .  .  .  des 
libr aires  et  imprimeurs,  etc.).  Bib.  Ste.  Genevieve 
no.  B.  1515.'    Contents  as  follows: 

p.  2 :    Errata  addressed  Candida  lectori. 
pp.  3-16 :   Dedicatory   letter :  Joanni  Galberto 
Gratianopoli  Allohrogum  regio  Senatori  modis 
07nnibus  ahsoluto. 
pp.  17-133 :  Caroli  Smartani  Fontebraldensis  I. 
V.  Doct.,  in  Psalmum  Septimum  Paraphrasis. 
pp.  134-143:   Dedicatory  letter:   C.  Smartanus 
Joanni  Auansonio  apud  Gratianopolim  regio 
Senatori  amplissimo  &  dodissimo. 
p.  144 :  Epigram :  Ad  Faysanum  apud  Gratiano- 
polim Senatorem  et  Theod.  Muletum  in  eod. 
Senatu  Advocatum  regium,  Smartanus. 

'  There  is  also  a  copy  in  the  possession  of  M.  Arthur 
Labbe  of  Ch^tellerault.  (C/.  p.  161,  n.  1.)  The  Gen& 
alogie  de  la  Maison  de  Sainte-Martlie  notes,  fol.  22  v° : 
"Tant  y  a  que  ceste  paraphrase  (Ps.  xxxiij)  et  la  sep- 
tiesme  sont  raport^es  et  cities  par  Andreas  Schotus, 
Jesuite  d' Amiens  au  traits  qu'il  a  fait  des  Interpretes  de 
la  S.  Escriture  ou  des  livres  de  la  Bible,  et  au  denombre- 
ment  et  particuHer  des  Autheurs  qui  ont  traits  des  para- 
phrases particulierfes  sur  des  Psaulmes  comme  sont  les 
Doctes  Cardinaux  Sadolet,  Contaren  &  autres.  Get  ouv- 
rage  fut  imprim^  k  Cologne,  1618."  I  have  been  unable 
to  find  and  consult  the  work  of  Schott  in  question. 


614         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

pp.    145-204:    Caroli  Smartani  Fontebraldensis 
I.  V.  Doc,  in  Psalmum  xxxiii  Paraphrasis. 

pp.  [205]-[211]:    Index  insigniorum  materiarum 
in  hisce  Paraphrasibus  contentarum. 

pp.  [212]-[214]  :  Epistola  Apologetica  (so  on 
headings  of  pages  only).  C.  Smarthanus  F. 
Ludovico  Furnaeo  Jacobitae,  theologo. 
1543.  Presumably  the  last  three  of  the  five  dizains 
attributed  to  Sainte-Marthe  in  Les  questions  prob- 
limatiqxies  du  pourquoy  d' amours,  nouvellement 
traduict  d'italien  en  langiie  frangoyse  par  Nicolas 
Leonique  (Thome),  poete  frangoys;  avecq  ung  petit 
livre  contenant  le  nouvel  amour,  invent  e  par  le 
seigneur  Papillon;  et  une  epistre  abhorrant  folle 
amour;  par  Clement,  Marot  .  .  .  au^si  plusieurs 
dixains  a  ce  propos  de  Saincte  Marthe.  M.D.XLIII. 
On  les  vend  h  Paris  ...  a  I'enseigne  de  lescu  de 
France  par  Alain  Lotrian,  pet.  in  8°;  40  fols.,  un- 
paginated,  with  woodcuts.  (The  description  is 
Brunet's;  I  have  not  seen  this  volume.)  The 
dizains  were  reprinted  in  the  same  year  and  again 
in  1546  with  Papillon's  Le  Nouvel  Amour.  Papil- 
lon's  poem  and  its  accompaniments  is  to  be  seen 
in  the  Library  of  Congress  (no.  41  Office),  bound 
with  a  1544  edition  of  Alaigre's  translation  from 
Guevara :  Le  Mepris  de  la  Cour.  As  is  shown  by 
its  Imprimeur  au  Lecteur  (dated  1546),  no  less  than 
by  its  pagination  (it  begins  at  fol.  161),  it  is  not  an 
integral  part  of  this  volume,  otherwise  unpaginated, 
but  was  taken  from  some  other  collection,  probably 
the  1546  edition  of  Le  Mepris  de  la  Cour,  which 
included  Le  Nouvel  Amour.      It  was,   however, 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  616 

actually  reprinted  in   the    same    form    with   Le 

Mespris  de  la  Cour  in   1549  and  again  in  1568. 

In  the   Congressional  Library  copy,   the  dizains 

appear   on    fols.    178  v^-lTO  v°,    of   Le   Nouvel 

Amour   invente  "par  le  Seigneur  Papillon.      Item 

une  epistre  en  abhorrant  folle  amour,  par  Clement 

Marot,    varlet    de   chambre   du    Roy.      Item   plu^ 

sieurs  dixains  h  ce  propos  de  S.  Marthe,  and  are 

entitled : 

Fol.  178  v° :  Dizain  de  I'autheur  &  d'amx)ur. 

Ibid.:    De  luy  et  de  Venus. 

fol.  179  r° :    De  folle  amour. 

Ibid. :    Autre. 

fols.  179  v° :  Autre  Dizain  de  Cupido. 

Of  these  the  first  and  second,  the  former  a  trans- 
lation from  Petrarch,  are,  as  we  have  seen,  Salel's. 
Cf.  p.  196,  note. 
1550,  March.  In  obitum  incompa\rabilis  Margaritce, 
Illustrissime  \  Nauurroru  Regince,  Oratio  funebris, 
per  I  Carolum  Sanctomar\thanum  eiusdem  Regince 
I  {dum  ilia  viveret)  \  apud  Aleconienses  Consiliaru, 
&  I  Supplicum  libellorum  magistrum.  \  Accessere 
I  Eruditorum  aliquot  virorum  eiusdem  Re\gin(s 
Epitaphia.  \  Parisiis,  \  Ex  offi,cina  Reginaldi  Cal- 
derij  \  &  Claudij  eius  filij.  |  M.D.L.  4**,  147  pp. 
On  title-page,  typographical  mark  no.  432,  Sil- 
vestre.  Bound  with  French  version.  Bib.  Nat. 
L^k.  1149.  Contents  as  follows: 
pp.  [2]-4 :  C.  Sanctomarthanu^  lectori  candido  S., 

dated   Idibus  Martiis  1550. 
pp.  5-136 :    In  Obitum  Regin^  Nauarrce,  funebris 

Oratio. 


616        CHARLES  DE   SArNTTE-MARTHE 

pp.  137-[146] :  Ervditorum  aliquot,  in  eandem  re- 

ginam  Epitaphia,  i.e. 
p.   137:  Matthoei  Pad,  JurisconsiUti. 
p.  138:    Aliud  ejusdem. 

p.   139 :    £«  Tfjv  Tov   fjipayKLorKov  /SaatKew;  'aScA^oS 
MapyaptVas  TtOvrjiajav,  IaK(i)/?os  FoMruXos  tdrpos. 
CIS  T^v  avn/jv. 
p.  140 :  Petri  Mirarii  Dialogiis.     Regina  Nauarroe 

&  Poeta  interlocutor es. 
p.  141 :    Antonii  Armandi  Massiliensis. 

Renati  Sanctomarthani. 
p.  142 :    Petri  Martelli  Alencon.  ejusdem  Regince 
Secretarij. 

Car.  Sanctomarthani  I.  V.  Doct.,  Dialogue. 
p.   144:    Aliud 

Aliud  ■  presumably  by  Sainte-Marthe. 
Aliud. 
p.   145 :    Aliud.   Margaridi  vocem,  etc.*     Cf.  Ap- 
pendix, p.  549. 

Huberti  Sussanod. 
p.  [146] :  Epitaphia.  Inscribebat  Comes  Alcinov^. 
p.  [147] :  Privilege,  dated  xviij  Calend.  Maij  .  .  . 
M.D.L.  Sig.  de  Launay. 
1550,  March.  A  sonnet :  De  la  Paixfaicte  par  le  Roi  avec 
les  Anglais.  Included  in  the  Ode  de  la  Paix  par 
Pierre  de  Ronsard.  Vendomois,  Au  Roi.  Guil- 
laume  Cavellat,  1550,  cit.  P.  Laumonier,  Chro- 
nologie  et  variantes  des  poesies  de  Pierre  de  Ronsart, 
Rev.  d'Hist.  Litt.,  1904,  p.  436  et  seq.,  who  gives 

^  Reprinted  in  the  Tombeau  de  Marguerite,  de  Valois, 
Royne  de  Navarre,  p.  170. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  617 

a  full  description  of  the  volume.  It  is  in  no  public 
library  in  France.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  library 
of  the  Baron  J.  de  Rothschild  (c/.  Picot,  Catalogue) 
and  another  in  that  of  M.  Laumonier. 
1550,  April.  Oraison  junebre  \  de  I'incomparahle  \  Mar- 
guerite, Royne  de  \  Navarre,  Duchesse  d'Alencon. 
Compos  ee  en  latin,  par  Charles  de  \  Saincte  Marthe : 
&  traduicte  par  \  luy,  en  langue  Francoise.  \  Plus  \ 
Epitaphes  de  ladicte  Dame:  par  aulcuns  Poetes  \ 
Francois.  \  Icy  est  le  mirouer  des  Princesses.  \  Im- 
prime  h  Paris  par  Regnault  Chauldierete.  Claude 
son  fils,  le  vingtiesme  d'Ap\uril,  1550.  \  Auec 
Priuilege  du  Roy,  pour  six  ans.  4°,  148  pp.  On 
title-page  typographical  mark  no.  1142,  Silvestre. 
Bib.  Nat., 

(  L  k  1149.     Bound  with  Latin  version. 
(  L  k  1150.     Bound  separately. 
Contents  as  follows: 
fol.  Aj  v° :  Privilege.     Dated  le  xiiij  d'Apvril  1550. 

Sig.  de  Launay. 
fols.  Aij  r°-Aiiij  v°.  A  TreshauUes  et  Tresill/astres 
Princesses  Mes  Dames  Marguerite  de  France  Soeur 
unique  du  Roy :  &  Jheanne,  Princesse  de  Nauarre, 
Duchesse  de  Vendosmois.  (Cf.  Appendix,  p.  550 
et  seq.) 
pp.  1-125 :  Oraison  funkbre  de  la  Mart  De  I'incom- 
parahle Marguerite  Royne  de  Navarre  &  Dv^ 
chesse  d'Alengon.  Reprinted  by  Anatole  de 
Montaiglon  in  his  ed.  of  the  Heptameron,  Paris, 
Eudes,  1880,  Vol.  I,  pp.  21-130.' 

'  My  references  are  to  this  reprint,  except  in  quotations 
from  the  Dedication,  which  is  not  reproduced  by  Mont- 
aislon. 


618         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

p.  126  (actually  127,  126  being  blank) :  Epitaphes 
de  plusieurs  doctes  personnes,  sur  le  trespas  de 
ladicte  Royne  de  Navarre,    i.e. 
M.  du  Val  Evesque  de  Saix. 
M.  Heroet. 
p.  128:  M.  I.  Frotte  Secretaire  du  Roy  &  iadis 
des  Finances  de  ladicte  Royne,  h  VEsprit  d'icelle. 
Chant  funebre  de  Loys  de  Saincte  Marthe, 
Procureur  du  Roy  au  pais  de  Lodunois. 
p.  130:  Par  un  secretaire  de  ladicte  Royne. 

Du  mesme. 
p.  131 :  Du  mesme. 
Du  mesme. 
p.  141    {sic,  actually  132) :  Sonnet  de  I.  M. 
p.  142    (sic,  actually  133) :  Aultre  du  Mesme. 

Par  A.D.  Damoyselle  Parisienne,  Sonnet.^ 
p.  132  {sic,  actually  134) :  D'elle  mesme. 

De  ladicte  Dame,  par  Auieur  incertain. 
p.  135 :   Pierre  des  Mireurs. 
p.  145  {sic,  actually  136) :  Du  Mesme. 

Epitaphs  du  cueur  de  ladicte  Dame  par  le 
dessusdict. 
p.  137  (correct) :  C.  D.  S.  M.  (Sainte-Marthe).  • 
p.  132  {sic,  actually  138) :  Aultre. 
Prosopee  de  la  Terre. 
Aultre,  tourn^  du  latin, 
p.  139   (illegible) :     A   Damoiselle  Renee  Laudier 
d'Alencon,  Sonnet. 
1550,  May.  Five  Latin  poems  included  in  the  volume  en- 
titled :  Annce,  Margaritre,  lance,  Sororum  Virginum 

^  This  "sonnet "  has  12  lines,  arranged  ababbcbcc 
dcd. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  619 

Heroidum  Anglarum;  In  mortem  Diuoe  MargaritcB 
Valesioe,  Navarrorum  Regince,  Hecatodistichon. 
Accessit  Petri  Mirarij  ad  easdem  virgines  Epis- 
tola;  unh  cum  doctorum  aliquot  virorum  Carmini- 
hus.  Parisiis  ex  qfficina  Reginaldi  Calderij  & 
Claudij  eiu^  filij,  anno  salutis  1550  cum  Privi- 
legio.  Bib.  Nat.  R^s.  Pyc.  1215. 
Their  titles  are: 

1.  Caroli     Sanctomarthani    lur.     Vtr.    Doct.    ad 

Gallos.    Cur  tam  pauci  poetce  Galli  Reginam 
Nauarrce  laudant.     p.  135  et  seq. 

2.  MargaritceReg.  Nav.  Tumulus  per  C.  <S.'   p,  142. 

{3.  Spiritus  Regince  ad  Viatorem.  C.  S. 
4.  Eiv^dem  C.  S.  Cur  tam  pauci  poetce  Galli 
Reginam  Navarrce  laudant.  p.  144. 
5.  Pro  Gallis  Poetis,  responsio  per  eundem.  p.  145. 
The  other  contributors  in  their  order  are: 
Denisot ;  Pierre  des  Mireurs ;  Matth.  Pac ;  Daurat ; 
Valentina  Alsinsoia  (wife  or  daughter  of  Denisot  ?) ; 
Baif,  a  Greek  epigram;  Goupil,  two  Greek  poems; 
Ren.  Sane.  (Ren6  de  Sainte-Marthe) ;  Louis  de 
Sainte-Marthe ;  Mart.  Brionaei  Parisensis ;  (Martial 
de  Brionne) ;  Gerard  Denisot;  Mathur.  Dod; 
Daurat ;  Pierre  des  Mirreurs. 
1550,  June.  In  Psalmum  \  nonagesimum  pia  ad  \  mo- 
dum  &  Christiana  \  Meditatio,  \  PerCarolumSancto] 
marthanum  Fontebraldensem.  I.V.D.  S.  1.  n.  d. 
True  title-page  apparently  lacking,  pet.  8°,  55 
fols.  Without  typographical  marks  or  privilege. 
Bib.  Mazarine,  no.  23433. 

•  Reprinted  with  two  additional  lines  in  the  Tombeau 
de  Marguerite  de  Valois  Royne  de  Navarre,     p.  160. 


620         CHARLES   DE    SAINTE-MARTHE 

Contents  as  follows: 
Fols.  2  r°-4  r°  :  Dedicatory  letter.    Carolus  Sancto- 

marthanus  Gastono  Olivario  Mancii  domino.  S.  D. 
Fol.  4  v°.     Blank. 
Fols.    5  r°-7  r° :  Ejusdem  P salmi  Argumentum  per 

eundem. 
Fols.  7  v°  and  8  r°  and  v°.    Blank. 
Fols.  9  r°-50  v° :  In  Psalmum  XC  pia  admodum 

et  consolatoria  meditatio  paraphrastica,  per  Car. 

Sandomarthanum  I.V.D. 
Fols.  51  r°-51  v° :  P.  Mirarii  ad  Lectorem  exhortaiio. 

Remainder  unpaginated. 
Fols.  giiij  r°-[gvj]  r° :   Index  Rerum  Memorabilium 

in  hac  Meditatione  contentarum.     Litterce  A.  B. 

pag.  indicant. 
Fols.  [gvj]  v°-[gvij]  v° :  Ca.  Sanciomarthanus  F.  Gab. 

Putherbeo,  Sodali  Fontebraldensi.     Dated  Lute- 

tiae,  13  Calend.  Julias,  1550. 
Fol.  [gvij] :   Petri  Miisonii  ad  Pium  Lectorem  Epi- 

gramma. 
1550,  Oct.  Oraison  fun\ebre  sur  le  tres\pas  de  treshaulte 
&  tresillustre  Dame  \  &  Princesse,  Francoise 
d'Alencon  Duchesse  de  Beaumont,  \  Douairiere  de 
Vendosmois  &  de  Longeuille.  Par  Charles  de 
Saincte  \  Mar  the  Docteur  es  Droicts.  Imprime  h 
Paris  par  Regnaud  Chauldiere,  &  Claude  son  fils.  \ 
1550  I  auec  Priuilege  du  Roy.  8°,  48  fols.  On 
title-page,  typographical  mark  no.  1142,  Silvestre. 
Bib.  Maz.  no.  42207. 

Contents  as  follows: 
Fol.  2  r°  and  v°:    Charles    de  Saincte    Marthe, 

Docteur  es  Droicts,  au  lecteur,  Salid. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  621 

Fols.  3  r°-44  r° :  Oraison  funebre  sur  le  trespas  de 
treshaulte  &  tresillustre  Dame  &  Princesse  Fran- 
coise  d'Alencon  Duchesse  de  Beaumont,  Donai- 
rikre  de  Vendosmois  &  de  Longueuille. 
Fol.    44  v°:    Epitaphe   de    TresiUustre    Princesse 
Madame    la    Duchesse    de    Vendosmois    &    de 
Beaumont,  Par  Pierre  des  Mirreurs. 
Fols.  45  r°-48  r° :  Discours  du  nouveau  changement 
des  choses,  faict  sur  les  armes  de  la  maison  de 
France,  par  Pierre  des  Mirreurs. 
1551.    Two  poems  were  reprinted,  one  from  the  Hecato- 
distichon,   the    other   from   the    In  obitum   .    .    . 
Margaritoe  .  .  .  Oratio  funebris,  in  the  Tombeau 
de  Marguerite  de  Valois,  Royne  de  Navarre.     Paris, 
1551,  Bib.  Nat.  Res.  Ye  1633.    These  poems  are 
the  Tumulus  per  C.  S.,  p.  160,  and  one  entitled 
Aliud  beginning  "  Margaridi  vocem  morbus. "  p.  170. 
The  other  contributions  to  this  collection  are: 
(1)  Prefatory  matter:  Robert  de  la  Haye;  Denisot; 
P.  G.  T. ;  des  Essars,  a  letter  dated  22*  Februrier 
1550;  Ronsard.     (2)  Translation  of  the  Hecato- 
distichon,  distich    by   distich ;     Daurat    (Greek) 
Jean  Pierre  de  Mesmes   (I.  P.  D.  M.)  (Italian) 
Denisot  and  Du  Bellay  (I.  B.  D.  A.)  (French) 
several   of    the   distichs    translated    in    addition 
by  Antoinette  de  Loynes  (Dam.  A.  D.  L.)  and 
Antoine  de  Baif.    (3)  Original  contributions:  Dau- 
rat; de  Mesmes;  Ronsard;  Du  Bellay;  Baif;  J.du 
Tillet;    Goupil;    Denisot;    Matth.    Pac;   Macrin; 
Bourbon;  Claude  d'Espence;  Antoine  Armande  de 
Marseilles;    Jean  Tagaut;    P.   des    Mirreurs;    N. 
Peron ;   Jacques.   B.A   ( ?) ;    Robert  de  la  Haye ; 


622.       CHARLES  DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

'ApKTS>  TOKCTv  (?);  "Damoiselle  A.  D.  T."  (L.?); 
T.  Morel,  Embrunois ;  C.  Bouguier,  Angevin. 
The  collection  ends  with  two  anonymous  produc- 
tions, the  last  a  sonnet. 

SECTION  II 
General, 

Ababbanel.  Dialoghi  di  amore  compositi  per  Leone 
Medico  (Abarbanel),  di  natione  Hebreo,  et  di  poi 
fatto  Christiana.  Venice,  Aldus,  1545.  (First  ed. 
Rome,  1535.) 

.^LiAN.'  Ex  Mliani  historia  per  P.  Gyllium  latine  fadi 
itemque  ex  Porphyrio,  Heliodoro,  Oppiano,  turn 
eodem  Gyllio  accessionibus  aticti  libri  xvi.  De  vi 
et  natura  animalium.  Ejusdem  Gyllii  liber  units 
de  GaUicis  et  Latinis  nominibus  piscium.  Lyons, 
Gryphe,  1533. 

Varies  historioe,  Libri  XIV  .  .  .  Rome  1545. 
VarioB  historice  .  .  .  cum  interpretatione  lat. 
Justi  Vulteii.     Ed.  Gronovius.  Amst.  1731. 

AiGUEPERSE,  P.  G.  Biographic  ou  Dictionnaire  hist, 
des  personnages  d'Auvergne,  illvstres  ou  fameux 
par  leurs  ecrits,  leurs  exploits,  leurs  vertv^.  .  .  . 
Clermont-Ferrand,  1834. 

AiAMANNi,  LuiGi.  Opere  Toscane  di  Luigi  Alamanni 
al  Christianissinw  re  Francesco  primo.  Lyons, 
Gryphe,  1533. 

Alberti,  Leon  Battista.  Hecatomphile.  De  vul- 
gaire   Italien  tourne  en  langaige  Francoys.      Les 

^  The  two  editions,  available  for  Sainte-Marthe,  and 
that  consulted  by  me. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  623 

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Pre,  1534. 

Allard,  Guy.  La  hihliotheqxLe  du  Dauphine,  contenant 
les  noms  de  ceux  qui  se  sont  distinguiz  par  leur 
sgavoir  dans  cette  province,  dressSe  par  M.  G. 
Allard.     Grenoble,  1680. 

Nobilaire  du  Dauphine,  on  discours  historique  des 
families  nobles  qui  sont  en  cette  province,  .  .  . 
Grenoble,  1671. 

Allut,  M.  p.  Etude  biograph.  et  bibliograph.  sur 
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Angier,  p.  L' experience  de  I'Amye  de  court  contre  la 
contreamye.     Cf.  Guevara. 

Anselm,  Le  pere.  Histoire  genial,  et  chron.  de  la 
maison  royal  de  France,  etc.      Paris,  1726-1733. 

Arlerius,  Anton.  Carolo  Sammarthano.  An  un- 
published letter  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  John  L. 
Gerig  of  Columbia  University. 

AuBER,  L'abbe.  Jacqu£s  de  Hxllerin.  Bull,  de  la  Soc. 
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AuBiGNE,  Merle  d'.  Histoire  de  la  reforme  au  temps 
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Beaulieu,  Eustorg  de.  Les  Divers  rapportz.  Con- 
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Lyons,  1537.) 


624         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Beze,  Theodore  de.  Histoire  ecclesiastique  des 
iglises  reformees  au  royaume  de  France  en  laqiielle 
est  descriie  au  vray  la  renaissance  &  accroisse- 
ment  d'icelles  depuis  Van  mdxxi  jitsques  en  I'annee 
mdlxiii.  .  .  .  Antwerp,  Jean  Remy,  1580. 

Becq  de  Fouquieres,  L.  (Euvres  choisies  des  Poetes 
Frangais  du  XVI*  siecle.     Paris,  1879. 

Bembo,  p.  Opere.  Classici  Italiani.  Milan,  1807. 
VI.  II,  Rime  di  M.  Pietro  Bembo.  Les  Azolains  de 
Monseigneur  Bembo  de  la  Nature  d' Amour.  Tra- 
duictz  d'ltalien  en  Frangoys  par  lehan  Martin, 
Secretaire  de  monseigneur  Reveren  dissiine  Cardinal 
de  Lenoncourt,  par  le  commandement  de  Monseigneur, 
Monseigneur  le  dux.  d' Orleans.  Paris,  Vascovan, 
1547. 

BiRCH-HiRSCHFELD,  A.  Gcschichte  der  franzosischen  Lit- 
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BoucHET,  Jean.  Les' Annales  d'Aquitaine,  Faicts  et 
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Pays  de  Naples  &  de  Milan.  .  .  .  Poictiers,  A. 
Mounin,  1634. 

Les  angoyesses  &  rem^des  damours  Du  Traverseur 
en  son  adolescence.     Poitiers,  au  Pelican,  1536. 
Jugement  poetiqu£  de  I'honneur  feminin  &  seiour 
des  illitstres,  claires  &  honnestes  Dames  par  le  tra- 
verseur.    Poitiers,  s.  d.  [1536]. 
Cy  apres  suyvent  xiii  Rondeaulx  differens.     Avec 
XXV  Baladcs  differentes  composees  par  Maistre  Jehan 
Bouchet,   aultrement   diet   le    traverseur  des   voyes 
perilleuses.  .  .  .  Paris,  Janot,  1536. 
Epistres  morales  et  familieres  du  Traverseur.  .  .  . 
Poitiers,  Marnef,  1545. 


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Hist,  de  la  litterature  frangaise  classique.     Paris, 
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Brunot,  Ferdinand,  Histoire  de  la  langue  frangaise. 
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Brodeau,  Victor.  Les  louanges  de  JesiLS  nostre 
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and  that  consulted  by  me. 


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1539  (o.  s.). 

1  My  references  are  to  the  current  undated  edition  of 
Charpentier.    (499  pp.) 

'  My  references  are  to  the  ed.  of  1602. 
2t 


642         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

Sandys,  J.  E.     A  Hist,  of  Classical  Scholarship.    Cam- 
bridge.    Vol.  II,  1908. 
ScEVE,  Maurice.     Delie,  object  de  Plus  Haulte  Vertu. 

Lyons,  1544.     Priv.  dated  October  the  30th,  1543. 

Reprinted,  Scheuring,  Lyons,  1862. 

Saulsaye.     Eclogue  de  la  vie  solitaire.    Lyons,  Jean 

de  Tournes,  1547.     Reprinted,  Aix,  1829. 
Seraphino.     Le  Rime  di  Serafino  de'  Ciminelli  dalV 

Aquila.     Ed.  M.  Menghini.     CoUezione  di  opere 

inedite  o  rare  dei  primi  tre  secoli  della  Ungua. 

Bologna,  1894. 
Sibilet,  Thomas.    Art  Poetique  Frangois.     Pour  I'in- 

struction  des  jeunues  stvdieu^,  &  encor  peu  avancez 

en  la  Poesie  frangoise.     Paris,  1548. 
SiLVESTRE,  L.  C.     Marques  typographiques,  ou  recueil  de 

monogrammes,  chiffres,  enseignes,  emhlemes,  devises, 

rebu^  et  fleurons  des  libraires  et  imprimeurs  .  .  . 

depuis  .  .  .  1^70,  jusqvJd  la  fin  du  seizihme  siecle. 

.  .  .  Paris,  1867. 
Simon,  L'abbe.     Hist,  de  Vendome  et  de  ses  environs. 

Vendome,  1835. 
Spingarn.     a    History   of  Literary   Criticism   in   the 

Renaissance.     New  York,  1899. 
STOBiEus,  (J.)     Collectiones  sententiarum.     Ed.  Trin- 

cavellus.     Venice,  1536. 

Collectiones  Sententiarum.      Ed.   Gesner.     Zurich, 

1543;  Turin,  1544;  Basle,  1549. 

Florilegium  gr.  ad  manuscriptorum  fidem  emendavit 

Thomas  Gaisford.     Oxford,*  1822. 

*  Gaisford's  ed.  gives  variants  from  Trincavellus  and 
Gesner. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  643 

Tagliacarne,  B.     Benedicti  Theocreni  Episcopi   gras- 

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Poemata  quae  juvenis   admodum   lusit.      Poitiers, 

1536. 
Tamizey  de  Larroque,  Ph.     CJ.  Rus. 
Tebaldeo.     Parnaso  Italiano  Vol.  VI.     Liri  Antichi. 

pp.  297-318. 
Thou,    J.    A.    de.      Historiarum    sui    temporis,    libri 

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1904. 
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644         CHARLES   DE   SAINTE-MARTHE 

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Wyndham,  George.  Ronsard  and  la  Pleiade,  with 
selections  from  their  poetry  and  some  translations 
in  the  original  metres.    London,  1906. 


INDEX  OF   PROPER  NAMES 


Abarbanel,    Judah,    c/.    L6on 

Hebreo. 
Abiram,  p.  474. 
Achaeus,  p.  366. 
Achilles,  p.  365,  p.  377,  note  1 , 

p.  423,  note  1. 
Achish,  King  of  Gath,  p.  578. 
Actuher,  Pou,  p.  75,  note  3. 
A.  D.,  p.  193. 
Adam,  p.  77,  note  1. 
.^lian,   p.  228,  p.  238,  p.  274, 

p.  358,  p.  369,  note  2,  p.  375. 
iEschylus,  p.  369. 
Agalla,  p.  377,  note  3,  p.  378, 

note  1. 
Agamemnon,  p.  377,  note  1. 
Agathon,  p.  338,  note  2. 
Agrippa,  p.  366. 
Aigueperse,  p.  59,  note  1,  p. 

83,  note  4. 
Ajax,  p.   178,  p.  307,  note  4, 

p.  377,  note  1. 
Alberti,  Leone  Battista,  p.  268. 
Albret,  Henri  d',  King  of  Na- 
varre, p.  184. 
Albret,   Jeanne  d',   p.   80,   p. 

173.  p.  174,  p.  550. 
Alcestis,  p.  367,  p.  373. 
Alcinous,  p.  305. 
Alein,    Jacques   de   Raynaud, 

Sieur  d',  pp.  63  et  seq.,  p. 

518. 
Alemanni,    Luigi,    p.    262,    p. 

303. 


AlenQon,  Frangoise  d',  Duch- 
ess of  Vendome,  Longue- 
ville  and  Beaumont,  p. 
7,  note  1,  pp.  163-165,  pp. 
166-172,  p.  174,  p.  188, 
pp.  210  et  seq.,  p.  360,  p. 
362,  p.  363,  p.  367,  p.  370, 
p.  384,  note  3,  p.  388,  p.  392, 
p.  398,  p.  411,  p.  417,  p.  420, 
p.  436,  p.  440,  p.  443,  pp. 
444  et  seq.,  p.  446,  p.  513, 
p.  588,  p.  591,  p.  595. 

Alexander,  p.  365,  p.  366,  p. 
375,  note  1,  p.  383,  p.  384, 
p.  385. 

Alexander  V,  p.  366. 

Allard,  Guy,  p.  54,  note  3, 
p.  57,  note  2,  p.  58,  note  2, 
p.  59,  note  3,  p.  85,  note  2. 

Alphonso  of  Naples,  p.  366. 

Ambrose,  Saint,  p.  384. 

Anaxagoras,  p.  383. 

Anchurus,  p.  367. 

Ancona,  Alesandro,  d',  p.  280, 
note  2. 

Andromeda,  p.  367. 

Aneau,  Barth61emy,  pp.  113- 
117. 

Angier,  Paul,  p.  219,  p.  306, 
note  3> 

Angirart,  Jehan,  p.  600. 

Angou,  Nicolas  d'.  Bishop  of 
Seez,  p.  82,  pp.  435  et  seq. 

AngoulSme,  cf.  Marguerite. 


•  Names  occurring  only  in  the  Bibliography  are  not  included 
in  this  Index. 

645 


646 


INDEX 


Angovdfime,  Charles  d',  p.  364. 
Anselme,    Le    P^re,    p.     173, 

note  2. 
Anthony,  Marc,  p.  366,  note  2. 
Antigone,  p.  367,  p.  383. 
Antimachus,  p.  368,  p.  378. 
Antipater,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Antisthenes,  p.  370, 
Antoninus  Pius,  p.  368. 
Anyta,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Aquila,  Seraphino  d',  p.  275, 

note  2,  p.   276,   note  2,   p. 

284,  note  3,  p.  287,  note  2, 

p.  291,  p.  353. 
Arbigny,   Anne  d',   p.   58,   p. 

399,  p.  402,  p.  518. 
Aretino,  Pietro,  p.  263. 
Ariosto,  p.  267,  p.  345,  note  1. 
Aristides,  p.  366. 
Aristippus,  p.  371. 
Aristophanes,  p.  378. 
Aristotle,   p.   369,   note  2,   p. 

370,  p.  371,  p.  372,  p.  374, 

note  4,   p.   383,   p.   384,  p. 

385,  p.  393. 
Arlier,    Antoine,    p.  XII.,  pp. 

61    et   seq.,    pp.    71    et   seq., 

p.  109,  p.  507,  note  1. 
Armande,  Antoine,  p.  193. 
Artemisia,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Aspasia,  p.  364,  p.  378,  note  1, 

p.  388,  note  2,  p.  390,  note  3. 
Atreus,  p.  377,  note  1,  p.  401. 
Auber,  I'Abb^,  p.  13,  notes  1, 

2,  p.  14,  note  2. 
Aubign6,     Merle    d',     p.    42, 

note  1. 
Audeyard,  Pierre,  p.  75,  note  3. 
Augereau,  p.  328,  note  1. 
Augustine,    Saint,    p.    153,    p. 

183,  p.  384,  p.  402. 
Augustus,  p.  212,  p.  366,    p. 

376,  note  2. 
Aurelius,  Antonius,  p.  366. 


Avanson,  Frangois  d',   p.   93, 

note  2. 
Avanson,    Guillaume,    d',    p. 

93,  note  2. 
Avanson,    Jean    Saint-Marcel 

d',  p.  69,  p.  86,  note  3,  pp. 

92   et  seq.,  p.  121,  p.   139, 

note  2,    p.    142,   p.    145,    p. 

160,  p.  161,  p.  528,  p.  564, 

p.  565. 

Bade,  Josse,  p.  304,  note  1. 
Baif,  Jean  Antoine  de,  p.  197, 

p.    198,   p.    218,   note  2;   p. 

223,  note  3. 
Balsatia,  p.  367. 
Balzac,  cf.  d'Entraigues. 
Baur,  Albert,  p.  283,  note  3, 

p.  348,  note  2. 
Bayle,  Pierre,  p.  60,  note  3. 
Beaulieu,   Eustorg  de,   p.   97, 

p.    101,   p.    127,   p.  3l2,   p. 

355,  p.  410. 
Beaumont,     Duchess    of,     cf. 

•Franpoise  d'Aleugon. 
Beconne,     Mademoiselle     de, 

p.  59,  p.  518. 
Bectone,  Claude,  p.  349,  note 

3. 
BeUay,   cf.   Du  Bellay. 
Belleau,  Remy,  p.  219,  p.  ?23, 

note  3. 
Bembo,  Pietro,  p.   19,  p.  263, 

p.   267,   p.   275,   note   1,   p. 

276,  note  2,  p.  283,  p.  284, 

note  3,   p.   286,   p.   288,   p. 

289,  p.  290,  p.  291,  p.  303, 

p.  315,  note  2,  p.  319,  p.  353, 

p.  467. 
Benac,  Jean,  p.  83,  p.  120,  p. 

293,  note  1,  p.  518,  p.  528. 
Berdan,  J.  M.,  p.  267,  note  5. 
Beringue,  Mademoiselle   (Loy- 

taulde?),  pp.  64-67,  p.  130, 


INDEX 


647 


p.  193,  p.  241,  note  4,  p.  275, 
notes  1  and  2,  p.  277,  p.  278, 
p.  283,  p.  284,  note  2,  p.  286, 
p.  290,  note  2,  p.  296,  note  2, 
p.  317,  p.  321,  p.  330,  p.  337, 
note  2,  p.  343,  pp.  518-519, 
p.  536. 

Bernard,  Fr^re  Simon,  p.  165. 

Bernard,  Jacques,  p.  129. 

Berni,  Francesco,  p.  267,  note  2. 

Beroald,  p.  313. 

Bdze,  Theodore  de,  p.  XII,  p. 
13,  note  2,  p.  31,  p.  53,  p. 
63,  note  1. 

Bibulus,  p.  383. 

Bigot,  Guillaume,  p.  60,  p.  61, 
p.  64,  note  2,  p.  120,  p.  519, 
p.    528. 

Blanchemain,  Prosper,  p.  261, 
note  1,  p.  267,  note  2,  p. 
268,  note  1,  p.  273,  note  1. 

Boccaccio,  p.  375,  p.  378,  note 
1. 

Boiceau,  cf.  La  Borderie. 

Boilleau,  Frangois,  p.  190. 

Bois,  cj.  Du  Bois. 

Bolonne,  p.  19. 

Bonin,  (Francois?),  p.  191. 

Bonnet,  p.  42,  note  1. 

Borsale,  de,  p.  19. 

Bosseboeuf,  L.  A.,  p.  6,  note  1. 

Bossier,  J.,  p.  57,  note  2. 

Bossuet,  p.  489,  p.  492. 

Bouchet,  Jean,  p.  13,  note  6, 
p.  14,  note  1,  p.  28,  note  2, 
p.  31,  p.  32,  note  1,  p.  306, 
note  3,  p.  310,  p.  313,  p.  542. 

Bouju,  Jacques,  p.  558. 

Boulanger,  Jacques,  p.  82, 
note  2,  p.  83,  note  4,  p.  190, 
notes  1  and  2,  p.  191,  notes 
1-5. 

Boulay,  cf.  Du  Boulay. 

Bourbon,    Antoine    de,     Due 


de  Vendome,  p.  167,  p.  173, 

p.   212  et  seq.,  p.  513,  pp. 

592-593,   p.  594,  p.   595. 
Bourbon,     Catherine    de,     p. 

447. 
Bourbon,     Charles,     Cardinal 

de,  p.  513. 
Bourbon,    Charles    de,    First 

duke  of  Vendome,  p.  7,  note 

1. 
Bourbon,  Charles  Connetable 

de,  p.  3. 
Bourbon,     Francois     de,     p. 

168,  p.  513. 
Bourbon,    Louise    de.    Abbess 

of  Fontevrault,  p.  3,  p.  28, 

p.  324,  p.  517. 
Bourbon,    Magdeleine    de,    p. 

165. 
Bourbon,     Nicolas,     p.     120, 

note  4,  p.   184,  p.  558. 
Bourbon,  Ren6e  de,  p.  3,  p.  4, 

p.  6,  note  1,  pp.  7-8,  p.  28. 
Bourel,  Edouard,  p.  74,  p.  519. 
Bourges,  Clemence  de,  p.  102. 
BouriUy,  p.  307,  note  4. 
Boyl^ve,    Francois,    p.    214   et 

seq.,  p.  593,  p.  594,  p.  600. 
Boyssonn^,  Jean,  p.  69,   p.  70, 

p.  152,  p.  519. 
Braga,  Theophile,  p.  22,  note 

1,  p.  23,  note  2. 
Brantome,   Pierre  de,   p.    101, 

note  1,  p.  138,  p.  185,  note  3, 

p.  429. 
Breghot  du  Lut,  p.  XI,  p.  104, 

note  3. 
Bressieirs,  Antoinette  de.  Ab- 
bess of  Vemaison,  p.  57,  p. 

528. 
Bressieux,  Phillipine  de,  p.  57, 

note  2. 
Breton,    Robert,    p.    XII,    p. 

17,  notes  3,  4,  p.  18,  p.  19, 


648 


INDEX 


p.  20,  note  2,  p.  21,  note  1, 
p.  22,  p.  24,  pp.  25-27,  p. 
32,  note  3,  p.  33,  note  2,  p. 
34,  note  1,  pp.  35-36,  p.  37, 
p.  39,  note  1,  pp.  47-48,  pp. 
49~52,  p.  191,  note  6,  p.  465, 
p.  467,  p.  507,  note  1,  pp. 
601-605. 

Brinon,  Jean  de,  p.  190. 

Brodeau,  Jean,  p.  306,  note  3. 

Brodeau,  Victor,  p.  306,  note 
3,  p.  309,  p.  310,  note  1, 
p.    541. 

Brunet,  J.  C,  p.  105,  note  2, 
p.  196,  note  1,  p.  220,  note  1, 
p.  235,  note  3,  p.  303,  note  1, 
p.  372,  note  4,  p.  421,  note 

3,  p.  507,  note  1,  p.  614. 
Bruneti^re,  F.,  p.  223,  note  1, 

p.  368,  note  4,  p.  452,  note  1. 

Bruno,  Giordano,  p.  298. 

Bud6,  Guillaume,  p.  11,  p. 
12,  p.  217,  p.  218,  note  1. 

Buissier,  Agnet,  p.  129,  p.  130. 

Buisson,  F.,  p.  XI,  p.  20, 
note  1,  p.  22,  note  2,  p. 
24,  note  3,  p.  30,  note  1, 
p.  33,  note  1,  p.  45,  note 
2,  p.  97,  note  3,  p.  98,  note 

4,  p.  127,  note  3,  p.  129, 
note  1,  p.  130,  notes  1,  2. 

Bulaeus,  cf.  Boulay. 
Bulis,  p.  367,  p.  376,  note  4. 
Busserolle,   Carr6  de,   p.   201, 
note  4. 

Caesar,  p.  365,  p.  366,  p.  383. 

Caligula,  p.  366. 

Calvin,  p.  20,  pp.  28-30,  p.  31, 
p.  32,  p.  33,  note  1,  p.  40 
and  note  1,  p.  42  and  note 
1,  p.  44,  p.  45,  p.  77,  p.  90, 
.  p.  127,  p.  129,  p.  130,  pp. 
137  et  seq.,  p.  235,  note  3, 


p.  323,  p.  324,  p.  382  and 

note  2,   p.   383,   p.  428,   p. 

448,  p.  511,  p.  512. 
Camillus,  p.  365,  p.  384. 
Canape,  Jean,  p.  104,  note  4. 
Capitolinus,  p.  377. 
Carles,  Lancelot,  p.  219,  note 

3. 
Cassandra,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Castiglioni,  Baldassare,  p.  276, 

note  3,  p.  303,  p.  318. 
Catherine  of  Sienna,   p.   378, 

note  1,  p.  415. 
Cato,   p.   52,   p.   367,  p.   383, 

p.  384,  p.  605. 
Chamard,  Henri,  p.  199,  note 

3,   p.  253,   note  2,   p.   254, 

note  2. 
Champeravdx,  p.  129,  note  2, 

p.  130. 
Champollion-Figeac,   J.  J.,  p. 

268,   note   1,  p.   269,  notes 

1,  3. 
Chappellani,  Pierre,  p.  75,  note 

3. 
Chappuis,  Claude,  p.  219,  and 

note   1,  p.   306,   note  3,  p. 

314,   p.   559,  p.   565. 
"Chariteo,"  Gareth,  Benedeto, 

called    p.    276,    note    3,    p. 

283,  note  3,  p.  292,  note  5. 
Charles  V.,  Emperor,  p.  445. 
Charrier,  Jean,  p.  230,  note  3. 
Charvet,   p.    114,   note  4. 
Chassan^e,  p.  13,  note  3,  p.  63, 

note  1. 
Chastel,  Etienne,  p.  47,  note  1. 
Chausson,  Jean,  p.  69,  note  4. 
Chausson,  Louis,  p.  69,  note  4. 
Chausson,  Maurice,  p.  69,  p. 

120,  p.  232,  note  2,  p.  519, 

p.   528. 
Chereau,   Geoffroy,  p.  520. 
Chevalier,  Jules,  p.  75,  note  2. 


EsTDEX 


649 


Christy,  Richard  Copley,  p. 
17,  note  5,  p.  26,  note  1, 
p.  48,  note  2,  p.  69,  note  2, 
p.  96,  note  1,  p.  98,  note  1, 
p.  102,  notes  2,  3,  p.  103, 
note  2,  p.  104,  notes  1,  3, 
p.  108,  note  1,  p.  110,  note 
1,  p.  115,  note  1,  p.  148,  note 
1,  p.  253,  note  2,  p.  254, 
note  2,  p.  306,  note  3,  p. 
347,  notes  3  and  4. 

Chrysostom,  Saint,  p.  183, 
p.  369,  p.  384,  p.   585. 

Cicero,  p.  208,  p.  364,  p.  365, 
p.  369,  p.  374.  note  4,  p. 
376,  p.  383,  p.  384,  p.  393, 
p.  462,  p.  467,  p.  585,  p. 
587,  p.  588. 

Cimon,  the  Athenian,  p.  366, 
note  2,  p.  384. 

Claude,  Queen  of  France, 
p.  37. 

Claveyson,  Exupfere  de.  Sei- 
gneur de  Parnans,  p.  57,  p. 
120,  p.  273,  note  1,  pp. 
316-317,  p.  319,  p.  520,  p. 
528. 

Claveyson,  Louis  de,  Prieur 
de  Parnans,  p.  57,  p.  520. 

Clenard,  Nicolas,  p.  16,  note  3. 

Cleopatra,  p.  366,  p.  375, 
note  2,  p.  404,  note  1. 

Cluzot,  Henri,  p.  5. 

Cocaud,  Pierre,  p.  19. 

Coct,  Guigs,  p.  75,  note  3. 

Codrus,  p.  367,  p.  374,  note  4. 

Colin,  Jacques,  Abb6  of  St. 
Ambroise,  p.  117,  note  2, 
p.  218.  p.  219,  note  3,  p. 
230.  note  3,  p.  262.  p.  303, 
p.  306,  and  note  3,  p.  307, 
p.  318,  p.  526. 

Colletet,  Guillaume,  p.  XI, 
p.  10,  p.  175,  note  2,  p.  216, 


p.  358,  note  1,  p.  464,  note 

3,  p.  507,  note  1. 
Colonia,  P6re  de,  p.  101,  note 

1. 
Conti,    Giusto    dei,    p.    275, 

note  1,  p.  291. 
Cordier,  Maturin,  p.  22,  p.  23, 

p.  52,  p.  127,  p.  129,  p.  605. 
Corinna.  p.  378.  note  1. 
Cormier,  Guy,  p.  183,  p.  407, 

note  1. 
Corrozet,    Gilles,    p.    302,    p. 

327. 
Coste,    Hilarion    de,    p.    309, 

note  1. 
Cotta,  p.  367. 
Crassus,  Calphumius,  p.  366, 

p.  367. 
Crates,  p.  367. 

Crespin,  Jean,  p.  63,  note  1. 
Cublize,    Claude   de,    p.    113, 

p.  115,  p.  117,  p.  126. 
Curtii,  p.  367,  p.  384. 
Cyprian,  p.  384. 
Cyrus,  p.  368.  p.  372. 

Dagues,  p.  191. 

Dalechamps,   Jacques,   p.    54, 

note  2,  pp.   105  et  seq.,  p. 

520.  p.  530. 
Dallon.  Louise  de,  p.  432. 
Damo.  p.  378,  note  1. 
Dampierre,  p.  64,  note  2. 
Dartige,  p.  13,  note  2. 
Dathan.  p.  474. 
Dauphin     Francois,    p.     272, 

p.  309. 
Daurat.  Jean.  p.  198,  p.  218, 

note  2,  p.  223,  note  3. 
David,  p.  141,  p.  148,  p.  384, 

p.   489,   p.   502,   p.   503,   p. 

517,  p.  572,  p.  578,  p.  585. 
Debez,  Ferrand,  p.  230,  note  3. 
Decii,  p.  367,  p.  384. 


650 


INDEX 


Delaruelle,  Louis,  p.  11,  notes 

2,  5. 
Demetrius,  p.  366,  p.  368. 
Democritus,  p.  385,  p.  586. 
Demosthenes,  p.  176,  p.  365, 

p.  366,  p.  377. 
Denisot,    Nicolas,    p.    192,    p. 

197.  P-  198,  p.  218,  note  2. 
Des  Autels,  Guillaume,  p.  230, 

note  3. 
Des  Essarts,  cf.  Herberay. 
Des  Masures,  Louis,  p.  219. 
Des  Mireurs,   Pierre,   p.    192 

p.  197. 
Desnos,    Odolant,    p.    XI.    p 

164,  note  2,  p.  175,  note  2 

p.  194,  p.  217,  note  1. 
Des  Periers,   Bonaventure,  p 

179.  P-  314,  p.  327,  p.  347 

p.  348,  p.  349,  note  3. 
Despr^s,  J-B.,  p.  241,  note  4. 
Diodorus,  p.  11,  note  6. 
Diogenes,  p.  370. 
Dion  Cassius,  p.  377. 
Diotima,    p.    378,    note    1,    p. 

388,  note  2. 
Dolet,  p.  19,  p.  48,  note  2,  p. 

54,  note  2,  p.  97,  pp.  102  et 

seq.,  p.  104,  note  4,  p.  106, 

note  3,   p.    108,   p.    110,   p. 
■      112,  p.  115,  p.  120  and  note 

4,  p.  217,  p.  241,  note  1,  pp. 

252-256,  p.  258,  p.  263,  p. 

306,  note  3,  p.  347,  p.  348, 

p.  467,  p.  507,  note  1,  p.  512. 

p.   520,   p.   528,   p.   529,   p. 

544. 
Domitian,     p.     366,     p.     376, 

note  2. 
Dreux  du   Radier,   p.   XI,   p. 

2,  note  5,  p.  9,  p.  31,  note  3, 

p.  32,  note  1,  p.  34,  note  2, 

p.  107,  note  3,  p.  194,  note 

1,  p.  216,  note  2. 

/ 


Drusac,     Gratian     du     Pont, 

Sieur  de,  pp.  102  et  seq.,  p. 

521,  p.  533. 
Du   Bellay,    Cardinal    (Jean), 

p.   63,  note  2,  p.  64,  note 

2. 
Du  Bellay,   Guillaume,   Sieur 

de  Langey,  p.  19. 
Du    Bellay,    Joachim,    p.    92, 

note  3,  p.  198,  p.  218,  note 

2,  p.  219,  p.  223  and  note  3, 

p.  224,  p.  230,  notes  2,  3,  p. 

231,  p.  253,  note  1,  p.  254, 

p.  257,  p.  260,  p.  311,  note  4, 

p.  512,  p.  559. 
Du  Bois,  Simon,  p.  328,  note 

1. 
Du  Boulay,  C.  E.,  p.  218. 
Duchatel,  Pierre,  p.  442. 
Duch6ne,  p.   19,  p.  120,  note 

4. 
Ducher,    Gilbert,  p.  XII,  pp. 

98  et  seq.,  p.  102,   p.    108, 

p.    109,    p.    120,    note  4,   p. 

512,   p.   546,   pp.   609-610. 
Dufour,    Louis,    p.    139,    note 

2,  pp.   148  et  seq.,  p.    161, 

pp.  581-583. 
Dufresnoy,    Lenglet,    p.    108, 

note   3,   p.   241,   note  4,   p. 

264,  note  3. 
Du  Lyon,  Antoine,  p.  190. 
Du  Mouchet,  Seigneur,  p.  521 
Du  Moulin,  A.,  p.  315,  p.  349 
Duns,  cf.  Scotus. 
Du  Pac,   Matthieu,  p.   19,  p< 

191,  p.  368. 
Du  Perault,  Madame,  p.  521 
Du  Pont,  cf.  Drusac. 
Du  Port,  Jean,  p.  75,  note  3 
Du  Puy,   Charles,   p.    107,    p 

121,  p.  528. 
Du  Puy,    Guillaume,    p.    107, 

note  3. 


INDEX 


651 


Durasius,  p.  52,  p.  605. 

Du  Val,  Pierre,  Bishop  of  Seez, 

p.  192. 
Du  Verdier,  Antoine,  p.   XI., 

p.    104,   note  4,    p.   250,    p. 

309,  note  1. 

Eleanor  of  Portugal,  Queen  of 

France,  p.  609. 
Entraigues,  Guillaume  de  Bal- 
zac d',  p.  83,  p.  293,  note  3, 

p.  521. 
Epicharmus,  p.  385. 
Epictetus,   p.  366,   note  2,   p. 

372. 
Erasmus,   p.   382,   note  2,   p. 

414,  p.  467. 
Erinna,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Estable,    Mademoiselle  d',   p. 

59,  p.  521. 
Estable,  Paule  de  Fay  d',  p. 

59,  p.  521. 
Esterpin,  Jean,  p.  183,  p.  407, 

note  1. 
Etampes,    Anne    d'Heilly    de 

Pisselieu,   Duchesse  d',   pp. 

118  et  seq.,  p.  126,  p.  225,  p. 

237,  p.  238,  p.  239,  p.  251, 

p.  282,  p.  288,  p.  325,  note 

1,  p.  507,  note  1,  p.  521,  p. 

531,  p.  537,  pp.  562-565,  p. 

601. 
Etienne,  Robert,  p.  32,  p.   43, 

note  1. 
Eudocius,  p.  366. 
Euripides,  p.   369,  p.   373,  p. 

383,  p.  384,  p.  385. 
Eustochia,  p.  378,  note  1,  p. 

415. 
Evadne,  p.  367,  p.  373. 

Faber,  p.  217. 

Fabia,  p.  378,  note  1,  p.  415. 

Fabian,  p.  384. 


Fabrice,  Arnold,  p.  19,  p.  23, 

p.  32. 
Fabro,   Jean  de,   p.   75,   note 

3. 
Faciot,  cf.  Vulteius. 
Faguet,  Emile,  p.  232,  note  3, 

p.  260,  p.  301. 
Farcy,  Guillaume,  p.  191. 
Faucher,    Denis,    p.     XII,    p. 

63,  p.  64,  pp.  89-92,  p.  93, 

p.    126,   p.    139,   note   2,   p. 

217,  pp.  605-606,  pp.  607- 

609. 
Fauchet,  Claude,  p.  280,  note 

2. 
Fay,  Paul  de,  cf.  Estable. 
Faysan,  Francois,    pp.    85    et 

seq.,  p.  133,  pp.  142  et  seq., 

p.  162. 
Felicity,  p.  383. 
Ferron,  Jean,  p.  33,  p.  34,  p. 

229,   note  6,   p.   522. 
Ficino,  Marsilio,   p.    304   and 

note  1. 
Fiquel,  George,  p.  75,  note  3. 
Flavius,  p.  366. 
Fletcher,  J.  B.,  p.  297,  note  2. 
Fleiuy  Vindry,  p.  86,  note  2, 

p.  89,  note  2,  p.  92,  note  2. 
Fontaine,     Charles,     p.     104, 

note  4,  p.  106  and  note  3,  p. 

107,  note  3,  p.  219,  p.  220, 

p.  306,  p.  311,  p.  542,  p.  565. 
Forcault,      Etienne,      p.      86, 

note  2. 
Francis  I,  p.  37,  p.  45,  p.  46, 

p.  137,  p.  174,  p.  219,  p.  261, 

p.  268,  note  1,  p.  269,  notes 

1,  3,  p.  314,  p.  347,  note  3, 

p.    358,  p.    359,  p.   440,   p. 

522. 
Frank,  F.,  p.  173,  note  1,  p. 

184,  note  3,  p.  235,  note  3, 

p.  326,  note  3,  p.  328,  note  1. 


652 


INDEX 


Fregoso,  Federico,  p.  262. 
Frott6,  Jean,  p.  XII,  p.  82,  note 

2,  p.  173,  p.  192. 
Furnaeus,  c/.  Dufour. 

Gaillarde,  Jeanne,  p.  102. 

Galba,  p.  366. 

Galbert,  Jean,  p.   15,  note  1, 

p.  69,  p.  89,  p.  145,  p.  155, 

p.    156,   p.    160,   p.    161,   p. 

466,  note  1,  pp.  566-574. 
Gallienus,  p.  366  and  note  2, 

p.  376,  note  2. 
Gaufrfes,  M.  J.,  p.  60,  note  3, 

p.  63,  note  1. 
Gaullieur,   E.,   p.   XI,   p.    16, 

notes  2,  3,  4,  p.  17,  notes  2, 

3,  4,  5,  p.  18  and  notes  2,  4, 
p.  20,  note  3,  p.  21,  notes  1 
and  2,  p.  22,  p.  24,  notes  2, 
3,  p.  26,  note  1,  p.  30,  notes 
2,  4,  p.   110,  note  1. 

Gemistus,    Plethon,     p.    304, 

note  1. 
G6nin,   F.,   p.   39,   note   1,   p. 

81,  note  3,  p.  173,  note  2,  p. 

186,  note  3,  p.  549. 
Gerard,  Bishop  of  016ron,  p. 

183. 
Gerig,   J.    L.,   p.    61,    note  4, 

p.  71,  note  1,  p.  98,  note  3, 

p.  113,  notes  3,  4. 
Gerot,  Antoine,  p.  24,  note  3, 

p.  26,  note  1. 
Gesner,  p.  369,  note  2. 
Gilles,  P.,  p.  228,  note  1. 
Giustiniani,  Agostino,  p.  94. 
Gondi,  Antoine  de,  c/.  Pierre- 

vive. 
Gorgias    Leontinus,     p.     369, 

p.  372,  note  3. 
Goujet,  I'AbW,  p.  XI,  p.  194, 

note  1. 
Goupil,  Jacques,  p.  193,  p.  197. 


Gouv6a,  Andr6,  p.   22,  p.  23, 

p.  30,  note  2. 
Gouvea,  Antoine,  p.  24,  p.  49, 

p.  52,  p.  605. 
Gouvea,  Martial,  p.  24,  note 

2. 
Grenet,  Chevalier  de,  p.  59,  p. 

121,   pp.   226,  227,   p.  522, 

p.  528. 
Grolee-Mevouillon,  Aimar 

Antoine,    Baron    de    Bres- 

sieux,  p.  55,  p.  241,  note  4, 

p.  322,  p.  522. 
Grol6e-Mevouillon,        Aimar- 

Fran^ois,  Seigneur  de  Rib- 
biers,  p.  55,  p.  71,  p.  241, 

note  4,  p.  522. 
Grol6e-Mevouillon,  Anne, 

Abb6    de    Saint    Pierre    de 

Vienne,  p.  56,  p.  241,  note 

4,  p.  522. 
Grol6e-MevouiIlon,     Laurent, 

p.  56,  note  2. 
Groslot,  Jacques,  p.  190. 
Grouchy,  Nicolas  de,  p.  23. 
Guibal,  Georges,  p.  69,  note  2. 
Guidacerius,  Agathias,  p.  94. 
Guillette,  Pernette  de,  p.  102, 

p.  310,  note  1. 
Guinizelli,  Guido,  p.  280,  note 

2. 

Haag,  Eug.  and  Emile,  p.  XI, 
Habakkuk,  p.  489. 
Habbot,  p.  190. 
Habert,  Francois,  p.    XII,   p. 

195,  p.  309,  note  1,  p.  313, 

p.  559. 
Hallam,  p.  23,  note  3. 
Hamon,  Auguste,  p.  10,  note  4. 
Haulteville,  Mademoiselle  de, 

p.  523. 
Helvetius    Pertinax,    p.    377, 

note  6. 


INDEX 


653 


Henri  II,  p.  56,  note  3,  p. 
185,  note  1,  p.  214,  p.  546, 
p.  595. 

Heraclitus,  p.  586. 

Herberay,  Nicolas  d'.  Seigneur 
des  Essarts,  p.  219,  p.  241, 
note  4,   p.   306,   note  3. 

Hercules,  p.  52,  p.  365. 

H6ricault,  Charles,  p.  241, 
note  4. 

Herminjard,  A.  L.,  p.  XII., 
p.  20,  note  1,  p.  22,  note  2, 
p.  40,  note  1,  p.  42,  note  1, 
p.  43,  note  1,  p.  44,  note  2, 
p.  47,  note  3,  p.  85,  note  3, 
p.  127,  notes  3,  4,  p.  129, 
note  2,  p.  130,  notes  1,  2,  p. 
131,  note  1,  p.  132,  note  1, 
p.  136,  note  2,  p.  139,  note 
2. 

Hermonymus,  p.  11. 

Herodotus,  p.  376,  p.  383. 

Heroet,  Antoine,  de  la  Mai- 
sonneuve,  p.  192,  p.  218,  p. 
219,  p.  241,  note  4,  p.  263, 
p.  264,  p.  306  and  note  3, 
p.  309,  note  1,  p.  310,  p.  311, 
note  4,  p.  327,  p.  355,  p.  542, 
p.  558,  p.  565. 

Herve,  Jacques,  p.  191. 

Hervet,  Gentian,  p.  17  and 
notes  1,  4,  p.  19,  p.  21. 

Heulhard,  Arthur,  p.  117,  note 
2,  p.  201,  note  4,  p.  204,  note 
1. 

Hezekiah,  p.  434. 

Hildegarde  of  Germany,  p. 
378,  note  1,  p.  415. 

Hillary,  Saint,  p.  183,  p.  585. 

Hillerin,  Jacques,  p.  13,  p.  14. 

Homer,  p.  176,  p.  228,  p.  365, 
p.  376,  p.  384,  p.  388,  note 
2,  p.  391,  p.  401,  p.  423,  p. 
455,  p.  659,  p.  588. 


Hondremar,  Antoine,  pp.   74- 

76,  p.  523. 
Horace,  p.  228,  p.  257,  p.  376, 

p.  455. 
Hortensius,  p.  365. 

lamblicus,  p.  366,  note  2,  p. 

370,  p.  372. 
I.  M.,  p.  193. 
Isocrates,  p.  370,  p.  371. 
Itterius,    Matthias,   p.    17. 

Jacob,  p.  379,  note  3. 
James,  Saint,  p.  455. 
Jannet,  Pierre,  p.  241,  note  4. 
Janot,  Denis,  p.  241,  note  4. 
Jeremiah,  p.  471,  p.  489. 
Jerome,  Saint,  p.  183,  p.  378, 

note   1,   p.   382,   p.   384,  p. 

415,  p.  585. 
Jervis,  W.  H.,  p.  124,  note  2, 

p.  157,  note  1. 
Joan,  Pope,  p.  375,  note  2. 
Job,   p.   379,   note  3,   p.   384, 

p.  455,  p.  489,  p.  492. 
Jodelle,    Etienne,    p.    219,    p. 

223,  note  3. 
John,  Saint,  p.  380,  p.  483. 
Josias,   p.   75,   note  2,   p.  77, 

note  1. 
Jouvencel,  Jean,  p.  75,  note  3. 
Julian,  p.  366. 

Kerr,  W.  A.  R.,  p.  223,  note  3. 

Labb6,  Arthur,  p.  161,  note  2. 

Labb6,  Louise,  p.  102. 

La    Borderie,     Jean    Boiceau 

de,  p.  218,  p.  219,  p.  306, 

note  3,   p.   311,   note  4,  p. 

313 
La   Carri^re,    Baude,    p.    280, 

note  2. 
La  Gout,  L.,  p.  179,  note  2. 


654 


INDEX 


La  Croix,  A.,  p.  57,  note  2. 
La  Croix,  Paul,  p.  241,  note 

4. 
La  Croix  du  Maine,  Francois, 

p.  XI,  p.  23,  note  3,  p.  57, 

note   2,   p.    101,    note    1,    p. 

102,  note  3,  p.  104,  note  4, 

p.  196,  note  1,  p.  309,  note  1. 
La  Ferri^re-Percy,   H.   de,    p. 

XII,  p.  39,  note   1,  p.  174, 

notes  1,  3,  p.  179,  note  2,  p. 

195,  note  2,  p.  348,  note  1. 
La  Guesle,  Jacques  de,  p.  220, 

note  1. 
La  Haye,  J.  de,  p.  305. 
La   Maisonneuve,   c/.   Heroet. 
La  Maisonneuve,  Jean  de,  p. 

306,  note  3,  p.  309,  p.  541. 
La  Mare,  p.  33,  note  1. 
La    Monnoye,    B.    de,    p.    57, 

note   2,   p.   261,   note    1,   p. 

273. 
La  Mothe,  Thierry  de,  p.  230, 

note  3. 
Landini,  Christoforo,  p.  305. 
Lanson,  Gustave,  p.  98,  note  2, 

p.  258,  note  1. 
Laodamia,  p.  367. 
La    Riviere,    Seigneur    de,    p. 

58,  p.  523. 
Larroque,  Tamizey  de,  p.  313, 

note  2. 
La  Ruelle,  Charles  de,  p.  32, 

p.  523. 
La  Ruelle,  Louis  de,  p.  32. 
Lascaris,   Constantine,    p.    11. 
La    Tour,    Magdalene    de,    p. 

62,  p.  234,  note  1,  p.  523. 
Laudisr,  Mademoiselle  Ren6e, 

p.    193,   p.    194,   note   1,   p. 

557. 
Laumonier,    P.,    p.    192,    note 

6,    p.    197,    p.    199,    p.    200, 

note  2,  p.  232,  note  3,   p. 


280,  note  2,  p.  315,  note  1, 
p.  547. 

Laura,  p.  261,  p.  270,  p.  283, 
p.  289,  p.  294,  p.  321. 

Laurent  of  Normandy,  of. 
Normandius. 

Laval,  Abbess  of,  p.  58,  p.  523. 

Leblond,  Jean,  Seigneur  de 
Branville,    p.   313. 

Leelerc,  J.,  p.  220,  note  1. 

Le  Coutelier,  Thomas,  p.  191. 

Lee,  Sidney,  p.  279,  p.  280, 
note  2. 

Le  Ferron,  Arnold,  p.   19. 

Lef^vre,  Isabelle,  p.  32,  note  1. 

Lef^vre,  Nicole,  p.  27. 

Lef^vre,  Rene,  p.  31,  p.  32, 
note  1,  p.  248,  note  1,  p. 
523,  531. 

Lefranc,  Abel,  p.  4,  p.  11, 
note  3,  p.  12,  note  2,  p.  22, 
note  2,  p.  28,  note  3,  p.  32, 
note  5,  p.  82,  note  2,  p.  83, 
note  4,  p.  94,  note  1,  p.  95, 
note  1,  p.  102,  note  3,  p. 
Ill,  note  2,  p.  158,  note  2, 
p.  173,  note  1,  p.  185,  note 
1,  p.  190,  notes  1  and  2,  p. 
191,  notes  1-5,  p,  201  and 
note  4,  p.  202,  note  2,  p. 
203,  note  1,  p.  204  and 
notes  1,  2,  p.  213,  note  2, 
p.  223,  note  2,  p.  224,  note 
1,  p.  302,  note  1,  p.  304, 
note  1,  p.  315,  note  2,  p. 
326,  notes  1,  2,  3,  p.  327, 
note  1,  p.  348,  note  1,  p. 
381,  note  3,  p.  388,  note  1. 

Lelong,  Le  Pfere,  p.  XI,  p. 
220,  note  1. 

L6on  Hebreo,  p.  303  and  note 
1,  p.  318. 

L^onique,  cf.  Thom6. 

Leontinus,  c/.  Gorgias. 


INDEX 


655 


[ 


Lerminier,  p.  45,  note  1. 

Le  Roy,  Louis,  p.  305. 

Leroux  de  Lincy,  p.  VI. 

Le  Roux,  Jean,  p.  183. 

I'Estrange,  Madame  de,  p.  84, 
p.  523. 

Licinius,  p.  366. 

Lisle,  Hector  de,  p.  524. 

Longuemare,  P.  de,  p.  XI 
p.  1,  note  1,  p.  9,  note  2,  p 
12,  note  1,  p.  27,  note  2 
p.  58,  note  4,  p.  66,  p.  139 
note  2,  p.  164,  note  2,  p 
187,  note  2,  p.  215,  note  3 
p.  218,  note  1,  p.  253,  note 
2. 

Longueville,  c/.  Alencon. 

Lopin,  Perrette,  p.  201,  note 
3. 

Lorrain,  Cardinal  Charles  de, 
p.  64,  note  2. 

Lowndes,  M.  E.,  p.  16,  note 
4,  p.  22,  note  2,  p.  23,  note 
3,  p.  24,  note  1. 

Loynes,  Antoinette  de,  p.  198. 

Loytaulde,  Mile.,  c/.  Beringue. 

Loytaulde,  Mile.  Gacinette, 
Mother  of  Beringue,  p.  65, 
p.  234,  note  2,  p.  524. 

Lubin,  Frkre,  p.  237. 

Lucina,  p.  366,  note  2,  p.  384. 

Lucretius,  p.  455. 

Lucullus,  p.  366,  p.  367. 

Luther,  Martin,  p.  124,  p.  138. 

Lutteroth,  H.,  p.  97,  note  2, 
p.  157,  note  1,  p.  166,  note 
2. 

Lyon,  du,  cf.  Du  Lyon. 

Macault,  L'eslu,  p.  218,  p.  306, 
note  3. 

Macrin,  Salmon,  p.  64,  note 
2,  p.  192,  note  6,  p.  219, 
note  3,  p.  261,  p.  558. 


Maecenas,  p.  212,  p.  367,  p, 
376,  note  1. 

Magny,  Oliver  de,  p.  219. 

Maneni,  Jean,  p.  75,  note  3. 

Marbodius,  p.  403,  note  1. 

Marcella,  p.  378,  note  1,  p.  415. 

Marcus  Plautus,  p.  368,  p. 
374,  note  4. 

Marguerite  d'  AngoulSme, 
Queen  of  Navarre,  p.  37, 
p.  39,  note  1,  pp.  80-83,  p. 
88,  p.  92,  p.  118,  p.  126,  p. 
164,  p.  170,  pp.  172  et  seq., 
p.  189,  p.  195,  note  2,  p.  198, 
p.  211,  p.  213,  p.  230,  note  3, 
p.  235,  note  3,  p.  239,  p.  315 
and  note  2,  pp.  323-347,  p. 
348,  p.  349,  355,  360,  p. 
362,  p.  365,  p.  366,  note  2, 
p.  367,  p.  368,  p.  378,  note 
1,  p.  379,  note  3,  p.  380, 
p.  381,  p.  383,  p.  384,  p. 
385,  p.  387,  p.  393,  pp. 
396  et  seq.,  403,  note  1,  pp. 
405  et  seq.,  407,  note  1,  p. 
411,  p.  416,  p.  419,  p.  421, 
p.  422,  p.  425,  pp.  428-436, 
pp.  440  et  seq.,  p.  443,  pp. 
445  et  seq.,  pp.  465  et  seq.,  p. 
512,  p.  516,  p.  517,  p.  524, 
p.  548,  p.  549,  pp.  552-554, 
p.  555,  p.  556,  p.  557,  p. 
558,  pp.  559-562,  p.  587,  p. 
588,  p.  603. 

Marguerite  de  France,  p.  38, 
p.  92,  p.  431,  pp.  440  et  seq., 
p.  524,  p.  550. 

Marillac,  Charles  de,  p.  59, 
p.  74,  note  1. 

Marillac,  Gabriel  de,  p.  95  and 
cf.  p.  59,  note  1. 

Marillac,  Pierre  de,  p.  58,  p. 
95,  p,   120,  p.   624,  p.  529. 

Marot,  p.  X,  p.  32,  note  3, 


656 


INDEX 


p.  47,  p.  54,  p.  58,  note  4, 
p.  70,  note  1,  p.  84,  p.  102, 
p.  108,  p.  115,  p.  119,  p.  123, 
p.  126,  p.  136,  p.  177,  p.  195, 
p.  217,  p.  218,  p.  219,  p.  223, 
note  2,  p.  230,  pp.  232-246, 
pp.  250-252,  p.  261,  pp.  264- 
266,  p.  272,  p.  273,  p.  276, 
note  2,  p.  278,  p.  284,  p.  305, 
p.  306,  note  3,  p.  307  and 
notes  3,  4,  p.  310,  note  1,  p. 
314,  note  3,  p.  353,  p.  354,  p. 
355,  p.  357,  p.  358,  p.  508, 
p.  512,  p.  524,  p.  530,  p. 
535,  p.  541,  p.  565. 

Marquet,  Marie,  p.  5,  p.  524. 

Marquet,  Michel,  p.  5. 

Marron,  Frfere  I.,  p.  59,  p. 
525. 

Martel,  Kerre,  p.  193. 

Martial,  p.  247,  p.  376. 

Martin,  Jean,  p.  219,  note  3. 

Marty-Laveaux,  Ch.,  p.  423, 
note  3. 

Massebieau,  p.  22,  note  2. 

Maupeou,  Vincent,  p.  600. 

Maximus  Valerius,  p.  374. 

Medici,  Catherine  dei,  p.  101. 

Medici,  Lorenzo  dei,  p.  238, 
p.  285,  p.  292,  p.  293,  note  1. 

Melancthon,  p.  47. 

Meleager,  p.  310,  note  1. 

Menander,  p.  384. 

Meriin,  Jean-Raymond,  p. 
73,  p.  95,  p.  525. 

Mermet,  p.  54,  note  3. 

Mesmes,  Jean  Pierre  de,  p. 
198. 

Meugnier,  F.,  p.  69,  note  2. 

Michel  de  la  Rochemaillet, 
Gabriel,  p.  220. 

Michel  de  la  Rochemaillet, 
Rene,  p.  2,  p.  220,, note  1. 

Miltiades,  p.  365. 


Molans,  Madame  de,  p.  59,  p. 

525. 
Mongaillard,  le  Capitaine,  p. 

525. 
Montaiglon,  p.  VI,  p.   188,  p. 

431,   p.   438,   p.   465. 
Montausier,  due  de,  c/.  Saint 

Maur. 
More,  Sir  Thomas,  p.  150,  note 

1. 
Mor6ri,  Louis,  p.  XI,  p.  61, 

note  2,  p.  83,  note  3,  p.  105, 

note  2,  p.  201,  note  3,  p.  216, 

note  3. 
Moses,  p.  383,  p.  585. 
Mosnier,    Foucaud,    p.    5,    p. 

228,  p.  525. 
Mouchet,  c/.  Du  Mouchet. 
Moulin,  c/.  Du  Moulin. 
Moynet,  Geoffroi  and  Jean,  p. 

191. 
Mulet,    Edmond,    pp.    85    et 

seq. 
Mulet,    Theodore,    pp.    85   et 

seq.,  p.  133,  pp.  142  et  seq., 

p.  162,  p.  494. 
Muses,  The,  pp.  305-306,  p. 

309,  note  1. 
Musonius,  p.  366,  p.  370. 
Myro,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Myrtis,  p.  378,  note  1. 

Navarre,  cf.  Marguerite. 
Nero,  p.  366. 

Nerva,  Emperor,  p.  377,  note  5. 
Niceron,  J.  P.,  p.  XI,  p.  2,  p. 

17,  note  4. 
Nicostrates,  p.  385. 
Nicquet,  Honorat,  p.  6,  note  1, 

p.  201,  note  4. 
Nisard,  p.  382,  note  2. 
Nolhac,    Pierre    de,    p.     192, 

note  6. 
Normandius,  p.  32. 


INDEX 


657 


Nossa,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Nuilly,    Mile,   de,   p.   294,    p. 
525. 

Obadiah,   p.   366,    note  2,    p. 

384. 
Odde,     Edmond,     de    Triors, 

p.    73,    p.    241,    note   4,    p. 

525. 
Olivier,    Francois,   p.    190,   p. 

201. 
Olivier,  Gaston,  p.  201,  p.  207, 

p.  210,  pp.  583-586. 
Oraison,  Catherine  d',  p.  55, 

note  2. 
Orchus,  p.  366,  note  2. 
Orestes,  p.  377,  note  1,  p.  401. 
Origen,  p.  384,  p.  585. 
Orleans,  Magdeleine  d',  p.  37. 
Oulment,     Charies,     p.     102, 

note  3. 
Ovid,  p.  99,  p.  228,  p.  376  and 

note  1. 

Pac,  c/.  Du  Pac. 

Page,  C.  H.,  p.  421,  note  3. 

Pagnini,     Sanctes,     p.    94,    p. 

95. 
Palaemon,  p.  366. 
Pallas,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Pannier,  L.,  p.  403,  note  1. 
Papillon,  Almaque,  p.  263,  p. 

314,  p.  355,  p.  614. 
Paschal,  Pierre,  p.  60,  p.  217, 

P-  587. 
Pasquier,     Etienne,      p.     219, 

p.  232,  note  2,  p.  241,  note 

1,  p.  311,  note  1. 
Patroclus,  p.  366  and  note  2. 
Paul,    Saint,   p.    179,    p.    365, 

p.    379,   note   3,   p.   380,   p. 

383,  p.  384,  p.  385,  p.  418, 

p.  504,  p.  571. 
Pausanius,  p.  228. 
20 


Pelletier,  Jacques,  p.  219,  note 

3,  p.  315. 
Pelletier,  Jean,  p.   191,  p.  230, 

note  3,  p.  559. 
Perault,  c/.  Du  Perault. 
Pernetti,  I'Abb^,  p.  101,  note 

1,   p.    104,   note  4,  p.   105, 

note  2. 
Perron,  c/.  Pierrevive. 
Persius,  p.  367. 
Peter,   Saint,  p.  207,  p.  208, 

note  3,   p.  383,  p.  502,   p. 

571. 
Petit,    Jean,    p.    232,    p.   304, 

note  1,  p.  305. 
Petrarch,  p.    196,  note  1,  pp. 

261  et  seq.,  p.  268,  p.  269  and 

note  4,  p.  270  and  note  1,  p. 

271,  p.  272,  p.  275,  note  1, 

p.  276,  notes  1,  3,  p.  279, 

p.  280,  note   1,   p.  283,   p. 

284,  p.  286,  p.  287,  and  note 

1,  p.  288,  p.  289,  p.  291,  p. 

294,  p.  295,  p.  301,  p.  302, 

p.   305,   p.   321,   p.   353,   p. 

451,  p.  535,  p.  559. 
Peyret,  Jean  de,  p.  96,  p.  97. 
Pharaoh,  p.  503. 
Phidias,  p.  385. 
Philieul,     Vasquin,     p.     230, 

note  3. 
Philo,  p.  29. 
Picart,    Francois    le,    p.    309, 

note  1. 
Picot,    Emile,   p.   61,   note  4, 

p.  71,  note  1,  p.  107,  note  3, 

p.  523,  note  1. 
Picrochole,  p.  4. 
Pierrevive,       Marie-Catherine 

de,  pp.  Id  et  seq.,  p.  525. 
Pillosii,   Jacques,   p.   75,   note 

3. 
Pilotelle,    E.,    p.    13,    note   2, 

p.   14,  note  4. 


658 


INDEX 


Pisselieu,  Anne  de,  c/.  Etampes. 

Pitrel,  Thomon,  p.  241,  note 
4,  p.  526. 

Plato,  p.  227,  pp.  303-30S 
p.  316,  p.  323,  p.  324,  p 
347,  p.  361,  p.  362,  p.  365,  p 
366  and  note  2,  p.  367,  p 
369,  p.  370,  p.  371,  p.  373 
note  1,  p.  374,  note  4,  p 
378,  p.  381,  note  3,  p.  382 
p.  383,  p.  384,  pp.  385-402 
p.  414,  p.  423,  p.  424,  p 
509. 

Plethon,  c/.  Gemistus. 

Pliny,  p.  208,  pp.  402-405, 
p.  403,  note  1,  p.  456,  p. 
460,  note  1,  p.  501,  note  1, 
p.  569,  notes  1,  2,  p.  570, 
note  1,  p.  571,  notes  1,  2,  p. 
573,  note  1,  p.  585. 

Plutarch,  p.  228,  p.  364,  p. 
365,  p.  376,  p.  385,  p. 
418. 

PoUio,  p.  366. 

Polymnestor,  p.  366  and  note 
2. 

Pontanus,  p.  271. 

Pontoise,  Gabriel  de,  p.  31, 
p.  526,  p.  532. 

Port,  cf.  Du  Port. 

Porte-Freyne,  Capitaine  de, 
p.  75,  note  3. 

Portia,  p.  368,  p.  375,  note 
2. 

Postel,  Guillaume,  p.  19. 
Praxilla,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Prevost,  Jean,  p.  190. 
Proba,  p.  375,  note  2. 
Proclus,  p.  304,  note  1. 
Ptolemy,  p.  368. 
Puy,  cf.  Du  Puy. 
Puy-Herbault,  Gabriel,  p.  194, 

pp.  201  et  seq.,  p.  207,  note 

2,  p.  512. 


Pygmalion,  p.  366. 
Pythagoras,  p.  366,  p.  372. 

Quicherat,  p.  22,  note  1,  p.  24, 

note  1. 
Quintilian,  p.  587. 

Rabelais,  Francois,  p.  5,  p.  12 
p.  13,  note  4,  p.  31,  p.  104 
note  4,  p.  107,  note  4,  p.  177 
p.  201,  p.  202,  note  2,  pp, 
204  et  seq.,  p.  213,  p.  219,  p 
241,  note  4,  p.  249,  p.  306 
note  3,  p.  368,  p.  405,  pp 
416-427,   pp.   457-509- 

Rsemond,  Florimond  de,  p 
29,  note  1,  p.  30,  note  3,  p 
42,  note  1,  p.  77,  note  2,  p 
118,  note  1. 

Raynaud,  Jacques  de,  cf.  Alein. 

Regin,  p.  183. 

Regnier,  Lieutenant-Giniral,  at 
Poitiers,  p.  29. 

Regulus,  Marcus,  p.  367,  p. 
374,  note  4. 

Repellin,  Aymo,  p.  75,  note  3. 

Reynaud,  Claude,  p.  75,  note 
3. 

Roboam,  Jean,  p.  120,  p.  526, 
p.  529. 

Rochas,  p.  57,  note  2,  p.  73, 
note  2,  p.  92,  note  2. 

Rochemaillet,  cf.  Michel. 

Rocoules,  Francois  de  Galbert 
de,  p.  72,  note  1,  p.  89. 

Rocoules,  Jeanne  de,  p.  73, 
note  1,  p.  526. 

Roillet,  Nicolas,  p.  18,  p.  32, 
p.  36,  p.  603. 

Ronsard,  p.  92,  p.  192,  p.  197, 
p.  198,  p.  199,  p.  200,  p.  213, 
p.  219,  p.  223,  p.  232,  note 
3,  p.  280,  p.  301,  p.  512,  p. 
547,  p.  559. 


ESTDEX 


659 


Rouill6,  p.  191. 

Roulletus,  Nicolas,  cf.  Roillet. 
Rouxal,  Jullien,  p.  216. 
Rouxal,    Rene,    Sieur   de   Ba- 

ville,  p.  216. 
Ruble,   Alphonse  de,   p.    173, 

note   1,  p.    174,   note  3,   p. 

184,  note  3. 
Rus,  Jean,  p.  313. 
Rutilius,  p.  383. 

Sadolet,  Cardinal,  p.  19,  p.  64, 
note  2,  p.  467. 

Saint-Ambroise,  cf.  Colin. 

Sainte-Beuve,  p.  236,  note  1. 

Saint-Gelais,  Melin  de,  p.  200, 
p.  219,  p.  230,  note  3,  p. 
235,  p.  241,  note  4,  p.  261, 
p.  263,  p.  264,  pp.  266-267, 
pp.  272  el  seq.,  p.  276,  notes 
1  and  2,  p.  277,  p.  281,  p. 
282,  p.  283,  p.  288,  note  3, 
p.  306  and  note  3,  p.  307, 
p.  310,  note  1,  p.  355,  p. 
512,  p.  535,  p.  541,  p.  558, 
p.  565. 

Saint-Jean,  Michel  de,  p.  62, 
p.  526. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Charles  de. 
Spelling  and  punctuation  of, 
p.  VI;  Ancestry,  p.  1; 
Arms  of,  p.  2;  Birth,  p.  3; 
Boyhood,  pp.  7-9;  Edu- 
cation, pp.  9-15;  Teaching 
at  Bordeaux,  pp.  16-24; 
Wanderings  in  Guyenne, 
pp.  24-26;  Return  home, 
pp.  26-28;  Interest  in  "Re- 
form" at  Poitiers,  pp.  28- 
33;  Doctorate,  p.  34;  Cor- 
respondence with  Breton, 
pp.  35-36;  Regius  Profes- 
sor at  Poitiers,  p.  37;  In- 
terview with  the  King  and 


Queen  of  Navarre,  pp.  37 
and  49-50;  Letter  to  Calvin, 
pp.  40-44;  Correspondence 
with  Breton  continued,  pp. 
47-52 ;  Fortunate  situ- 
ation at  Poitiers,  p.  49; 
Departure  from  Poitiers,  p. 
53;  Travels  and  acquain- 
tances in  Dauphin6,  Pro- 
vence, and  Languedoc,  pp. 
54-69;  Love  affair  at  Aries, 
p.  67;  Letter  from  Arlier, 
pp.  71  et  seq.;  Residence, 
at  Romans,  pp.  72-79; 
Application  to  Grenoble,  p. 
75 ;  Journey  with  the  Queen 
of  Navarre,  pp.  80-82; 
First  persecution  at  Gre- 
noble, pp.  84-89;  Letter 
from  Faucher,  pp.  89-92; 
Release  from  Grenoble,  p. 
92;  Appointment  to  Col- 
lege de  la  Trinite  at  Ly- 
ons, p.  93;  Friends  at  Ly- 
ons, pp.  98-109;  attacked 
by  Sussan6e,  pp.  110- 
112;  Rondeau  to  the 
printers,  p.  112;  Plan  for 
the  college  presented  to 
the  Town  Council  by,  p. 
115;  Relations  with  Aneau, 
pp.  115-117;  Publication 
of  Poesie  Frangoise,  p.  118; 
Analysis  of  P.  F.,  pp.  228- 
230;  Correspondence  with 
Saint-Maur,  pp.  119-120; 
Theological  views  of,  pp. 
121-126,  152-159;  Depar- 
ture from  Lyons,  Arrival  at 
Geneva,  p.  127;  Situation 
at  Geneva,  pp.  129-130; 
Return  to  Grenoble,  p.  130; 
Persecution  at  Grenoble, 
pp.    132-135;     Second   im- 


660 


INDEX 


prisonment  at  Grenoble,  pp. 
139-148;  Letter  to  Dufour, 
pp.  148-152;  Release  from 
prison,  pp.  159-160;  Return 
to  Lyons,  p.  161;  Publica- 
tion of  the  Paraphrases, 
p.  161;  Service  with  the 
Duchess  of  Beaumont,  pp. 
163-172;  Appointment  as 
Procureur  General  for  the 
Duchess,  p.  164;  Appoint- 
ment as  Maitre  des  Requites 
to  the  Queen  of  Navarre  and 
as  Ldeutenant  Criminel  of 
Alenpon,  pp.  172-176;  De- 
scription of  the  Queen  of 
Navarre,  pp.  176-186;  Com- 
position of  Funeral  Oration 
on  Queen  of  Navarre,  p.  187; 
Connections  in  her  house- 
hold, p.  190;  Publication  of 
Funeral  Oration,  p.  191; 
Marriage,  p.  193;  Compli- 
ment from  Habert,  p.  195; 
Scattered  poems,  pp.  196- 
197  ;  Acquaintance  with 
Ronsard,  p.  197;  Reconcilia- 
tion with  family,  p.  200; 
Journey  to  Paris,  p.  200; 
Publication  of  the  Medita- 
tion on  the  90th  Psalm,  p. 
200;  Letters  of  Puy-Her- 
bault,  pp.  201-203;  Intel- 
lectual position  in  1550,  pp. 
206-210;  Presence  at  death 
of  Duchess  of  Beaumont,  p. 
210;  Funeral  Oration  on  the 
Duchess,  p.  211;  Return  to 
Alencon,  p.  212;  Connection 
with  Antoine  de  Bourbon, 
pp.  212-214;  Official  Pro- 
cedure, pp.  214-215;  Death, 
p.  216;  Reputation,  pp. 
217-219;  Portrait,  p.  220;  A 


Forerunner  of  the  Pl^iade, 
pp.  222-224;  Translation  of 
Theocritus,  p.  225;  Clas- 
sical learning,  pp.  227- 
228;  Imitation  of  Marot, 
pp.  230-252;  Imitation  of 
Martial,  pp.  246-249;  Im- 
itation of  Rabelais,  p.  249; 
Quoted  by  Du  Verdier,  p. 
250;  Poems  on  Dolet's 
Maniere  de  bien  traduire,  pp. 
252-258;  Anticipation  of 
Du  Bellay,  p.  257;  Dolet's 
judgment  of,  p.  258; 
Theories  on  Rhyme  and 
Grammar,  p.  259;  Petrarch- 
ism  through  Marot,  Saint- 
Gelais,  and  Salel,  pp.  259, 
272-282;  Direct  imitations 
of  Petrarch  and  Italian  Pe- 
trarchists,  pp.  283-297;  List 
of  Poets  of  his  time,  pp. 
305-306;  Platonism  of,  pp. 
316-323,  385-402;  In- 
fluenced by  Marguerite  of 
Navarre,  pp.  323-347;  Com- 
parison with  Maurice  Sc^ve, 
pp.  348-358;  Dixains,  pp. 
355-366;  Quality  of  his 
verse,  pp.  356-359;  Funeral 
Orations,  pp.  360  et  seq.; 
Classical  tendencies,  pp. 
361-369;  Debt  to  Stobffius, 
pp.  369-375;  Probable  first 
hand  acquaintance  with  clas- 
sics, pp.  375-379;  Sincere 
Christianity  of,  pp.  378- 
381;  Attempt  to  combine 
Christian  and  Pagan  Plii- 
losophy,  pp.  381-385;  Debt 
to  Pliny,  pp.  402-406;  Pic- 
tures of  his  times,  pp.  406- 
414,  457-462;  Views  on  the 
Woman  Question,  pp.  414- 


INDEX 


661 


420;  SjTupathy  with  Ra- 
belais, pp.  416—427;  Views 
on  Education,  pp.  420- 
422 ;  Stylistically  unin- 
fluenced by  Calvin  and 
Marguerite  of  Navarre,  pp. 
428-430 ;  Descriptive  Power, 
pp.  430  et  seq.  and  494-495; 
Account  of  journey  of  Queen 
of  Navarre,  pp.  431-436; 
Oratorical  gifts,  pp.  437- 
444,  495-498;  Gifts  of 
Style,  pp.  444-447,  505- 
606;  Latin  Works,  pp.  448 
et  seq.;  Theology  of,  pp. 
448-450;  Asceticism  of,  p. 
450;  Classicism  of  Latin 
Orations,  pp.  454-456;  Lat- 
inity  of,  pp.  464-467; 
Method  in  Paraphrase  of 
the  Seventh  Psalm,  pp. 
468-473;  in  Paraphrase  of 
Thirty-third  Psalm,  pp. 
475-479;  in  Meditation  on 
Ninetieth  Psalm,  pp.  481- 
488;  Philosophy  of,  pp. 
489-493;  Weakness  of,  p. 
493;  Mediae valism  of,  p. 
498;  Preciosity  of,  pp.  499- 
608;  Contemplated  works 
of,  p.  507,  note  1;  General 
estimate  of,  pp.  508-514; 
Life  of,  by  Sc6vole  de 
Sainte-Marthe,  pp.  515- 
516;  Colletet's  translation 
of  life  of,  p.  516;  Selections 
from  poems,  pp.  529-562; 
Dedications  and  Prefaces 
of,  pp.  562-589;  Agreement 
with  Tartas,  pp.  589-590; 
Deed  appointing  Sainte- 
Marthe  Procurer  GSnSral, 
pp.  590-593;  Brief  of,  pp. 
693-600;  Letters  addressed 


to,  pp.  600-607;  Verses  ad- 
dressed to,   pp.   607-610. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Gaucher  de, 
pp.  2-5,  p.  9,  p.  28,  p.  68, 
note  1,  pp.  119  et  seq.,  p. 
213,  p.  241,  note  4,  p.  252, 
p.  527,  p.  601. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Jacques  de, 
p.  ID,  p.  12,  note  1,  pp. 
515-518. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Jean  de,  p. 
32,  p.  527,  p.  532. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Louis  de  (I), 
p.  1. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Louis  de  (II), 
Brother  of  Charles,  p.  g, 
p.  27,  p.  88,  note  1,  p.  193, 
p.  200,  p.  527,  p.  601. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Louise  de,  p. 
31. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Ren6  de,  p.  27, 
p.  193,  p.  200,  p.  601. 

Sainte-Marthe,  Sc6vole  de,  p. 
XI,  p.  10,  p.  47,  p.  175. 
note  2,  p.  188,  p.  216,  p. 
221,  p.  241,  note  4,  p.  447, 
p.  515,  p.  549. 

Saint-Martin,  Louis  de,  p. 
62,  p.  68,  p.  526. 

Saint-Maur,  L6on  de,  due  de 
Montausier,  p.  54,  p.  61, 
p.  88,  p.  93,  p.  109,  p.  118, 
pp.  119  et  seq.,  p.  122,  note 
3,  p.  126,  p.  139,  note  2, 
p.  525,  p.  529,  pp.  600-601. 

Saint-Remy,  Louis  de,  p.  70, 
p.  241,  note  4,  p.  526. 

Saint-Romans,  p.  69,  p.  89, 
p.   526. 

Sal  el,  Hugues,  p.  120,  note  4, 
p.  196,  note  1,  p.  219,  p. 
241,  p.  264,  p.  268,  note  2, 
pp.  269-272,  pp.  273  et  seq., 
p.  277,  p.  279,  p.  306  and 


662 


INDEX 


note  3,   p.   312,  p.   355,   p. 

358,  p.  446,  p.  527,  p.  542, 

p.  558. 
Saleranus,  p.  366,  note  2. 
San  Martino,  p.  23,  note  2. 
Sannazaro,    Jacopo,    p.    263, 

p.  267  and  note  2,  p.  311, 

note  4. 
Sappho,  p.  375,  note  2,  p.  378, 

note  1. 
Saul,  p.  578. 

Saunier,   Antoine,   p.    129. 
Sauvage,  Denys,  p.  303,  note  1 . 
Savoie,   Louise  de,   p.   37,   p. 

180,  p.  364. 
Savonarola,  150,  note  1. 
Scaliger,  J.  C,  p.  17,  note  3, 

p.  19. 
Scfeve,    Claudine,    p.    lOO,    p. 

102,   p.   109,  p.  527. 
Scdve,  Maurice,  p.  X,  p.  54, 

note    2,    p.    98,   pp.    99    et 

seq.,    p.     120,    p.    217,    p. 

219,  p.  230,  note  3,  p.  232, 

note  2,   p.   283,  note  3,  p. 

306  and  note  3,  p.  308,  p. 

311,  note  4,  p.  327,  p.  347, 

PP-  348-355.  p.  356,  p.  512, 

p.   527,   p.   529,   p.   535,   p. 

541,  p.  565. 
Scdve,  Sybille,  p.  102. 
Schyron,   Jean   (Scuronis),   p. 

183,  p.  407,  note  1. 
Scotus,    Johannes   Duns    (Es- 

cot),  p.  248,  note  1,  p.  249. 
Scuronis,  c/.  Schyron. 
Seneca,  p.  366,  p.  372,  p.  384. 
Seraphino,  c/.  Aquila. 
Sernandi,  Jean,  p.  75,  note  3. 
Seymour,  Anne,  Margaret  and 

Jane,  p.  198,  p.  557. 
Shimei,  p.  572. 
Sibilet,    Thomas,    p.    219,    p. 

230,  note  3,  p.  306,  note  3. 


Silly,  Ren6  de,  p.  190. 
Simon,  I'AbW,  p.  213,  note  1. 
Simonides,  p.  378. 
Socrates,  p.  366,  p.  369,  note 

2,  p.  371,  p.  372,  p.  383,  p. 

384,  p.  388,  note  2,  p.  394, 

p.  423,  p.  562. 
Solomon,   p.   379,   note   3,   p. 

383,  p.  502. 
Sopater,  p.  374,  p.  378,  note 

1,  p.  383. 
Sophia,  p.  383. 
Sophocles,  p.  369. 
Sotades,  p.  369. 
Spertus,  p.  367. 
Sterpin,  cf.  Esterpin. 
Stobseus,    p.    228,    pp.    369- 

374,  p.  377,  p.  388,  note  2, 

p.  391,  note  1. 
Strabo,  p.  228. 
Sturm,  John,    p.    47,    note    1, 

p.  136. 
Suetonius,  p.  365,  p.  376. 
Suidas,  p.  377. 
Sussan6e,     Hubert,     pp.     no 

et  seq.,  p.  193. 
Symphrosia,  p.  383. 

Tagliacame,    Benoft,    p.    261, 

note  3,  p.  262. 
Tahureau,  Jacques,  p.  219. 
Tantalus,    p.    377,   note    1,    p. 

401. 
Tardivon,    Andr6,    p.    72,    p. 

89,  note  2,  p.  241,  note  4, 

p.  527. 
Tardivon,  Exui)6re,  p.  72,  note 

1. 
Tardivon,    Guillaume,    p.    72, 

note  1. 
Tartas,  Jean  de,  p.    10,  note 

2,  p.  16,  p.  20,  p.  21,  p.  22, 
p.  110,  note  1,  pp.  589  et 
seq. 


INDEX 


663 


Tebaldeo,    Antonio,    p.    265, 

p.  280,  note  2. 
Telesila,  p.  378,  note  1. 
Tertullian.  p.  384. 
Teste,  Jean,  p.  593,  p.  594. 
Teste,  Julian,  pp.  214  et  seq. 
Teyve,  Jacques  de,  p.  23. 
Themistius,  p.  369. 
Themistocles,  p.  365,  p.  378, 

note  1. 
Theocritus,    p.    225,    p.    228, 

p.  507,  note  1,  p.  563. 
Theophylactus,  p.  183. 
Theotimus,  p.  202,  p.  204. 
Theseus,  p.  365. 
Thessalonica,     p.     378,     note 

1. 
Thibaudeau,  p.  13,  note  2. 
Thom6,  Nicdlas  L6onique,  p. 

196,  p.  314,  note  4,  p.  355. 
Thorel,  Abraham,  p.  191. 
Thou,  de,  p.  23,  note  3,  p.  24, 

note  1,  p.  187,  note  2,  pp. 

217  et  seq. 
Thyard,    Pontus    de,    p.    219, 

p.  223,  note  3,  p.  230,  note 

3,  p.  303,  note  1. 
Tiberius,  p.  366. 
TiUey,  A.,  p.  IX,  note  1,  p.  11, 

note  6,   p.  2.30,   note  3,  p. 

235,  note  3,  p.  251,  note  1, 

p.  252,  note  1,  p.  310,  note 

1. 
Tolet,   Pierre,   p.   54,   note  2, 

pp.  104  et  seq.,  p.  120,   p. 

232,  note  2,  p.  297,  note  1, 

p.   320,   p.   337,   note  4,   p. 

342,  p.  527,  p.  529. 
Tory,  Geoffrey,  p.  251. 
Tournon,  Cardinal  de,  p.  96, 

p.  97. 
Trajan,  p.  376,  note  2. 
Trincavelli,    p.    228,    note    2, 

p.  369,  note  2. 


Trivulce,  Theodore  and  Pom- 
pone  de,  p.  96,  p.  97. 

Tronchet,  Bonaventure  du, 
p.  220. 

Truchon,  p.  191. 

Tussaint,  Jacques,  p.  217. 

Tyrius,  Maximus,  p.  365,  p. 
369,  p.  377. 

Ulysses,  p.  307,  note  4. 
Utenhove,  Charles,  p.  92,  note 

3. 
Uvidius,  p.  366,  note  2. 

Vace,  p.  104,  note  4. 
Vaganay,     Hugues,     p.     230, 

note  3. 
Val,  cf.  Du  Val. 
Valentinian,  p.  366. 
Valla,  Laurentius,  p.  452. 
Vallon,  Jacques,  p.  528. 
Vatable,    Francois,    p.    94,   p. 

217. 
Vauzelles,     Matthieu    de,    p. 

100. 
Vendome,  cf.  Alen^on,  and  cf. 

Bourbon. 
"Vendome,    Moyne    de,"    p. 

306,  note  3. 
Verdier,  cf.  Du  Verdier. 
Verdonnay,  Jean,  p.  75,  note  3. 
Veriust,  Frangois,  pp.   106  et 

seq.,  p.  528. 
Verjust,  Thomas    Comte,  dit, 

p.  106,  note  3. 
Vernou,  p.  30,  note  4. 
Vespasian,  p.  366  and  note  2, 

p.  376,  note  2. 
Vianey,    Joseph,    pp.    265    et 

seq.,  p.  353,  note  1. 
Villedieu,    Alexandre    de,    p. 

111.  . 
Villeneuve,  A.  de,  p.  53,  p.  120, 

p.  529. 


664 


INDEX 


ViUiers,  p.  107,  p.  528. 
Vindry,  Fleury,  cf .  Fleury. 
VioUet-le-duc,  p.  XII. 
Viret,  Pierre,  pp.  127  el  seq., 

p.  130,  p.  131,  p.  139,  note 

2. 
Virgil,  p.  99,  p.  367,  p.  376, 

p.  610. 
Visagier,   Jean,    de  Vendi,   cf. 

Vulteius. 
Voizard,  Eugene,  p.  241,  note 

4. 
Voltaire,  p.  2. 
Vulteius,  p.  XII,    p.    17    and 

note  5,  p.  18,  p.  21,  p.  22, 

p.  26,  pp.  48-49,  p.  64,  note 

2,  p.   108,  p.  610. 


Weiss,   N.,  p.  22,   note  2,   p. 

23,  note  1. 
Wolmar,  Melchior,  p.  114. 
Wyatt,  Thomas,  p.  267. 

Xantippe,  p.  375,  note  1,  p. 
384,  note  2. 

Xenophon,  p.  11,  note  6,  p. 
364,  p.  365,  p.  367,  p.  370, 
p.  371,  p.  372,  p.  373,  note  1. 

Zebedee,  Andre,  pp.  19  et  seq., 
p.  22,  p.  52,  p.  127  and  note 
3,  p.  605. 

Zedekiah,  p.  471. 

Zoilus,  p.  366,  p.  375,  note  1. 


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